#mises

[meli-r]

Some leftists believe that the communist world would function well if "good people" were in charge of it. They fail to realize that, by definition, good people do not want to control the lives of others.

Ludwig von Mises

[thefreethoughtprojectcom]

Neither candidate knows how to deal with stagflation. Instead, they call for more government intervention will only make life much more difficult for most Americans.

Read More: https://thefreethoughtproject.com/money/the-great-retreat-how-trump-and-harris-are-looking-backward

#TheFreeThoughtProject

[theanarchistscookbook]

[rednblacksalamander]

MAGAssimilation nearly complete. Fascists saw the LP split the vote in 2020 and decided that would NEVER happen again.

[conza]

Economic knowledge necessarily leads to liberalism. On the one hand, it demonstrates that there are only two possi­bilities for the property problem of a society based on the division of labor: private property or public property in the means of production. The so-called middle of the road of “regulated” property is either illogical, because it does not lead to the intended goal and accomplishes nothing but a disruption of the capitalistic production process, or it must lead to complete socialization of the means of production. On the other hand, it demonstrates what has been perceived clearly only recently, that a society based on public property is not viable because it does not permit monetary calculation and thus rational economic action. Therefore, economic knowledge is blocking the way to socialistic and syndicalis­tic ideologies that prevail all over the world. And this ex­plains the war that is waged everywhere against economics and economists. _______________

Ludwig von Mises

[kramlabs]

Books that will forever change your worldview

[nicklloydnow]

“The years passed, and the fog lifted, and what had been accomplished could be seen clearly. What had looked like chaos, insanity, self-destruction, the concatenation of unfortunate circumstances, the events whose mysterious, tragic meaninglessness had driven people mad, became recognizable step by step as the clear, precise, obvious attributes of the new life.

The fate of the generation of the Revolution was revealed in a new light, logically, without mysticism. Only now did Ivan Grigoryevich begin to grasp that new national destiny which had risen from the bones of the annihilated generation.

That Bolshevik generation of the Civil War period had been formed in the days of the Revolution; where the concept of the "World Commune" held absolute sway; in the midst of the hungry and inspired subbotniki. It took unto itself the heritage of World War and Civil War—destruction, famine, typhus, anarchy, rampant crime. Through Lenin's lips it proclaimed the existence of a Party that could set Russia on a new path. Without hesitation it accepted as its inheritance centuries of Russian tyranny, throughout which generations had been born and had died knowing one right only—"serf right," the right of the master over the serf.

Under Lenin's leadership that Bolshevik generation had taken part in the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and the destruction of those democratic revolutionary parties which had struggled against Russian absolutism.

That Bolshevik generation of the Civil War did not believe in freedom of the individual, freedom of speech, freedom of the press - not in the context of bourgeois Russia. Like Lenin, it regarded as nonsense, as nothing, those freedoms of which many revolutionary workers and intellectuals had dreamed.

The young state crushed the democratic parties, clearing the path for Soviet construction. And by the end of the twenties, those parties were completely liquidated, and the people imprisoned under the Czar had been returned to prison and sent off to hard labor. And then, in 1930, the ax of the total collectivization of agriculture fell. And soon the ax fell again, this time on the Bolshevik generation of the Civil War. Only a small fraction of it survived—and its soul, at any rate its faith in the "World Commune," its revolutionary, romantic strength, departed with those who perished in 1937. The ones who survived made their adjustment to the new times, to the new people.

And the new people did not believe in the Revolution. They were not children of the Revolution. They were the children of the state the Revolution had created.

The new state did not require holy apostles, fanatic, inspired builders, faithful, devout disciples. The new state did not even require servants—just clerks. One of the state's concerns, in fact, was that its clerks so often turned out to be very petty indeed, and cheating, thieving types to boot.

Terror and dictatorship swallowed up those who had created them. And the state, intended as the means to an end, itself turned out to be the end. The people who created it had conceived of it as a means to the realization of their ideals. But it turned out that their dreams, their ideals, were merely a means, a tool, of the great and dread state. Instead of being a servant, as it was meant to be, the state had become a grim tyrant.

