#middle rhine valley

[innocens]

"why wait / to say / at least i did it my way." por lina zelonka Via Flickr: bacharach (rheinland-pfalz, germany) *** instagram / tumblr

[wgm-beautiful-world]

Hostel Burg Stahleck - DEUTSCHLAND

[magnetothemagnificent]

Apologies if this questions sounds stupid or ignorant, but I'm genuinely trying to educate myself. Can Jews be Jewish *and* a different race, so does a Jewish identity supersede another racial identity? Just wondering because a lot of Ashkenazi Jews I know (in real life or online) push back against the idea that they are white. I've heard European Jews say that they are not considered white, do not have white privilege, etc. so they are not white. But I've also seen a lot of Jews of color identify with both their Jewish identity and their "racial" identity (ravenreveals on Instagram explains how she identifies as Black *and* Jewish, and one of my friends identifies as an Asian Jew). So is there a reason many European (Ashkenazi?) Jews don't identify as white/identify as only Jewish? I'm sorry if this is offensive in any way, this isn't my intent :)

Sorry it took me so long to answer, I am swamped with asks haha

Yes, it's possible to be Jewish and a different race, as Judaism isn't a race, but an ethnoreligion, or even better described as a tribal nation.

Now, first I'm going to push back on you equating European with Ashkenazi. Ashkenazi is a specific term referring to Jews whose ancestors settled in the Rhine valley after the Roman expulsion from Judea. Many of these Jews eventually migrated eastward to Eastern Europe and Westward to British Isles, while others stayed in the Rhine valley region. But not all Jews whose ancestors settled in Europe are Ashkenazi.

There are Sephardi Jews, obviously, whose ancestors settled in the Iberian peninsula following the Roman expulsion, and then later migrated to North Africa, Northwestern Europe, Eastern Europe, and West Asia following the Spanish and Portugese inquistions.

There are also Italki Jews in Italy and Romaniote Jews in Greece, all of which are unique communities of Jews whose ancestors settled in Europe and who are not Ashkenazi.

Additionally, not all Ashkenazi Jews are racialized as white. Ashkenazi does not refer to your race, but rather who your ancestors are and/or what community traditions you follow. There are Ashkenazi Jews of every race.

The reason why lots of what-you-perceive-as-white Jews don't identify as white is because Judaism precedes the modern constructs of race (yes, race is a construct, not an immutable science) and because whiteness is highly subjective and fluid, just as non-whiteness is. Because race is a construct, which race a person is perceived as varies by where they are and by which people they are around.

Jewish "whiteness" is also conditional- and as Jews we don't like to leave ourselves vulnerable to shifting statuses. Jewish "white-passing-ness" can also be a tool of violence, either by denying the racial reality of antisemitism, or by being 'proof' that Jews are shape-shifting inflitrators of the white race. Hitler's Final Solution was total extermination precisely because he feared many Jews would pass as white and spread their Jewish blood among the Aryans, and so the total extermination of Jews was deemed as necessary, like one would exterminate a parasite.

This of course doesn't mean that no Jew has ever had access to the privilege afforded to whiteness. In the post-Holocaust era, many Jews have tried to successfully assimilate into whiteness to access even a little bit of privilege in order to protect themselves. I'm not going to lie and say that if I was pulled over at a traffic stop, my lighter complexion wouldn't give me more grace at the hands of the police officers than someone with darker skin would. Because yes, sometimes I am racialized as white and therefore access the privilege of whiteness.

But that doesn't mean I don't feel deeply uncomfortable when I'm filling out a form and the only options for race and even ethnicity are "white", "black", "hispanic", and "asian". Because while at the end of the day I'll check "white", it's only because I don't want to be accused of fraud (even though Middle Eastern or just Jewish would fit me better, but that's not an option). But that's just me. Some Jews are fine calling themselves "white Jews". Two Jews three opinions and all.

Someone introduced me to the phrase "racialized white/black/etc" a few years ago, and I think it makes much more sense. Because race is entirely dependent on perception and how others racialize you. I am not White, but sometimes I am racialized as white. Other times, I am racialized as "not-quite-white-but-we-don't-know-how-to-categorize-you-so-we're-just-going-to-try-and-guess-and-ask-wildly-invasive-questions".

At the end of the day, call Jews what they want to be called, and don't try and push labels on us. If a Jew doesn't want to be called white, don't call them white. Because race, ethnicity, religion, and all that is complicated, and Judaism predates all of that, so naturally Jews are going to have mixed feelings about it all.

