#like. they were men in black federal government worker men in suits. they had their own radios
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I was having such a good day too
You guys should be SO fucking proud of me oh my god. Guy at work is talking about Harry Potter. He is wrong about many things (one being that JK's views aren't present in the books) and I'm. I'm trying so hard. I can't escape my ex obsessions someone shock me every time I open my mouth. This is like exposure therapy
#I wasn't that's a lie#fifteen minutes after we opened an alarm went off in my gallery and these men in suits appeared from nowhere asking what it was#like. they were men in black federal government worker men in suits. they had their own radios#I have no fuckin clue I just work here!!!#anyway I called it in over my radio and they sent someone up and turns out someone went down the emergency exit. who knows why#but m.i.b. stayed around for a while whispering to each other and pointing. it was weird#given our proximity to both state and federal government it's not that weird but normally we (the gallery associates) are told when someone#is coming so we don't mess around on our phones lol#anyway that kind of freaked me out. wtf is going on!!!#also I missed the good bus this morning and had to take the one that I have to walk longer to get to/from#so I've walked 10 miles rather than my usual 8#and I didn't do what I needed to last night so I STILL have a paper to write when I get home#I'm eating a whole pint of ice cream for dinner I deserve it#(would a vegetable perhaps cause less despair)
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Women in Exploration: From Human Computers to All-Woman Spacewalks

Since the 19th century, women have been making strides in areas like coding, computing, programming and space travel, despite the challenges they have faced. Sally Ride joined NASA in 1983 and five years later she became the first female American astronaut. Ride's accomplishments paved the way for the dozens of other women who became astronauts, and the hundreds of thousands more who pursued careers in science and technology. Just last week, we celebrated our very first #AllWomanSpacewalk with astronauts Christina Koch and Jessica Meir.
Here are just a couple of examples of pioneers who brought us to where we are today:
The Conquest of the Sound Barrier

Pearl Young was hired in 1922 by the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA), NASA’s predecessor organization, to work at its Langley site in support in instrumentation, as one of the first women hired by the new agency. Women were also involved with the NACA at the Muroc site in California (now Armstrong Flight Research Center) to support flight research on advanced, high-speed aircraft. These women worked on the X-1 project, which became the first airplane to fly faster than the speed of sound.
Young was the first woman hired as a technical employee and the second female physicist working for the federal government.
The Human Computers of Langley

The NACA hired five women in 1935 to form its first “computer pool”, because they were hardworking, “meticulous” and inexpensive. After the United States entered World War II, the NACA began actively recruiting similar types to meet the workload. These women did all the mathematical calculations – by hand – that desktop and mainframe computers do today.
Computers played a role in major projects ranging from World War II aircraft testing to transonic and supersonic flight research and the early space program. Women working as computers at Langley found that the job offered both challenges and opportunities. With limited options for promotion, computers had to prove that women could successfully do the work and then seek out their own opportunities for advancement.
Revolutionizing X-ray Astronomy

Marjorie Townsend was blazing trails from a very young age. She started college at age 15 and became the first woman to earn an engineering degree from the George Washington University when she graduated in 1951. At NASA, she became the first female spacecraft project manager, overseeing the development and 1970 launch of the UHURU satellite. The first satellite dedicated to x-ray astronomy, UHURU detected, surveyed and mapped celestial X-ray sources and gamma-ray emissions.
Women of Apollo
NASA’s mission to land a human on the Moon for the very first time took hundreds of thousands workers. These are some of the stories of the women who made our recent #Apollo50th anniversary possible:

• Margaret Hamilton led a NASA team of software engineers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and helped develop the flight software for NASA’s Apollo missions. She also coined the term “software engineering.” Her team’s groundbreaking work was perfect; there were no software glitches or bugs during the crewed Apollo missions.
• JoAnn Morgan was the only woman working in Mission Control when the Apollo 11 mission launched. She later accomplished many NASA “firsts” for women: NASA winner of a Sloan Fellowship, division chief, senior executive at the Kennedy Space Center and director of Safety and Mission Assurance at the agency.
• Judy Sullivan, was the first female engineer in the agency’s Spacecraft Operations organization, was the lead engineer for health and safety for Apollo 11, and the only woman helping Neil Armstrong suit up for flight.
Hidden Figures
Author Margot Lee Shetterly’s book – and subsequent movie – Hidden Figures, highlighted African-American women who provided instrumental support to the Apollo program, all behind the scenes.