The people weren't the ones who needed the terror of 1919, who destroyed freedom of speech and of the press, who required the death of millions of peasants—for the peasants made up the largest segment of the people. It was not the people who in 1937 needed prisons and camps crammed to overflowing, who needed the ruinous resettlement in the taiga of the Crimean Tatars, the Kalmyks, the Balkars, the Russified Bulgarians and Greeks, the Chechens, and the Volga Germans. Nor were the people the ones who destroyed the freedom to plant and sow as one pleased and the workers' right to strike. Nor was it the people who heaped up all those monstrous taxes and surtaxes and levies on the production cost of consumer goods.

The state had become the master. What had been envisioned as national in form had become national in content; it had become the essence. And the socialist element, which had been envisaged as the content, had been forced out, reduced to mere phraseology, mere external form, a shell. And it was with tragic clarity that the sacred law of all life defined itself: freedom of the individual human being is higher than anything else, and there is no goal, no purpose in the world, for which it may be sacrificed.” - Vasily Grossman, ‘Forever Flowing’ (1972) [p. 191 - 194]

[aronarchy]

Ha!

[leiabomsenso]

Sob o capitalismo todo mundo é o arquiteto de sua própria fortuna.

Ludwig von Mises

[meli-r]

What pushes the masses into the camp of socialism is, even more than the illusion that socialism will make them richer, the expectation that it will curb all those who are better than they themselves are.

Ludwig von Mises

[thefreethoughtprojectcom]

We covered so much ground on this episode and discussed the spark of hope that is Javier Milei, the CBDC trojan horse, the fallout of the dollar and ended on a positive not discussing insightful solutions and the power of individual action.

Listen Here: https://thefreethoughtproject.com/podcast/podcast-tho-bishop-brics-33t-national-debt-and-javier-mileis-anarcho-revolution

[barbarian15]

"For years, I never really understood this scene.

Thulsa Doom’s answer to the riddle didn’t jive with my teenage mind. Power is brainwashing soft-headed hippies and convincing them to jump off rocks? The answer seemed absurd, or at least incomplete.

It was not until many years later, while studying Ludwig von Mises’ text Human Action, that Thulsa Doom’s answer made complete sense to me. Mises, like Thulsa Doom, understood that power comes from action, and ideas are what drive human action.

“Ideologies have might over men,” Mises wrote. “Might is the faculty or power of directing actions.”

When Thulsa Doom, with a mere word, beckens a beautiful young woman to throw herself from a cliff, he’s showing Conan his power, or what Mises called “might.”

“Might is the power to direct,” Mises wrote. That power, Mises understood, stems not from swords or “steel,” but ideas.

“He who is mighty, owes his might to an ideology. Only ideologies can convey to a man the power to influence other people's choices and conduct. One can become a leader only if one is supported by an ideology which makes other people tractable and accommodating. Might is thus not a physical and tangible thing, but a moral and spiritual phenomenon.”

This is what Thulsa Doom meant when he says it’s not steel that’s strong, but flesh. The person who can use ideas to command people is a person who has true power, true might.

Unlike Thulsa Doom, Mises of course saw power as a dangerous and corrupting force, which is why he opposed concentrating might in the most powerful, and deadly institution in modern history: the state."

[conza]

“Once the principle is admitted that it is the duty of the government to protect the individual against his own foolishness, no serious objections can be advanced against further encroachments.… And why limit the government’s benevolent providence to the protection of the individual’s body only? Is not the harm a man can inflict on his mind and soul even more disastrous than any bodily evils? Why not prevent him from reading bad books and seeing bad plays, from looking at bad paintings and statues and from hearing bad music?” — Ludwig von Mises

[not-very-kawaii-of-you]

Their economists

[adribosch-fan]

No, la "ciencia" no ha demostrado que Mises estuviera equivocado sobre el socialismo

Benjamín Williams En respuesta a las muchas deficiencias de la Unión Soviética, la China de Mao Zedong y Venezuela, el estribillo “No era socialismo real” ha surgido como un grito de guerra entre los apologistas del socialismo. Algunos admiten fácilmente los fracasos de estos regímenes y los atribuyen al capitalismo más que al socialismo. Algunos se niegan a reconocer el fracaso; ven estos…