#michael c. dorf

[mystudysurvivalguide]

Die Dorfkirche von Wehlen

Die Dorfkirche von Wehlen Im Ortsteil Dorf Wehlen der Stadt Wehlen (Landkreis Sächsische Schweiz-Osterzgebirge) in Sachsen findet man die evangelische Dorfkirche Wehlen. Die ehemalige St. Michael Kirche ist eine Saalkirche, die im Kern spätromanisch ist. Sie gehört zur Kirchengemeinde in Lohmen, also zum Kirchenbezirk Pirna der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Landeskirche Sachsen. Die Architektur und Geschichte der Dorfkirche Die als Halbkreis gemachte Apsis stammte von einem spätromanischen Bauwerk. Sie findet am als Annex in einer rechteckigen Saalkirche, die die Zahl 1859 trägt und eher südlich liegt. Der durch Eckquaderung geteilte Westturm mit der Nummer 1744 hat drei Geschosse, unter denen das oberste gefasste Kanten hat, während die Haube einen pyramidalen Abschluss vorweist. Wenn man die Saalkirche betritt, so sieht man die doppelten Emporen an der Längsseite. Sehr wahrscheinlich stammen sie aus dem 18. Jahrhundert. Außerdem ist die Saalkirche innen flach gedeckt. Neben den gesprengten Giebeln hat das Bauwerk auch ein imposantes Barockportal mit Pilastern . Die Einrichtung der Dorfkirche Bei der Ausstattung fällt einem der hölzerne Kruzifix auf, der etwa von 1500 stammen müsste. Das Orgelprospekt aus dem Jahr 1831, sowie die Taufe stehen im Zusammenhang mit dem Klassizismus. Besonders ist aber vor allem der einfache Kanzelaltar aus Holz. Dieser kommt aus der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Die Orgel Die aus dem Jahr 1831 stammenden Orgel ist auf Christian Gottfried Herbrig zurückzuführen. Sie hat neben dem Pedalen auch 18 Register auf zwei Manualen. Ekkehart Groß ist der Orgelbauer, der sie 2007 dann überarbeitet hat. So sehen die Dispositionen aus: I Manual C–f3Principal8′Flauto Dolce8′Octave4′Hohlflöte4′Quinte3′Octave2′Cornett IIIMixtur IIIII Manual C–f3Lieblich Gedackt8′Gedackt4′Spitzflöte4′Flageolet2′Zimbel III(neu)Pedal C–c1Violonbass16′Subbass16′Principalbass8′Posaunenbass16′ - Koppeln: II/I, I/P Titel-Bild Von Jörg Blobelt - Eigenes Werk, CC BY-SA 4.0, Link Lesen Sie den ganzen Artikel

[petnews2day]

Political Animals: What Kristi Noem’s Dog Killing Says About the Rest of Us | Michael C. Dorf | Verdict

New Post has been published on https://petn.ws/MrCCm

Political Animals: What Kristi Noem’s Dog Killing Says About the Rest of Us | Michael C. Dorf | Verdict

South Dakota Governor Kristi Noem has long been campaigning to be Donald Trump’s running mate in the upcoming presidential election, so it was hardly surprising that she recently released a book. Politicians seeking higher office frequently write (or have ghost-written for them) memoirs filled with cliches, heartwarming stories of the adversity they supposedly overcame, and […]

See full article at https://petn.ws/MrCCm #DogNews

[justia]

Clarence Thomas Speaks—And Arguably Contradicts His Longstanding Views

Cornell law professor Michael C. Dorf argues that the question Justice Clarence Thomas asked during oral argument in Flowers v. Mississippi potentially reflects a view inconsistent with one he and other conservative justices have strongly endorsed in the past. Dorf points out that Justice Thomas’s question, regarding the race of jurors struck by the defense counsel, suggests that discrimination against one group can cancel out discrimination against another, which is directly at odds with his expressed view that the Constitution forbids all government consideration of race.

[maxwellyjordan]

Symposium: In the Louisiana abortion case, maybe the best defense is a good offense

Michael C. Dorf is the Robert S. Stevens Professor of Law at Cornell University. He blogs at dorfonlaw.org.

Chief Justice John Roberts surprised some observers when he joined his four more liberal colleagues to grant a stay of the decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit in June Medical Services v. Gee. The stay blocked Louisiana’s law requiring doctors performing abortions to have admitting privileges at local hospitals. The petitioners argued that the Louisiana law was substantially similar to the Texas admitting privileges law that the Supreme Court invalidated less than three years ago in Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt. The petitioners also contended that the distinctions drawn by the appeals court between the two states’ laws were unpersuasive. The chief justice dissented in Whole Woman’s Health. By voting to stay the Louisiana law, was he signaling a retreat from his position there? Does he now accept the court’s abortion jurisprudence as settled?

Maybe, but there is a simpler and likelier explanation. Roberts cares a great deal about the Supreme Court as an institution. When a state court or lower federal court defies or evades the high court’s precedents, it challenges the court’s authority. Accordingly, it is easy to imagine that the chief justice thinks Whole Woman’s Health and the cases it applied — including Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey — should be overruled. However, he does not take kindly to lower courts usurping his court’s prerogative of deciding whether and when to overrule its own cases.

If institutionalism better explains Roberts’ stay vote than does a change of heart on the merits, then the questions posed by this symposium — should the court grant certiorari and, if so, how should it rule? — are highly problematic for citizens, lawyers and scholars who, like me, believe the court should not cut back on the constitutional abortion right.

To be slightly more precise, only the first question poses a problem. The second question is easy. If the Supreme Court grants review, it should summarily reverse the 5th Circuit on the authority of Whole Woman’s Health, which was itself correctly decided. As I argued in an essay for a SCOTUSblog symposium on that case, Casey did not displace that portion of the holding in Roe that forbids the state from imposing obstacles to abortion simply by the pretense of promoting women’s health.