• An alumna of the Langley computing pool, Mary Jackson was hired as the agency’s first African-American female engineer in 1958. She specialized in boundary layer effects on aerospace vehicles at supersonic speeds.
• An extraordinarily gifted student, Katherine Johnson skipped several grades and attended high school at age 13 on the campus of a historically black college. Johnson calculated trajectories, launch windows and emergency backup return paths for many flights, including Apollo 11.
• Christine Darden served as a “computress” for eight years until she approached her supervisor to ask why men, with the same educational background as her (a master of science in applied mathematics), were being hired as engineers. Impressed by her skills, her supervisor transferred her to the engineering section, where she was one of few female aerospace engineers at NASA Langley during that time.
Lovelace’s Woman in Space Program

Geraldyn “Jerrie” Cobb was the among dozens of women recruited in 1960 by Dr. William Randolph "Randy" Lovelace II to undergo the same physical testing regimen used to help select NASA’s first astronauts as part of his privately funded Woman in Space Program.
Ultimately, thirteen women passed the same physical examinations that the Lovelace Foundation had developed for NASA’s astronaut selection process. They were: Jerrie Cobb, Myrtle "K" Cagle, Jan Dietrich, Marion Dietrich, Wally Funk, Jean Hixson, Irene Leverton, Sarah Gorelick, Jane B. Hart, Rhea Hurrle, Jerri Sloan, Gene Nora Stumbough, and Bernice Trimble Steadman. Though they were never officially affiliated with NASA, the media gave these women the unofficial nicknames “Fellow Lady Astronaut Trainees” and the “Mercury Thirteen.”
The First Woman on the Moon

The early space program inspired a generation of scientists and engineers. Now, as we embark on our Artemis program to return humanity to the lunar surface by 2024, we have the opportunity to inspire a whole new generation. The prospect of sending the first woman to the Moon is an opportunity to influence the next age of women explorers and achievers.
This material was adapted from a paper written by Shanessa Jackson (Stellar Solutions, Inc.), Dr. Patricia Knezek (NASA), Mrs. Denise Silimon-Hill (Stellar Solutions), and Ms. Alexandra Cross (Stellar Solutions) and submitted to the 2019 International Astronautical Congress (IAC). For more information about IAC and how you can get involved, click here.
Make sure to follow us on Tumblr for your regular dose of space: http://nasa.tumblr.com
#womeninSTEM#WomenatNASA#WomenofNASA#space#NASA#universe#solar system#iac2019#Artemis#apollo 11#Apollo 50th#astronauts#allwomanspacewalk#womeninspace#aerospace#aerospace engineering#flight#spaceflight#Human spaceflight#stem#satellite#hidden figures
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Three Hours Longer, the Pandemic Workday Has Obliterated Work-Life Balance (Bloomberg) Six weeks into a nationwide work-from-home experiment with no end in sight, whatever boundaries remained between work and life have almost entirely disappeared. With many living a few steps from their offices, America’s always-on work culture has reached new heights. The 9-to-5 workday, or any semblance of it, seems like a relic of a bygone era. Long gone are the regretful formalities for calling or emailing at inappropriate times. Burnt-out employees feel like they have even less free time than when they wasted hours commuting. People are overworked, stressed, and eager to get back to the office. In the U.S., homebound employees are logging three hours more per day on the job than before city and state-wide lockdowns, according to data from NordVPN, which tracks when users connect and disconnect from its service. Out of all countries that NordVPN tracks, U.S. workers had tacked on the most hours. In France, Spain, and the U.K. the day has stretched an additional two hours, NordVPN’s data found. Italy saw no change at all.
Coronavirus relief pushing US deficits to staggering heights (AP) Spend what it takes, Washington said as it confronted the coronavirus. Well over $2 trillion later, it’s unclear where that spending will end. One of the lasting legacies of the coronavirus pandemic will be staggering debts and deficits on the U.S. balance sheet, with shortfalls hitting levels that would have been unthinkable just a few decades ago. It’s a fiscal clamp that is likely to persist for a generation, or even into perpetuity, with debt levels having passed the point of easy return in a capital where lawmakers are increasingly incapable, or unwilling, to constrain them. The latest, and dire, projection from the Congressional Budget Office, released Friday, states the U.S. deficits will mushroom to $3.7 trillion in 2020, fueled by the four coronavirus relief bills signed into law by President Donald Trump. A fifth bill is already in the works, and will be “expensive,” according to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif.