[apenitentialprayer]

Joseph taking care of the Infant Christ while Mary studies Torah. Besançon Book of Hours, 15th Century.

German Christmas plays composed by and for devout laypeople in the late Middle Ages routinely portray Joseph as a man who performs tasks that contemporary audiences would have understood to be women's work. In effect, Joseph mothers the newborn Christ child. The scene of Joseph singing a lullaby and rocking the cradle of his infant foster-son first appeared in devotional practices before being taken up by medieval pictoral art and drama. [… These scenes] portray Joseph as a man who performs a number of tasks typically understood to be women's work. He tends the fire, offers refreshments to thirsty visitors, and provides childcare such as rocking the cradle, heating milk or porridge, bathing the baby, and singing him to sleep. The notion of Joseph as domestic caretaker is not limited to these performance practices; it became a common element in the iconography of late medieval Nativity scenes as well. A painted retable from the central Rhine valley dating from around 1410 and a woven antependium from the upper Rhine valley dating from 1501 depict the elderly Joseph cooking porridge for his wife and foster-child over an open fire, while a miniature in a lavishly decorated Book of Hours probably produced in Delft circa. 1415-1420 portrays him drying diapers before the hearth. A lengthy list of similar examples could be compiled at will.

- Stephen Wright ("Joseph as Mother, Jutta as Pope: Gender and Transgression in Medieval German Drama"). Bolded emphases added. Similar examples include:

the above photo, of course.

The Master of Hohenfurth's depiction of Joseph preparing a bath for the infant Christ, mid-14th century.

a 15th century Nativity miniature depicting Joseph cutting pieces of his clothes to make a diaper.

[covenawhite66]

In the 14th century, Arthurian festivities took place in cities along the Rhine Valley, from the Netherlands to northern France. In Britain, nobles organized roundtable reenactments of important Arthurian stories during special occasions in which participants would imitate and take the names of Arthur and his knights.

According to records a lot of people in Medieval times were named after characters in King Authur stories. This practice marked the beginning of a transition from a patrimonial system of naming to a liberal one in which the parents could choose their children’s names based on tastes, culture, religion, or other significance.

During the reign of the Plantagenet dynasty and after, English kings used Arthurian lore to promote their rule in two ways. They legitimized their reign by creating genealogies that began with Arthur and they tried to imitate the values that Arthur represented during the middles ages.

[shoukokunoaltairfans]

Battle of Asykavya ( 28/09/77 )

The Battle of Ashykavya took place on the 28th, Tuz 77th of the Turkish calendar, between the crusaders of the Balt Rhain and the Turks led by Tughril Mahmud Pasha. It is also known as the Battle of the Valley of the Volcanoes, due to the extinct volcanic forms in the nearby Ashkavya Valley. The Turkiye army under Mahmud Pasha captured or killed most of the Balt Rhain Crusaders, depriving them of the ability to fight. As a direct result of the battle, Turkiye became the leading military force in Rumeliana, conquering Phenicia and many other Crusader-held cities in Southern Rumeliana. This defeat precipitated the Battle of Muchever, which started 4 months after the Battle of Ashkavya. which then ended with a peace treaty between Turkiye - Balt Rhain through the Florence Agreement.

Background 

The development of balt Rhain and Turkiye's military power reversed towards the middle of the 77th year of the turkiye calendar. where there was a split in the body of the Balt Rhain army and the crusaders. due to the reckless policy of The Minister louis who ostracized them after contributing to assist him in conquering the entire sud region. as a result, the Crusaders rebelled. and Balt Rhain's army was forced to fight against his own allies. This division was further severed after the defeat of Balt Rhain's crusaders at Maritsa. The crusaders began to form their own groups and they began to attack the city controlled by balt rhain forces in sud. they took control of the city of Chielo, expelled the balt rhain garrison that stood guard there and made it their community. Crusaders also attacked Furullio and Phoenicia which ended in failure.

on the other hand, Turkiye managed to renew his armed forces, leading them to victory in Maritsa. Their navy led by Hamzah Pasha managed to dislodge genoa warships in the Sea of Marmara and Venedik. while the land expedition for the liberation of South Rumeliana led by Mahmud Pasha achieved success in capturing pozo, rozo, restos, cinza, letra, cantar, veletra, toro, marmuu, brezza, and collina from the hands of balt Rhain crusader forces. Turkiye's successive victories accompanied by the retreat of the crusader expedition prompted both Balt Rhain and crusaders to re-establish relations in order to fight the turkiye forces.