Moreover, Justice Stephen Breyer’s majority opinion in Whole Woman’s Health helpfully clarified what was already implicit in the notion of an undue burden — that whether a law regulating abortion is constitutional depends in part on whether the burdens it imposes on women in fact promote health (or any other compelling government interest). Because an admitting-privileges requirement does not advance the state’s asserted health interest in any meaningful way — in Texas or Louisiana — it is unconstitutional.

If I could say with confidence that a majority of the current Supreme Court would faithfully apply its abortion jurisprudence, then I would urge the court to grant the petition for a writ of certiorari in June solely for the purpose of summarily reversing the 5th Circuit. Because I lack that confidence, I am uncertain what to urge.

Should the Supreme Court deny certiorari in June, its stay order would dissolve by its own terms. The result would be to deny access to safe legal abortion to a great many women in Louisiana. But that’s not all. Allowing the 5th Circuit ruling to go into effect would embolden that court to uphold other restrictive laws from Louisiana, Mississippi and Texas. It would send the same signal to other federal judges around the country — a group that becomes more hostile to abortion rights practically by the day, thanks to the laser-like focus on transforming the judiciary of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and the Trump administration.

Yet bad as a cert denial would be for abortion rights, a cert grant poses the danger of an outright overruling of Roe, Casey and Whole Woman’s Health. More likely but perhaps equally dangerously, the Supreme Court could grant cert in June, place the case on its plenary docket, and, following briefing and argument, affirm the 5th Circuit’s judgment upholding the Louisiana law based on some unpersuasive distinction between the Texas and Louisiana laws.

There is precedent for such a move. In 2000, in Stenberg v. Carhart, the Supreme Court invalidated Nebraska’s “partial-birth” abortion ban, but seven years later, in Gonzales v. Carhart, it upheld a federal partial-birth ban. Although the court invoked some relatively minor differences between the Nebraska and federal laws, the real difference was in the court’s personnel. In the interim, Justice Samuel Alito replaced Justice Sandra Day O’Connor; flipping that vote flipped the outcome.

Likewise, since the Supreme Court decided Whole Woman’s Health, Justice Neil Gorsuch has filled the vacancy left by Justice Antonin Scalia’s death, and Justice Brett Kavanaugh has taken the seat that opened upon the retirement of Justice Anthony Kennedy, who cast a fifth vote to strike down the Texas law in Whole Woman’s Health. As we have already seen from Kavanaugh’s dissent from the stay order in June, he seems prepared to draw some very fine distinctions to avoid invalidating the Louisiana abortion law.

That leaves Roberts as the one justice even potentially in play. By voting to grant the stay in June, he indicated that he does not think the 5th Circuit persuasively distinguished the Texas and Louisiana laws. Perhaps with more time he will find some hitherto unknown distinction persuasive, but it is also possible that he will vote to overrule Whole Woman’s Health, based on reasoning like that in Alito’s dissent in that case, which Roberts joined. In Part III of his Whole Woman’s Health dissent, Alito argued that the Texas law did not unduly burden the abortion right, because, among other things, based on one tendentious reading of the record, 95 percent of Texas women would have to travel “only” a distance of 150 miles or less to find an abortion provider.

It is hard to say whether abortion rights would be less secure if the Supreme Court in June were to pretend to apply its pre-Whole Woman’s Health precedents while in fact hollowing them out or were simply to overrule its abortion-rights precedents forthrightly. At least with the latter course, defenders of abortion rights would have a focal point around which to rally in the political sphere.

That said, one should not spend much energy wondering whether disingenuous application or outright rejection of the abortion cases is worse. The Supreme Court under the leadership of Roberts has tended to employ these moves in tandem, first weakening a legal doctrine or principle and then discarding its empty husk.

Before the Court held the coverage formula of the Voting Rights Act unconstitutional in Shelby County v. Holder, it first purported to duck the issue in Northwest Austin Municip. Dist. No. One v. Holder. Before the Roberts Court abandoned the Burger Court precedent upholding agency-shop arrangements against free speech challenges in Janus v. AFSCME, it questioned but purported to apply that Burger-era precedent in Knox v. SEIU, Local 1000. If, in June, the Roberts Court undercuts but does not formally abandon the constitutional right to abortion, the decision should be understood as the opening salvo in a longer contest.

On second thought, “opening” is the wrong word. A Supreme Court ruling upholding the Louisiana law in June would be the near-culmination of a near-half-century campaign. Through a combination of luck, the Electoral College, and what Professors Joseph Fishkin and David Pozen call “asymmetrical constitutional hardball,” Republican presidents have named 14 of 18 justices in the last 50 years, despite losing the popular vote in a majority of presidential elections during that period. Given how central overturning Roe has been to the Republican coalition, it is hardly surprising that that the abortion right is precarious. The remarkable fact is that it remains on the books at all.