Trump says he will block coronavirus aid for U.S. Postal Service if it doesn’t hike prices immediately (Washington Post) President Trump on Friday threatened to block an emergency loan to shore up the U.S. Postal Service unless it dramatically raised shipping prices on online retailers, an unprecedented move to seize control of the agency that analysts said could plunge its finances into a deeper hole. “The Postal Service is a joke,” Trump told reporters in the Oval Office. To obtain a $10 billion line of credit Congress approved this month, “The post office should raise the price of a package by approximately four times,” he said. Trump for years has alleged the Postal Service has charged too little for packages and personally pushed the head of the agency to charge far more to ship goods for big online retailers. Several administration officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, have said Trump’s criticism of Postal Service rates is rooted in a desire to hurt Amazon in particular. They have said that he fumes publicly and privately at Amazon’s founder Jeff Bezos, who also owns The Washington Post, for news coverage that Trump believes is unfair.
Turmoil in Brazil: Bolsonaro Fires Police Chief and Justice Minister Quits (NYT) Brazil’s justice minister, Sergio Moro, a former federal judge who became the face of a powerful anti-corruption crackdown that swept Latin America, resigned Friday after accusing President Jair Bolsonaro of seeking to assert improper control of the federal police for political gain. Mr. Moro’s acrimonious departure was a volatile and unexpected development in Brazil, where the rapid spread of the coronavirus has overwhelmed hospitals and roiled the political establishment. Mr. Bolsonaro, who has downplayed the gravity of the virus, last week fired his health minister after the two clashed over strict quarantine measures to slow the contagion. Mr. Moro was the eighth minister to leave Mr. Bolsonaro’s cabinet during the 15 months he has been in office.
Spain’s kids prepare for taste of freedom after six-week lockdown (Reuters) Spain released guidelines on Saturday allowing children to go outside after six weeks living under one of Europe’s strictest lockdowns, as figures confirmed a daily coronavirus death toll running well below the peak seen early this month. Children were trying out their masks in anticipation of their first taste of fresh air since Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez declared a state of emergency on March 14. The government said under 14s will from Sunday be allowed up to one hour of supervised outdoor activity per day between 9am and 9pm, staying within one kilometre of their home.
Pakistani prime minister sidelined on coronavirus (Financial Times) Imran Khan has been sidelined by Pakistan’s powerful military after failing to act decisively on the coronavirus crisis or impose a lockdown in an attempt to curb the spread of cases. On March 22, the prime minister told the nation that his government would not institute a sweeping lockdown, arguing it would put millions out of work and leave families struggling to find enough food to eat. But less than 24 hours later, military spokesman Major General Babar Iftikhar announced that the army would oversee a shutdown to halt the spread of infections in the world’s fifth most populous country of more than 200 million people.
India reopens stores, speeding easing of virus lockdowns (AP) A tentative easing around the world of coronavirus lockdowns gathered pace Saturday with the reopening in India of neighborhood stores that many of the country’s 1.3 billion people rely on for everything from cold drinks to mobile phone data cards. The relaxation of the super-strict Indian lockdown came with major caveats. It did not apply to hundreds of quarantined towns and other hotspots that have been hit hardest by the outbreak that has killed at least 775 people in India. Last week, India also allowed manufacturing and farming activities to resume in rural areas to ease the economic plight of millions of daily wage-earners left without work by the country’s lockdown imposed March 24. India’s stay-home restrictions have allowed people out of their homes only to buy food, medicine or other essentials.
In Japan, children of nurses face discrimination, exclusion over virus fears (AP) Children of Japanese medical professions face discrimination or even exclusion from day-care centers over fears they might have the novel coronavirus, increasing the stresses on front-line workers as the country’s health-care system nears collapse, according to media reports. Although most schools and day-care centers around the country are closed, some remain open. Bloomberg reported that children of medical workers were being excluded or asked to prove they didn’t have the virus. Kyodo News reported that some medical professionals had been forced to quit their jobs because of the discrimination against their family members, deepening the crisis in a profession where staff are already under massive pressure and working round-the-clock. “There’s growing prejudice and discrimination against people in the medical field,” said Shigeru Omi, the deputy head of the government’s advisory panel on the virus, according to Bloomberg. “It’s even extending to their families.”