Siege of Furrulio

at the beginning of the biber month of 77 Turkiye Calendar, Mahmud Pasha commanded the largest army he commanded at Toro. He inspected his troops in the lowlands, before starting to cross the river Furullio on the 15th. The Turkiye troops numbered 80.000 soldiers. Mahmud Pasha also received unexpected assistance from the Toro cavalry who provided service to him numbering 20,000 soldiers. Mahmud's army was organized as a center and consisted of two wings. cavalry troops led by Hasan Ulubat. the left wing led by Syihabuddin syahin Pasha. Ishaq Pasha led the right flank troops. Mahmud himself led the central army accompanied by binbashi ahmad bey. while the artillery troops were led by Radu del Crumos.

The Crusaders gather at the Espada, their number is between 100 and 120 thousand troops. although this was a smaller number than the initial troop deployed since the start of the invasion of Sud Rumeliana, due to divisions among the crusader alliance forces. most of the troops mainly from Austria and Hungary withdrew from the conflict. most of the soldiers were from the Balt Rhine and its few generals, several thousand Italian troops, and Sicilian and Translvania troops who did not return because they were forced to fight with the empire. Major troop leader Richard Del Rein (commander of the Balt Rhein Troops). decided to wait for the Turkish troops. but several commanders from italy and sicily rejected the idea. They urged Richard to meet the Turks and launch a surprise attack while they were least aware.

On the other hand, Mahmud Pasha didn't want to waste his time just waiting for the imperial troops to come out of their nest. he mobilized his troops marched towards Furullio and laid siege to it on the 20th. news of Furullio's siege reached the imperial troops. both voices of opinion split. Richard still wouldn't move troops, as he was sure it was just a trap to trick him. but the majority of the generals actually urged him to move immediately, bearing in mind that Furullio's position was very close to Phoenicia which if this city fell, it would make it easier for the Turkish troops to conquer it. they didn't even hesitate to insult richard as a coward. After a heated debate, Richard was forced to give in. the crusaders left the Espada on the 23rd. when Mahmud learned that the movement of the crusaders was indeed towards Furullio, he immediately withdrew his troops and tried to lure them to the battlefield he wanted. The Crusaders arrived there two days later in empty Furullio. after the Turkiye troops left the siege of the city.

Battle 

25th, month of Tuz. the crusaders arrived at Furullio but found the surroundings of the town empty of the ruins of the fort because of the manjaniq and cannon shelling of the Turkiye Troops. they continued to be forced to move towards Mahmud's troops. here the conditions of the crusaders began to become tired and hopeless, due to the authoritarian actions of some generals and commanders of the crusader coalition, stubbornly trying to pursue the enemy troops.

On the 28th, the crusaders attempted to seize water and grass for their horses in the Ashkavya valley. but suddenly the Turkiye troops shouted and surrounded them from all sides. fighting broke out that night. The crusaders continued to demoralize the crusaders with shouts of takbir and prayers. they burned straw and hay and showered the Balt Rhine troops with cannon and arrows. destroy their ballistae before they are even used.

in a state of panic the crusaders tried to form formations and tried to retreat in an orderly manner. but Mahmud Pasha did not let that happen, he chased the enemy troops and finished off those who were left behind. the two armies once again met in the Almanac.

Richard's main force struggled in a desperate state to survive the attacks of the Turkiye troops, as well as the attacks of the heavy cavalry troops. Richard ordered the Turtle Formation, but soon Turkish artillery troops arrived and destroyed the formation with artillery fire. after that the charge of the Turkiye cavalry came crashing down. many of Richard's men died without much resistance and the wounded and alive fell as prisoners. while Richard himself was killed at the hands of Mahmud. the Balt Rhein troops scattered, most of those who survived fled in an uncertain direction, some of them made it to the espada in tatters and even unarmed.

The Balts of the Rhein and the crusaders were defeated. The explanation for this eye sanction is that Ilyas Bey (Ilyas bin Abdullah), a Janissary soldier, witnessed the moments of the victory of the Turkiye troops in the Almanac. Quoted by Sukrullah Celebi: 

"The general commander of the Balt Rhein troops stopped at the Almanac to finish their last resistance. The two armies attacked each other without mercy. While our commander (Mahmud Pasha) shouted, shoot the arrows at the demons!!!. Our cavalry archers!" advanced and fired their arrows while the enemy troops formed a phalanx. they could withstand our composite arrows, but not our gallant cannon fire. Their formation was broken and we continued to suppress and repel the enemy until Allah gave us victory."