* * *

Past cases linked to in this post:

Gonzales v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124 (2007) Janus v. Am. Fed’n of State, Cnty., & Mun. Emps., Council 31, 138 S. Ct. 2448 (2018) Knox v. Serv. Employees Int’l Union, 132 S. Ct. 2277 (2012) Nw. Austin Mun. Util. Dist. No. One v. Holder, 557 U.S. 193 (2009) Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992) Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529 (2013) Stenberg v. Carhart, 530 U.S. 914 (2000) Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, 136 S. Ct. 2292 (2016)

The post Symposium: In the Louisiana abortion case, maybe the best defense is a good offense appeared first on SCOTUSblog.

from Law https://www.scotusblog.com/2019/03/symposium-in-the-louisiana-abortion-case-maybe-the-best-defense-is-a-good-offense/ via http://www.rssmix.com/

[reveal-the-news]

Voters’ Misplaced Trust in Republicans on Inflation and the Broader Economy | Michael C. Dorf | Verdict

Voters’ Misplaced Trust in Republicans on Inflation and the Broader Economy | Michael C. Dorf | Verdict

When Americans cast their ballots in the midterm elections, voters are divided not only on which candidates they support, but on which issues are important to them. Democrats have expressed concern about reproductive rights and the threat that Trump supporters pose to the future of democracy. Republicans say they are concerned about crime, immigration and the economy—especially inflation. While…

[texasprelawland-blog]

A Deeper Look At The “Rule Of Law”

By Jonathan Cheng, Rice University Class of 2024

February 12, 2021

Throughout Donald Trump’s tenure as president, the phrase “rule of law” was often thrown around. To many of his supporters, “rule of law” was synonymous with phrases like “law and order”, evoking imagery of the thin blue line of brave policemen in tactical gear securing the safety of ordinary citizens against the violent hordes who want to loot and burn their homes. During the Black Lives Matter movement after the killing of George Floyd, many Republicans began advocating for a return of the “rule of law” to American cities in response. Over the course of his election campaign, Trump went to significant effort to paint himself as the “law and order candidate”, promising to Back the Blue and bring security and normalcy back to the American people after a summer of protests (Karabell). But what does “rule of law” really mean and how is it applicable in this country?

In reality, the “rule of law” is the fundamental idea that everyone in American society is equal and accountable before the law. This notion is an enshrined part of the American justice system; the idea that presidents, blue-collar workers, Senators, Wall Street traders, police officers, and everyone else in America is answerable to the same set of laws and equally liable to prosecution should they choose to break those laws (Dorf). By extension, the “rule of law” also codifies the idea that courts and the judicial branch must be completely independent and not owe any allegiances to other branches, in order to ensure that everyone from every branch is held equally accountable. Hamilton notes in Federalist 78: “The complete independence of the courts of justice is peculiarly essential in a limited Constitution…Without this, all the reservations of particular rights or privileges would amount to nothing” (Avalon).

This definition doesn’t fit the narrative of officials in positions of power who espouse enforcement of the “rule of law”. And this isn’t just limited to the United States. Authoritarian wannabes around the world, such as Duterte in the Philippines, the military dictatorship in Myanmar, or Putin in Russia, oversee regimes that all lack fundamental components of the rule of law (Wilson Center). This arises from a variety of factors, including widespread corruption, extrajudicial arrests and murders, discrimination of individuals on the basis of race, gender, or sexuality, and many others.

Rule of law is fundamental to the existence of any democratic society, but it is also a sacred and fragile protection. The very health of any democracies relies heavily on that society’s populace believing in the ideal that any man or woman is equally subject to prosecution. Once that trust has been broken, it can be extraordinarily difficult to regain. A common recognizable trait of struggling democracies or authoritarian regimes around the world is a distinct lack of faith among the citizenry of these nations in the reliability of their country’s judicial systems and enforcement of the rule of law. A clear example would be the recent imprisonment of Alexei Navalny, an opposition leader in Russia, as well as the mistreatment of his supporters who were protesting in the streets (BBC). Citizens of Russia do not hold a realistic belief that Putin or his minions are as equally accountable to the law as any ordinary person or opposition leader would be. But the United States is supposed to be different. That’s why mechanisms of impeachment are built into the Constitution.

Democrats believe that they are the true party of the “rule of law”, and that many recent Republican actions have broken this sacred trust (Bloomberg). They charge that many of the measures undertaken by the Trump Administration and his army of supporters have been as injurious to the rule of law in this country as any of the looting mobs they are claiming to suppress, from the insurrection in the Capitol on January 6th, to Trump’s last minute flurry of pardons of many of his allies that Democrats attacked as unjust and corrupt. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez tweeted during Trump’s previous impeachment scandal that, “The rule of law means *everyone* should be treated the same in the eyes of the law. That means that the rich and powerful should be held accountable for crimes as anyone else. That includes the President. He broke the law. And to maintain American rule of law, he must be impeached” (Twitter). It will be interesting to see how Democrats bring this mentality and line of reasoning to Donald Trump’s upcoming second impeachment over the Capitol insurrection.

______________________________________________________________

“2020 Election Is a Choice Between Democracy and Putinism.” Bloomberg.Com, 14 Feb. 2020. www.bloomberg.com, https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2020-02-14/2020-election-rule-of-law-is-the-biggest-issue-for-democrats.

“Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on Twitter.” Twitter, https://twitter.com/AOC/status/1347231878114402306. Accessed 12 Feb. 2021.

Alexei Navalny: “More than 3,000 Detained” in Protests across Russia - BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-55778334. Accessed 12 Feb. 2021.

As Demand for Police Reform Grows, Military Equipment Program Faces New Scrutiny - CNNPolitics. https://edition.cnn.com/2020/06/17/politics/protests-police-reform-military-supplies-invs/index.html. Accessed 12 Feb. 2021.

Commentary, Guest. “Capitol Attack Is a Calling to Support the Rule of Law, Defend Our Country.” CalMatters, 18 Jan. 2021, https://calmatters.org/commentary/my-turn/2021/01/capitol-attack-is-a-calling-to-support-the-rule-of-law-defend-our-country/.

“Law and Order” Politics Often Undermines the Rule of Law - Vox. https://www.vox.com/mischiefs-of-faction/2018/7/9/17550116/trump-tweet-law-and-order. Accessed 12 Feb. 2021.