Gaza factories roar back to life to make protective wear (AP) For the first time in years, sewing factories in the Gaza Strip are back to working at full capacity—producing masks, gloves and protective gowns, some of which are bound for Israel. It’s a rare economic lifeline in the coastal territory, which has been blockaded by Israel and Egypt since the Hamas militant group seized power from rival Palestinian forces in the strip in 2007. The blockade, and three wars between Hamas and Israel, have devastated the local economy, with unemployment hovering around 50%. Rizq al-Madhoun, owner of the Bahaa garment company, said he has produced more than 1 million masks in the past three weeks, “all for the Israeli market.” Gaza may not have the advanced machinery seen in other places, but he said residents’ sewing skills are unmatched. “Gaza workers are distinguished in handiwork and they are better than workers in China or Turkey,” he said.
Ghana’s dancing pallbearers (Washington Post) You may have seen them on the Internet: six men in black suits, sunglasses and patent leather shoes grooving to a techno beat while carrying a coffin. They are Ghana’s dancing pallbearers, a crew of funeral performers who have long sought to make mourners grin through grief. But as the coronavirus pandemic rages, they’ve become the accidental faces of a stay-at-home movement—comedic grim reapers edited into footage of risky behavior as a warning. Reopening a mall when cases are mounting? Cue the dancing pallbearers. Protesting a lockdown in a covid-19 hot spot? Cue the dancing pallbearers. Forget to wash your hands before eating? Cue the dancing pallbearers. People in China, Brazil and the United States have shared video after video since the outbreak began, garnering millions of clicks and an international fan base for the group. Benjamin Aidoo, who leads the group, isn’t sure how it happened. He woke up one March morning and saw his signature moves everywhere. “It’s a bit scary, but it’s funny, too,” said Aidoo, 32, who lives in Accra, the capital of Ghana. “People are saying, ‘I’d rather stay home than have these guys bury me.’ ”
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It would make sense you don't know it because your bio says you are 18, you would have been a little kid when these things were making national news and I made this post about it in 2015.
In the Jennifer Gale case happened in 2008. They refused to house her unless she stayed with men despite the fact that she was at high risk of assault. She was found dead right outside their building after a blizzard.
In 2014 they refused to help another trans woman get housing because she had not received gender reassignment surgery
Here's an article detailing more of the history of discrimination from 2019
Most of the stories of shelters kicking people out for being gay come from people sharing their issues. I know when I was a homeless teen with my mother and siblings we were outright told to avoid the Salvation army shelter in town because they required you to convert for services and they would clock me and refuse us service. Multiple families warned us of this, many from experience with their own queer children.
The Salvation Amry has released their own press releases to argue that they are not Homophobic, Transphobic or Racist yet even their own arguments in their defense use loaded language.
Here the Wikipedia page if you'd like to look at their list of controversies over the years with even more sources
In 2013 They referred gay people to conversion camps after claiming for years that they aren't discriminating against queer people.
They pulled that down as soon as they got backlash.
News article from 2020 where they are continuing their discrimination while claiming still that everyone else is lying on their main page.
It took this woman blasting her shelter on Twitter and thousands of people sharing their same situation for The Salvation Army to do anything at all about the situation going on at the shelter she was at. Including black mold throughout the building and staff taking residents property and selling it with donations. Something that happens at shelters all over the world.
Here's a link to them only paying disabled people $1 A WEEK for full time work while calling it therapy. They force people to drop food stamps(EBT) and and other government aid including housing assistance. They are forbidden from getting work anywhere else while in the "work training program".
They have to stay in shelters, eat provided food only and can only get clothes from their donation centers.(Better hope they have what you need)
The comments of this post are filled with people talking about their own negative experiences with the Salvation Army. If nothing else I hope this will convince you to choose a different charity to donate to.
It’s that time of year to say no to the Salvation Army.
Never forget they let a Trans woman die instead of helping her.
Never forget they have tossed entire families on the street for having an LGBT child.
Never forget they tell non Christian families that unless they convert they will not help them.
Never forget that the Salvation Army is bigoted and hateful, many of the bell ringers routinely heckle and harass LGBT couples.
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The Tale of Two Viruses: Part 13
First a little Clorox to clean the soul, then some UV light, for some insight, and now a dose of hydroxy (chloroquine) for some moxie.
The Don’s declaration during one of his Bozo the Clown press conferences, that he was doing hydroxy as a preventive, like some club drug, was another page in “How irresponsible and stupid can you be?”