Aftermath and Losses 

casualties between the two sides could not be ascertained. however the Balt Rhine and the crusaders lost nearly half of their forces in this battle. the commander of the captured Balt Rhein forces, namely Vermandois, and barron Michell (currently the one identified). Hugh Geoffrey of bohemia, hugh Austrian. commander of the german troops, plivilain batron, and Hugh Gibrael. as well as several commanders from Italy, and Hungary. Among the captured Balt Rhine troops, about 600 or 700 people decided to convert to Islam, after an invitation from Mahmud Pasha. who was later released. as for the rest, it was decided to be sold as slaves. Mahmud Pasha asked his soldiers to treat the prisoners of the commander of the Balt Rhein properly. as for the commander of the crusaders outside the Rumelia peninsula. Mahmud asked his troops to beheaded all of them. assuming their presence in rumelia is far more dangerous than the Balt Rhein. 

7 days after the victory at ashkavya, (4, month of Ak koyunlu year 77 of the Turkiye Calendar). Mahmud Pasha began to lay siege to Furullio and quickly took the city. as the Balt Rheins poured out of the city in droves. then, with an army of 40,000, Mahmud launched a siege on the city of Chielo. in the city there were only 1000 Hungarian soldiers defending the city. The Hungarian troops asked for security guarantees in exchange for the city's surrender, and they were able to leave the city safely. Mahmud agreed to this agreement. the defeat at Asykvya resulted in a weakening of the city's defenses which were controlled by the Balt Rhein. most of the soldiers, who had lost the battle, decided to flee further into the Rhein region. the big impact that was caused was that in just a few months, Mahmud Pasha succeeded in controlling the big cities in the Sud. such as Phoenicia, Espada, Humo, Seallant, Basque, Sirena, Almeja, Duna, Nina, Sal, Campana, and Scoglio. 

News of the defeat at Ashkavya (the fall of Phoenicia was followed by the loss of the Sud region), was carried by Philip towards St. Michael, caused a huge stir in the Empire. Prime Minister Virigillio Louis attempted to mobilize a new expeditionary force to attack Turkiye head-on in hopes of avenging the painful defeat at the Sud. but ended with the defeat of their troops at Muchever. forced the Balt Rhein to sign a peace treaty with the Turkiye in Florence.

Timeline Sud military Expedition by Turkiye.

[ifreakingloveroyals]

Through the Years → Queen Mathilde of Belgium (1,316/∞)

5 October 2022 | Queen Mathilde of Belgium arrives at the pharmaceutical company BioNTech. The Belgian royal couple will be visiting Rhineland-Palatinate on October 5 and 6, 2022. The two-day visit program will take the royal couple to Mainz, the Palatinate, and the Middle Rhine Valley. (Photo by Andreas Arnold/picture alliance via Getty Images)

[fascinatingeurope]

🇩🇪 🎨 View of Boppard with the Imperial Chateau - coloured aquatint by Johann Ludwig Bleuler (1792-1850) & Sigismond Himely (1801-1872) Boppard is a small town in Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany. It's part of the UNESCO World Heritage Site "Upper Middle Rhine Valley".

[the--mother--ship]

Once again, please read Middle Eastern history. The actual colonizers of the region were the ARABS, not the Jews. The Arab Conquest in the 7th century colonized an area that spanned from Persia to Morocco. Jews were always indigenous to the southern Levant. Ashkenazi Jews are descended from families who captured by the Romans and taken from Judea to Rome. They later went north and settled in the Rhine Valley. Do some historical research and stop listening to Hamas propaganda.

[mariacallous]

Enxhi Seli-Zacharias is the improbable frontperson of Germany’s far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in Gelsenkirchen, a working-class, industrial city in western Germany’s Ruhr Valley. The 30-year-old politician and political scientist arrived in Gelsenkirchen at the age of 6, together with her family, as refugees from newly post-communist Albania. Today, she sits in the state parliament of North Rhine-Westphalia.