Painter, Richard. “Perspective | Trump Loves the Rule of Law. As Long as It Targets His Enemies.” Washington Post. www.washingtonpost.com, https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/trump-rule-law-enemies/2020/05/28/7852771a-9de7-11ea-b5c9-570a91917d8d_story.html. Accessed 12 Feb. 2021.

The Avalon Project : Federalist No 78. https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/fed78.asp. Accessed 12 Feb. 2021.

Trump’s Law and Order Versus the Rule of Law | Michael C. Dorf | Verdict | Legal Analysis and Commentary from Justia. https://verdict.justia.com/2016/07/27/trumps-law-order-versus-rule-law. Accessed 12 Feb. 2021.

“Trump’s Words Might Denigrate the Rule of Law. His Actions, Less so | Zachary Karabell.” The Guardian, 1 July 2018, http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/commentisfree/2018/jul/01/trump-rule-of-law.

Vladimir Putin and the Rule of Law in Russia | Wilson Center. https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/vladimir-putin-and-the-rule-law-russia. Accessed 12 Feb. 2021.

Photo Credit: uli

[pennsylvaniaprelawland-blog]

Bostock V. Clayton County: The Civil Rights Movement Never Stops

By Ken Qi, University of Pittsburgh Class of 2023

September 7, 2020

Civil rights movement has never paused the US. As we might think about the most recent “Black Lives Matter” movement, there was a landmark decision by the US Supreme Court concerning LGBTQ rights in the past June which is also notable. Even, it would not be a surprise that we can find this new case in the upcoming edition of constitutional law textbook. LGBTQ rights issues called public attention very recently and the first case did not emerge until the late 1950s. Before jumping into the case, I would like to give a rough chronical sketch of how LGBTQ rights developed throughout history.

The first case that involved issues with LGBTQ was One, Inc. v. Olesen (1958), where the Supreme Court held that publishing gay related materials in magazines or other forms of media is not obscene by nature. Therefore, LGBTQ media cannot be prohibited solely because it contains homophilic contents. This was a step that the Supreme Court affirmed the right of speech of LGBTQ communities. [2] However, this did not prohibit the State to criminalize the actual act.  Later in 1986, another court case Bowers v. Hardwick upheld the constitutionality of a Georgia statute criminalizing Sodomy. The Court claimed, “… and that there is no rational basis other than the presumed belief of a majority of the electorate in Georgia that homosexual sodomy is immoral and unacceptable.” [4] Following this case, in the 1990s, Court focused on the issues concerning whether LGPTQ can be treated as a distinct group in law and other regulations. In Bowers v. Hardwick (1996) and Boy Scouts of America v. Dale (1996), the answer given was clearly “No”, as Court claimed that LGBTQ people could not be singled out by law. [2] Concerning the marriage right, it was not until 2015 in Obergefell v Hodges that the Supreme Court recognized the right of marriage of LGBTQ people. “The right to marry is fundamental under the Due Process Clause. It cannot be denied that this Court’s cases describing the right to marry presumed a relationship involving opposite-sex partners.”[4] Based on the long history, we can see that LGBTQ rights are generally more and more protected and recognized by law.

Then, what is the importance of this very recent case on the development of LGBTQ rights? Let us start with the facts. Bostock was a child welfare service coordinator with good reputations. He was fired by the Clayton County because of his gay softball league activities. He filed the lawsuit to claim that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 would protect him not to be discriminated in his employment based on his sexual orientation. The Supreme Court ruled 6-3 for Bostock and affirmed that Title VII does protect LGBTQ people against employment discrimination. [3] The wording in Title VII goes as follows, “It shall be an unlawful employment practice for an employer… to limit, segregate, or classify his employees or applicants for employment… because of such individual's race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.” [5] The Court interpreted the part “because of such individual’s sex” to mean treating employees differently based on their sex. Discrimination based on sexual orientation falls into this category because it is intuitively required for the employer to treat them differently because of their sex before anything. Although it is saying that discrimination is on sexual orientation but not sex itself, it is not possible to discriminate against sexual orientation without treating people differently according to their sex. By this decision, the Court further expanded the protection against employment discrimination by including discrimination based on sexual orientation into the discrimination based on sex. That is why this can be called “a landmark case”: it signifies a further step towards equality. Equal opportunity to be employed is crucial to incorporate a diverse group of people into society and work together. Therefore, it is essential for people to recognize and respect other people’s rights equally, even if they are somehow different.

Civil Rights Movement never stops, as the recent Supreme Court decisions further expand the protection of individuals from all kinds of discrimination. However, we shall not forget that rights and protections come uneasily and slowly. Using the example of LGBTQ rights, it takes several decades for people to gain the right to marry, the right to be treated equally in applying for a job. 2020 is not just a year of coronavirus and quarantine: it is also a big year of successes in civil rights developments. While people are staying at home, their wills towards liberty, freedom, and equality have never been quarantined.

________________________________________________________________

[1]KalvisGolde, Bostock v. Clayton County, No.17-1618, and Altitude Express v. Z, SCOTUSblog (Oct. 8, 2019, 4:10 PM), https://www.scotusblog.com/2019/10/argument-analysis-justices-divided-on-federal-protections-for-lgbt-employees/bostock-v-clayton-county-no-17-1618-and-altitude-express-v-z-2/

[2]Law, Tara, 9 Landmark Supreme Court Cases That Shaped LGBTQ Rights in America (Oct. 8, 2019, 6:54 PM), https://time.com/5694518/lgbtq-supreme-court-cases/

[3]Oyez, Bostock v. Clayton County(Accessed Aug 22, 2020), www.oyez.org/cases/2019/17-1618.