She is the kind of cheerleader the AfD will likely need to achieve its stated goal of passing the Christian Democrats as Germany’s most popular party and eventually coming to power. Seli-Zacharias is a first-generation immigrant who is explicitly aiming to rally support for the bombastically anti-migration, xenophobic party among Germany’s immigrant communities. It’s a voting bloc that AfD leaders believe has massive potential for their project.

Seli-Zacharias’s TikTok and YouTube clips—which regularly get six-digit likes—speak straight to an unlikely voter pool: the 8 million registered voters in Germany with a migration background, 14 percent of the total electorate, and growing. Nearly a third of the country’s population—24 million—has roots in recent migration, and that number climbs ever higher as immigration outpaces the negative native-German birthrate. Germany has to crack down hard on “illegal immigration,” Seli-Zacharias inveighs in dire tones, targeting migrants from Africa and the Middle East who she alleges regularly rob and rape upstanding Germans like herself and the many other good people in Germany who speak proper German, work hard, raise families, and respect the law.

Seli-Zacharias counts herself among the latter demographic as a heterosexual, law-abiding citizen who speaks perfect German. In the North Rhine-Westphalia parliament, Seli-Zacharias believes she represents other integrated immigrants when she blasts the “chaos” and “failure” of Germany’s recent refugee policies. Migration has become the No. 1 topic for German voters overall, according to polls. Studies have shown that it’s also the foremost concern of non-native German voters. At the height of last decade’s refugee crisis, one study showed that 40 percent of Germans with an immigrant background said they thought the country should take in fewer refugees, with a quarter saying it should stop all refugees from entering entirely. “This dissatisfaction [with immigration policies] is apparently greater among some of the people with foreign roots living here than is their fear of the AfD,” the weekly magazine Focus recently concluded.

These are the sentiments that Seli-Zacharias feeds. Germany’s Willkommenskultur (culture of hospitality) ”has reached its limit,“ she intones in her videos, most probably referring to the 350,000 foreign nationals who applied for political asylum in Germany in 2023. “No federal state should have to spend 640 million euros for people who don’t belong here in the first place,” she says, referring to North Rhine-Westphalia’s 2023 state budget for all aspects of immigration.

Germany’s political class is not entirely unaware of the phenomenon of people with immigrant backgrounds voting for anti-immigrant parties, although previously in drips and drabs. In a regional election in the federal state of Hesse in 2018, more naturalized immigrants voted for the Christian Democrats, Social Democrats and even the Greens than the AfD. But 14 percent of those with migration background did vote AfD, which is slightly higher than the share of Germany-born Germans (13 percent) who cast their ballots for the far right party. Experts like Sanem Kleff, director of a Berlin-based anti-racism NGO, argue that the AfD’s outreach to immigrants—in particular those hailing from Turkey and eastern Europe—has just begun and could pay off bigtime for the party.

Experts say there are several reasons for the affinity that some immigrant voters feel for this anti-immigrant party. One reason is their overlap on illiberal social views. “Just because a person moves from point A to point B doesn’t mean they leave their political socializations behind,” says Kleff, who was born in Turkey and raised in northern Germany. “Many come from deeply patriarchal cultures and are very conservative and nationalistic. In Turkish elections, the Turkish population in Germany overwhelmingly votes hard-right conservative,” Kleff told Foreign Policy.

Research on the political views of Germany’s diverse migrant communities is spotty, but the existing data supports Kleff’s claim. A 2016 University of Applied Sciences HMKW study found that although many newcomers expressed a desire to learn the German language and fit in, “there are clear differences between the refugees and the German majority society, namely in illiberal attitudes toward (homo)sexuality, marriage and partnerships, and even towards living arrangements such as shared flats. A worrying number of refugees agree with right-wing populist, authoritarian statements,” concluded the report. The report found that the values of many refugees “in key political areas are most similar to those of AfD supporters or the [right populist] Pegida movements.” Many voters with migration background also came to the AfD through the anti-vax movement, which perpetuated an array of conspiracy theories. The far right—in Germany and across Europe—has woven many of them into its ranks, experts say.

But the immigrant voters who support the AfD may have material motivations as well. Many immigrants fit the socioeconomic profile of the white German AfD voter. It’s not just that LGBTQ issues, feminism, and climate protection tend to be anathema to them. They are middle or lower-middle class people who are worried about losing what material security they have. They are alarmed about the confluence of crises that beset the German economy and see the future bleakly. They want to pay less taxes and desire job security. Newcomers are competition for them in the low-wage job market and in Germany’s increasingly strained housing market.

The “us versus them” mentality among older immigrant groups in Germany may also be fueled by a divergence in their respective paths to Germany and resentment at the perceived advantages enjoyed by the new arrivals. The German government has introduced various policies in recent years to help integrate refugees, including welfare payments, free language courses, and special university enrollment programs. Many of the 3 million people of Turkish descent living in Germany, meanwhile, recall having to struggle to keep their heads above water in their new home country. After arriving as “guest workers” in the 1960s or 1970s, they and their descendants received relatively little support from the German government —only to be later blamed by Germans for an alleged failure to integrate.

But voters with immigrant background tend not to acknowledge that the AfD may pose a material threat to them as well—even to their very presence in Germany. The AfD has long referred to the non-ethnic German citizens as “passport Germans,” that is, foreigners (wrongfully) possessing German passports. Moreover, the AfD’s Islamophobia and folkish German racism are defining characteristics of a hard-right party even more radical that many of its European peers. Some AfD leaders speak openly about plans to “re-migrate” up to 25 million foreigners, including those holding German passports, like Seli-Zacharias.

But Seli-Zacharias and like-minded AfD stalwarts turn a blind eye to these sorts of extremism. It is only fresh waves of migration that Seli-Zacharias wants to stop and “criminal foreigners” that she wants to expel. Seli-Zacharias underscores that she is thankful and respectful of the generosity Germany has shown her and her family.

“Perhaps subconsciously, they think that if they act like native Germans they won’t get thrown out themselves,” Naika Foroutan, director of the German Center for Integration and Migration Research, explained to German media. “They want to believe that the AfD doesn’t see them as the problem—you belong to us, they hear—but the others, they are the problem,” Foroutan said.

“The AfD has been very clever in the way it reaches out to immigrants, particularly the Russian Germans and those with Turkish background,” Kleff says. Since the 1980s, 2.3 million ethnic Germans have emigrated to Germany from Russia. The AfD has been the only German party to address them, and they did it first with Russia-language campaign materials, Kneff says, noting that many of the Russian Germans couldn’t speak German upon their arrival.

German voters with Turkish roots are the second immigrant bloc that AfD pragmatists have in their sights: It is a potentially growing group, due to a recently passed dual-citizenship law that could allow more people of Turkish descent to become German voters. Attracting these voters is a goal that the entire party has not yet officially endorsed. On the contrary, party fundamentalists insist that the AfD and Germany as such must be ethnically homogenous—namely white, German, and Christian. But by emphasizing an aversion to “Arabs” and not the larger category of “Muslims,” which would include most Turkish-background people, the AfD separates the two voter groups from each other and opens up a door for the latter.

Kleff notes that in Turkey itself, there is enormous animosity toward the 3.6 million Syrian refugees who live there, who are referred to by many Turks simply as “Arabs.” Low-income, work-a-day Turks fear that the refugees, who work for lower wages, could take their jobs from them—leaving them with nothing. The same goes for those in Germany.

Once the AfD gets its pitch down, Kleff says that more immigrants will go its way. Germany’s democratic parties look as incapable as ever of talking to the country’s integrated immigrants as a constituency that deserves to be taken seriously.

[wdbecker]

Oberwesel - City of Towers & Wine

Oberwesel – City of Towers & Wine

Oberwesel is located in the Upper Middle Rhine Valley at the kilometer 550 mark on the Rhine river. Under the Romans, Oberwesel was a station on a Roman military road, and the Celts began to settle here around 50 BC. This German town was known during the Middle Ages for its trade, crafts, and wine production. It is still possible to see traces of the Middle Ages in the city today. With the…

[wgm-beautiful-world]

Burg Stahleck - DEUTSCHLAND

[linazelonka]

geierlay suspension bridge + bacharach 🌿 (rheinland-pfalz, germany) instagram: morningtrainpoetry

[lucidite]

when the river ran dry dry dry by lina zelonka Via Flickr: bacharach (rhineland-palatinate, germany)

[asteriapolis]

to get a dream of life again, a little vision of the start and the end by lina zelonka Via Flickr: sankt goar (rheinland-pfalz, germany) *** instagram / tumblr

[mynerdintinfoil]

to get a dream of life again, a little vision of the start and the end by lina zelonka Via Flickr: sankt goar (rheinland-pfalz, germany) *** instagram / tumblr