[4] H. Choper, Jesse; H. Fallon, Richard ;Kamisar, Yale; H. Shiffrin, Steven ; C. Dorf, Michael; Schauer, Frederick Leading Cases in Constitutional Law, 2017 Ed. (July 2017), pp. 279-280

[5]Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Pub. L. 88-352) (Title VII), US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, https://www.eeoc.gov/statutes/title-vii-civil-rights-act-1964

Photo Credit: Phil Roeder

[wolfandpravato]

Does the Cassidy-Graham health-care bill have constitutional problems?

Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), center, joined by fellow senators, including Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.), far left, and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), far right, speaks to reporters at the Capitol in Washington on Sept. 19. (J. Scott Applewhite/Associated Press)

The Affordable Care Act faced immediate constitutional challenges once it was enacted. If congressional Republicans are able to cobble together enough votes to “repeal and replace” the ACA, their efforts may face similar legal challenges.

Legal commentators have identified at least two potential constitutional problems with the Cassidy-Graham reform bill, which is the current focus of “repeal and replace” efforts in the Senate.

Cornell University law professor Michael C. Dorf argues that one problem with Cassidy-Graham is that it violates the constitutional constraints placed upon conditional spending, in particular the requirement that any conditions or requirements placed upon the receipt of such funding be clear and unambiguous so that states are on notice of the conditions to which they are subject. Dorf explains:

The Graham-Cassidy block grant formula reduces how much money states receive in future years by effectively clawing back money that was previously provided to states that expanded Medicaid.

The clawback is unconstitutional, because it violates the requirement that Congress specify any conditions on federal funds “unambiguously.” When states like Alaska, Kentucky, and West Virginia decided to accept federal Medicaid expansion funds they were not told at all—much less told unambiguously—that such acceptance would result in a reduction in their allocation of federal health insurance funding in future years. Graham-Cassidy imposes a retroactive penalty on states that accepted Medicaid expansion funding. . . .

One could try to argue that the Graham-Cassidy clawback is not a condition on federal funding because Congress is under no constitutional obligation to provide any further health insurance funding for states. But that argument would overlook the fundamental logic of the limits on congressional power under the Spending Clause. Congress is never under any constitutional obligation to spend money in any particular way. The Spending Clause cases are themselves conditional. They hold that when Congress does spend money via the states, there are limits on how it may do so. Clarity is one of those limits. 

The requirement that Congress state any conditions on federal funding unambiguously is no mere technical nicety. It is a fundamental principle of American federalism. It protects states’ sovereign prerogatives. It enables states to make informed judgments about the consequences of accepting federal funds. And few judgments are more consequential to the states than those that affect how much money they will have to meet the needs of their people. A state that was told in 2014 that Medicaid expansion then would cost it tens of millions of dollars in 2020 and thereafter might well have made a different choice.

Perhaps ironically, it was conditional spending arguments against the ACA that had the most success in NFIB v. Sebelius.

A second potential problem with Cassidy-Graham comes from reported efforts to induce reluctant senators to support the bill. In particular, there is the possibility that efforts to carve out exceptions for Alaska may violate the Constitution’s uniformity clause. Georgetown University law professor Brian Galle describes the potential problem:

Article I, section 8 of the Constitution says “all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.” Joseph Story, writing in 1834, thought that the point of that provision was to prevent coalitions of states from ganging up, in Congress, to benefit themselves at the expense of others. While the “uniformity clause” has been watered down over time, it’s still enough to swamp the Alaska Purchase proposal.

Under U.S. v. Ptasynski, 462 U.S. 74 (1983), the imposition of different tax burdens in different places is suspect. While the Supreme Court’s review is relatively deferential, the clause does require that taxes apply “at the same rate, in all portions of the United States where the subject of the tax is found.” “Where Congress does choose to frame a tax in geographic terms,” on the other hand, the court “will examine the classification closely to see if there is actual geographic discrimination,” to see whether there are “neutral factors” that can justify the geographic distinction.

While I doubt the senators would be so brazen as to expressly include a geography-based exception in the final bill language, a statutory provision clearly motivated by a desire to, in the court’s words, “grant . . . an undue preference at the expense of other . . . states” could have problems. As Galle notes, “By this standard, the ‘Alaska Purchase’ looks like it’s in trouble.”

The Uniformity Clause is rarely litigated, and it seems like a provision the Court is reluctant to give much life to. There’s undoubtedly a fun con law I class discussion to be had about whether Courts should make the kinds of policy judgments an expansive reading of the Clause seems to call for. But the Alaska Purchase seems to fall inside the tiny circle of statutes prohibited by even a minimalist reading of the Clause.

Interestingly enough, in the wake of NFIB, some commentators suggested that the court’s opinion actually created a uniformity clause problem for the ACA.

I have not studied the proposed text and operation of the Cassidy-Graham reform bill to know whether either of these claims would (or should) ultimately prevail. But both challenges strike me as serious ones, and each raises the sort of issue that Cassidy-Graham’s supporters will need to address — either in the bill itself, or in court filings when the inevitable legal challenges arise.

Originally Found On: http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-conspiracy/wp/2017/09/23/does-the-cassidy-graham-health-care-bill-have-constitutional-problems/

[justia]

Can a Vegan Win the Presidency?

Cornell law professor Michael C. Dorf considers whether a vegan generally, and New Jersey Democratic Senator Cory Booker specifically, would have a shot of winning the presidency in 2020. Dorf explains how food plays an important role in politics and considers whether the election of a vegan to the highest office in the land is likely to hurt or help the vegan movement.

[fredbert]

Die Glückstüte für die ersten Gäste // Geschenke von Kevin Minion für die Kinder Kevin Minion und zahlreiche Aussteller auf den Legdener Bautagen am 10. + 11. Nov. 2018 im Audimax / Dorf Münsterland in Legden. Unsere Highlights und das bei freiem Eintritt sind: 1) Bauen & Wohnen | Nachhaltigkeit & Renovieren | Sanieren & Modernisieren Energiesparen & Alternative Energien | Immobilien & Finanzierungen Raumgestaltung & Wohnberatung | Einrichten & Gestalten | Hof & Garten | Sicherheit | Klima 2) Samstag, 10. November 2018: - Um 10.00 Uhr: 200 Glückstüte für die ersten Gäste am Stand von Schimmelpeter. - Um 15.00 Uhr: Fotoshooting mit Kevin Minion. Sonntag, 12. November 2018 um 10.00 Uhr: - Um 10.00 Uhr: 200 Glückstüte für die ersten Gäste am Stand von Schimmelpeter. Um 16.00 Uhr: - Besuch von Kevin Minion: - Die ersten 200 Kinder erhalten ein Geschenk - Prämierung des Kindermalwettbewerbs: „Mal dein schönstes (Traum) Haus“ - Auslosung des Gewinnspiels 3) Samstag & Sonntag -Prosecco Empfang: Kommen Sie zum Info-Stand. Wir begrüßen Sie mit einem Glas Prosecco. - Kindermalwettbewerb: „Mal dein schönstes (Traum) Haus“ - Gewinnspiel: Wir verlosen 1 Makita Werkzeug-Set - 83-teilig, 1 Arbeitsleuchte, Grillbesteck von Weber-Grill, Wintergrill Buch ... - Interessante Vorträge Samstag & Sonntag unter anderem von: a. Verbraucherzentrale NRW, Dipl. Ing. Gerhard Brinkmann: "Moderne Heiztechnik - Alles, was man über Heizungen wissen sollte" b. autargo GmbH, Michael Bauksties und Sam Wulf: „Autark 2018 Wohnen - was heute schon möglich ist“ c. DRK, Wohnberaterin Frau Lorenzen: „Heute schon an morgen denken“ Das Messeteam begrüßt Sie am 10. + 11. November 2018 auf der Baumesse im Dorf Münsterland Legden. von 10.00 bis 18.00 Uhr. Und das bei freiem Eintritt. Mehr Infos: https://www.bauundenergietage.de und fb.me/hausbauenwohnenenergie #baumesse #handwerk #Legden #Ahaus #Coesfeld #dorfmuensterland #suwa #bauen #wohnen #renovieren #energietage #nachhaltigkeit #garten #hof #klima #imobilien #sicherheit #legdenerbautage #alfredbokelmann #legdenzeitung #audimaxx #hausbauenwohnenenergie (hier: Dorf Münsterland) https://www.instagram.com/p/Bp2QwsxHAp8/?utm_source=ig_tumblr_share&igshid=tcmt3i0zgj7k

[todayclassical]

April 24 in Music History

1538 Birth of composer Gugliemo Gonzaga.

1594 Birth of composer Benedikt Lechler.

1670 Birth of composer Christian Ludwig Boxberg.

1706 Birth of Italian composer Giovanni Martini in Bologna. 

1721 Birth of German composer Johann Philipp Kirberger. 

1742 Birth of composer Roman Hoffstetter.

1764 FP of Hasse's "Egeria" in Vienna.

1784 FP of Mozart's Piano Concerto No. 15 in Bb, K. 450 in Vienna. 

1800 Birth of Austrian violinist, composer Georg Hellmesberger.

1801 Haydn finishes his oratorio The Seasons and performs it the same day at the Schwarzenberg Palace in Vienna.

1819 FP of Rossini's "Edoardo e Cristina" in Venice.

1821 FP in US of the first movement of Beethoven's Symphony No. 1 by The Musical Fund Society of Philadelphia at its first concert.

1846 Death of Italian soprano-castrato Girolamo Crescentini. 

1847 FP of Offenbach's "L'Alcôve" in Paris.

1854 Birth of Austrian baritone-tenor Adolf Wallofer in Vienna. 

1860 FP of Hernándo's "El tambor", a zarzuela, in Madrid.

1867 Birth of Czech composer Karel Navratil in Prague. 1869 FP of Delibes' "La Cour du roi Pétaud" in Paris.

1870 Birth of German baritone Otto Reutter in Gardelegen. 

1874 FP of Tchaikovsky's "Oprichnik" in St Petersburg.

1875 Birth of composer Jeno Huszka.

1877 Birth of composer Charles Cuvillier.

1886 Birth of American coloratura soprano Mabel Garrison.

1897 Birth of composer György Kósa.

1907 Birth of composer Vaclav Trojan.

1909 Birth of Swedish soprano Hjördis Schymberg in Alno, Sweden. 

1911 Birth of composer Sigursveinn David Kristinsson.

1920 Birth of Italian baritone-tenor Rinaldo Pelizzoni. 

1921 Birth of Italian tenor Luigi Infantino.

1921 Birth of composer Laci Boldemann.

1924 Birth of composer Yehoshua Lakner.

1924 FP of Sauguet's "Le Plumet du colonel" in Paris.

1924 FP of Berners' "Le Carrosse du Saint-Sacrement" in Paris.

1928 Birth of composer Gustav Krivinka.

1929 Birth of composer Ferit Tuzun.

1931 Death of Hungarian baritone Dezso Zador.

1932 FP of Kódaly's "Székely Fonó" in Budapest.

1934 Laurens Hammond patents his electric organ. 1936 Death of Dutch composer Bernard van Dieren in London. 

1941 Birth of Australian guitarist John Christopher Williams in Melbourne.

1944 Birth of Irish soprano Norma Burrows.

1945 Birth of Hungarian mezzo-soprano Karla Takacs in Budapest.

1946 Birth of American composer and teacher Bruce Saylor.

1948 Death of Mexican composer Manuel Ponce in Mexico City. 

1950 FP of Leonard Bernstein's incidental music Peter Pan based on the play by J.M. Barrie, conducted by Ben Steinberg at the Imperial Theater in NYC.

1954 Birth of American bass Kevin Maynor in Mount Vernon, NY.

1957 FP of Charles Ives' String Quartet No. 1,in NYC.

1960 Death of German bass-baritone Carl Braun. 

1962 Birth of Norwegian trumpeter Ole Edvard Antonsen.

1964 Birth of American composer Augusta Read Thomas in NYC.

1964 Birth of American composer Brian Robinson.

1966 Death of Icelandic tenor Einar Kristiansson. 

1966 Death of Croatian tenor Tino Pattiera. 

1970 Death of Italian soprano Adriana Guerrini. 

1970 Birth of American composer James Matheson.

1976 FP of Argento's "The Voyage of Edgar Allan Poe" in St. Paul, MN. 

1981 FP of C. Floyd's "Willie Stark" in Houston.

1985 FP of Argento's "Casanova's Homecoming", opera buffa, in St Paul, MN. 

1988 FP of Anthony Davis' Notes from the Underground dedicated to Ralph Ellison. American Composers Orchestra, Paul Lustig Dunkel conducting at Carnegie Hall in NYC.

1990 FP of Bright Sheng's Four Movemenets for piano trio. The Peabody Trio at Alice Tully Hall in NYC.

1992 FP of Joan Tower's Violin Concerto. The soloist Elmar Oliveira and the Utah Symphony, Joseph Silverstein conducting.

1997 FP of Stephen Paulus' opera The Three Hermits at House of Hope Presbyterian Church Thomas Lancaster conducting in St. Paul, MN.

1998 Death of American composer Mel Powell.

2003 FP of David Lang's Difficulty. Ethyl String Quartet, Miller Theater, in NYC.

2003 FP of Michael Nyman's Manhatta a score for a film by Paul Strand. 

2004 FP of Steven Stucky´s Sonate en Formne de Preludes at Carnegie Hall, New York City.

2004 FP of Daniel Dorf´s The Bear went under the mountain. for Narrator and Mixed Quintet.

[maxwellyjordan]

Tuesday round-up

This morning the court will hear argument in two of its highest-profile cases this term: Trump v. Mazars and Trump v. Vance, President Donald Trump’s efforts to shield his financial records, including his tax returns, from subpoenas issued to his accountant and lenders by a New York grand jury and three congressional committees. Amy Howe previewed the cases for this blog, in a post that first appeared at Howe on the Court. Philip Duggan and Robert Reese Oñate preview Mazars at Cornell Law School’s Legal Information Institute, and Sean Kealy has a preview at Subscript Law. Zora Franicevic and Connor Grant-Knight provide Cornell’s preview of Vance, and Jim Wheaton previews the case for Subscript Law.

Nina Totenberg reports for NPR that “[h]ow the court decides these cases could dramatically change the balance of power among the three branches of government, thus shifting the American system of checks and balances.” For The Wall Street Journal (subscription required), Jess Bravin reports that, “[w]hile contending that Congress can’t seek information regarding potential crimes under the guise of legislative oversight, in the companion case Mr. Trump’s lawyers say that states are powerless to investigate him for possible violations of their own laws.” At The Economist’s Espresso blog, Steven Mazie notes that “[p]recedent is not friendly to Mr Trump’s plea[:] When Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton faced other predicaments involving the separation of powers, the Supreme Court decided against both, unanimously.” Joan Biskupic, at CNN, highlights “six things to watch for” in today’s arguments.

At Justia’s Verdict blog, Rodger Citron suggests that the critical question is “which Chief Justice John Roberts will show up.” Commentary on Vance comes from David Boyle at Boyle’s Laws. At The Atlantic (via How Appealing), Quinta Jurecic argues that, ”[a]s it was during the Russia investigation, and during the impeachment proceedings, the core of Trump’s claim is: Everything I do is beyond questioning; everything you do deserves the closest scrutiny.” The editorial board of The Wall Street Journal writes that “Mr. Trump won’t be President forever, and the Court will have to reflect on how its decisions will affect America’s political institutions amid hyper-partisanship that won’t end when a Democrat takes the White House.”

This blog’s analysis of yesterday’s oral argument in Our Lady of Guadalupe School v. Morrissey-Berru, in which the considered the scope of the “ministerial exception” to federal employment discrimination laws, come from Amy Howe, in a post that first appeared at Howe on the Court. Mark Walsh reports for Education Week’s School Law Blog that the justices “spent more than 90 minutes of oral arguments over the telephone Monday wrestling with where to draw the line between employees of religious schools who will remain protected by civil rights law and those who will not because they are considered ministers of the faith.” Nina Totenberg and Krishnadev Calamur report at NPR that “[t]he Supreme Court’s conservative majority signaled Wednesday that it is on the verge of carving out a giant exception to the nation’s fair employment laws.” At Fox News, Ron Blitzer and Bill Mears report that “[c]onservative justices appeared to believe the issue is too murky for the court to decide how religious organizations should define religious roles.” David Savage reports for the Los Angeles Times that “[t]he argument featured a new twist on an old doctrine[:] In recent decades, conservatives have shunned the phrase ‘separation of church and state’ because they associated it with the liberal era when the justices struck down prayers in public schools and barred state aid for children in parochial schools[, b]ut a lawyer representing the Catholic schools in Los Angeles led off Monday’s argument by citing that principle.” At the Constitutional Law Prof Blog, Ruthann Robson writes that, although “the ministerial exemption as rooted in the free exercise and establishment clauses of the First Amendment originally excepted only ‘ministers,’ there is a chance that it will be broadened to include all – – – or almost all – – – employees at religious organizations.”

At Bloomberg Law, Jordan Rubin reports that “[q]uestions asked by Justice Neil Gorsuch” during yesterday’s argument in McGirt v. Oklahoma, which asks whether Oklahoma had jurisdiction to prosecute crimes committed by an Indian within the historical boundaries of the Creek reservation in eastern Oklahoma, “suggest he’s skeptical of the Oklahoma government’s stance against tribes and a criminal defendant in a hugely consequential case over the status of American Indian lands.” At Reuters, Lawrence Hurley reports that “[s]ome justices including conservative Justice Samuel Alito appeared concerned about the potentially broad ramifications of a ruling backing tribal authority.” Jess Bravin reports for The Wall Street Journal that “[a] ruling could potentially put into question hundreds of criminal convictions from Oklahoma state courts,” and that “the case could have even broader implications, depending on whether the court recognizes tribal sovereignty over land that Washington once promised to Native Americans[:] The legal framework in Tulsa, Okla., and the rest of the region could be affected, including taxing powers and contracts involving tribe members.”

Briefly:

At The Detroit News (via How Appealing), Melissa Nann Burke reports that “Aimee Stephens, the Michigan woman who last year became the first transgender person to have a civil rights complaint heard by the U.S. Supreme Court, might not live to hear whether she won,” because she “is now in stage four renal failure and under hospice care.”

In an op-ed for The Philadelphia Inquirer (via How Appealing), U.S. Court of Appeals Judge Marjorie Rendell offers a judge’s guide to the Supreme Court’s live-streamed arguments, noting that “[w]e are privileged, at least for the time being, to be flies on the wall while the sausage gets made.”

In an op-ed at the Chicago Daily Law Bulletin, Daniel Cotter discusses the latest Supreme Court news.

At Dorf on Law, Michael Dorf pushes back against Justice Clarence Thomas’ originalist critique of the First Amendment overbreadth doctrine in a concurrence last week in United States v. Sineneng-Smith, arguing that “[u]nless and until Justice Thomas abandons the modern First Amendment entirely, one should regard with extreme skepticism his call for the re-examination of specific doctrines–like overbreadth and the rule of NY Times v. Sullivan that he criticized last year.”

At The World and Everything in It (podcast), Mary Reichard discusses the arguments in U.S.. Patent and Trademark Office v. Booking.com, which asks whether the addition of “.com” to a generic term creates a protectable trademark, and Little Sisters of the Poor Saints Peter and Paul Home v. Pennsylvania, a challenge to the federal government’s expansion of the “conscience exemption” to the Affordable Care Act’s birth-control mandate.

We rely on our readers to send us links for our round-up. If you have or know of a recent (published in the last two or three days) article, post, podcast or op-ed relating to the Supreme Court that you’d like us to consider for inclusion in the round-up, please send it to roundup [at] scotusblog.com. Thank you!

The post Tuesday round-up appeared first on SCOTUSblog.

from Law https://www.scotusblog.com/2020/05/tuesday-round-up-530/ via http://www.rssmix.com/

[therealreverendchris]

This morning the Supreme Court will kick off a two-week session of oral arguments that will change its traditional practice in unprecedented ways: It will hear the arguments by telephone and it will provide live audio of the proceedings to the public. First up is U.S. Patent and Trademark Office v. Booking.com, which asks whether the addition of ".com" to a generic term creates a protectable trademark. At Dorf on Law, Michael Dorf explores "what’s at stake in the case," noting that it "is not the first legal interaction between domain names and trademarks.Read more about the case at Scotusblog.Listen to Supreme Court on C-SPAN at 10:00 AM EST. via /r/politics

[pendentxe]

Livrosq

Livro Safári de Estratégia - Henry Mintzberg, Bruce Ahlstrand, Joseph Lampel Livro Liberte Sua Personalidade - Maxwell Maltz Livro A História da Airbnb - Leigh Gallagher Livro Faça Como Warren Buffett - Mary Buffett, David Clark Livro DNA Milionário - Elainne Ourives Livro Comece Algo que Faça a Diferença - Blake Mycoskie Livro Coach: Um Parceiro Para o Seu Sucesso - Ane Araujo Livro A Mente do Empreendedor - Kevin D. Johnson Livro A Whole New Mind - Daniel H. Pink Livro Comunicação Não-Violenta - Marshall B. Rosenberg Livro Diferente - Youngme Moon Livro Factfulness - Hans Rosling, Ola Rosling & Anna Rosling Rönnlund Livro Férias Sem Fim - Bruno Picinini Livro Homo Deus - Yuval Noah Harari Livro O Poder dos 5 Segundos - Mel Robbins Livro Liderança com Base nas Soft Skills - Cyndia Bressan, Mariluce Lemos Guetten Ribeiro, Andréia Roma et al Livro How Women Rise - Sally Helgesen & Marshall Goldsmith Livro Who Says Elephants Can’t Dance? - Louis V. 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Kiyosaki Livro O MBA da Vida Real - Jack Welch e Suzy Welch Livro Incansáveis - Maurício Benvenutti Livro Dobre Seus Lucros – Bob Fifer Livro Startup: Manual do Empreendedor - Steve Blank e Bob Dorf Livro O Segredo de Luísa - Fernando Dolabela Livro A Lei do Triunfo - Napoleon Hill Livro Storytelling: Histórias que deixam marcas – Adilson Xavier Livro Programação Neurolinguística Para Leigos - Kate Burton, Romilla Ready Livro Pense Melhor - Tim Hurson Livro Os Muito, Muito Ricos e como Eles Conseguiram Chegar lá – Max Gunther Livro Nos Bastidores da Disney: Os Segredos do Sucesso da Mais Poderosa Empresa de Diversões do Mundo - Tom Connellan Livro Eu Sou Malala – Malala Yousafzai Livro Este Barco Também é Seu — D. 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