But wait. Was this spontaneous admission that he was taking hydroxy true? Who knows. But hey, why not once again hype a drug already to have no known impact on the virus, but that does have serious side effects, particularly on morbidly obese individuals with heart issues? This is what he said about taking it:
“I’m not going to get hurt by it. It has been around for 40 years for malaria, for lupus, for other things. I take it. Front-line workers take it. A lot of doctors take it.”
If you are a doctor please raise your hand if you are doing hydroxy, as I want to report you to the licensing board so your license to practice medicine can be revoked. (Since that inane statement Lancet, a world renowned medical journal, published a study, which included 96,000 Covid-19 patients and found that not only was it ineffective, but people taking it had a higher mortality rate!)
Didn’t you just love Nancy Pelosi’s statement of concern that our president was “morbidly obese.” When asked about this comment she said: “I gave him a dose of his own medicine. He’s called women one thing or another over time, and I thought he thinks that passes off as humor in certain cultures,”
I know Nancy talks about praying for the president: she has high moral standards, but she is also very clever. Remember The Don’s State of the Union address when she mocked him while ostensibly praising him with applause. Well, maybe her taunting him about his health was a coy ploy to get him to double the dosage in defiance. Prod The Don to show her how the healthiest 73 year old in the world, was invincible.
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Say it out loud, say it proud to your doped-up masses (remember the new polling saying that 45 percent of Protestants believe that The Don was God’s idea?) Liberate them and send them out with their guns to storm pharmacies so they can get some of that good stuff.
Even old reliable Fox News had to defy The Don and say “Um no, don’t do that.” Their disloyalty ticked him off and he pined for the good ole days of Roger Ailes and his sexual assault bandits. Even Fox has its limits regarding how many people it wants to die.
But let’s return to whether The Don is even taking the drug. Many doubt it. How disturbed do you have to be to say you are taking a drug that is dangerous, when you are not? And why? Because you were angry at Dr. Bright’s testimony to Congress regarding the drug’s lack of efficacy? It’s like a parent telling a two year old not to eat dog shit, but in a fit of obstinacy and defiance, he shovels it in to his mouth. That’ll show you, nervous Nancy.
During the press conference, The Don had to remind the nation that even though he was doing an infomercial about the drug, he didn’t own the company. But the government did buy 29 million doses.
Let’s move from the world of drugs that can kill you, to the no federal guideline plan to “Open up America” or from my point of view “Open Up the Veins of America.” In the parlance of harm reduction, you make sure people who are cutting themselves are doing it safely-not cutting too deep or near a vein. The maxim is: If you are going to cut because you are compelled to, be intentional and careful; the same strategy should be employed for opening up the country. The bottom line is that The Don doesn’t care how many people cut their veins and bleed out as long as they are out there showing the world that America is opening up.
All over the country essential workers at meat processing plants and other businesses, where density of workers is a serious problem, positive cases are erupting like wildfire. Lacking national guidelines puts workers lives in jeopardy.
Workers are pawns whose lives do not matter; the majority of these workers are black and brown. They are widgets in a system that wants to protect businesses against law suits when forcing workers to go to work and cancelling their unemployment if they refuse; the rich Republican business men are as much behind the reopening as the freedom fighters are. American greed and capitalism to its rotten core.
As far as interesting new twists in The Don’s version of “Survivor,” how about certain nursing homes refusing to release infection rates because it would be bad publicity for business. Um, but what happens if you have harbored fantasies of matricide for an abusive mother and have finally find a legal way to do the deed? I call foul.
Or how about The Don’s Secretary of Health Alexander Azar blaming black people for having pre-existing conditions that exacerbate the impact of the virus increasing death totals. The numbers are inflated because of those people. What nerve!
Or what of The Don’s threat to withhold federal money for the epidemic from Michigan and a few other states run by Democratic governors if they go ahead with plans to support democracy by ensuring mail-in ballots. Is that Impeachment Part two? Like with Ukraine, quid pro quo? You stop the mail-in initiative or else you get no money?
The Don is so freaked out about the election that he has finally decided to use the full weight of the government, not for testing, but to have his base remove mailboxes in Democratic states so no one will receive a ballot.
Speaking of opening up veins, in a nod to his base, The Don declared that governors had to let religious institutions open up. Praise the Lord. Sing out. Spray your spirit. Have a wafer. Have some wine, the blood of Christ.
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I slashed one man’s face open when he laid his hands upon me, and rode through the others
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Our 2 Kings 7 Kind of Life
Don’t you love it when God shows up?
Have you ever missed it when God showed up?
What about now?
Today, opinions are a dime a dozen. Talk to a dozen people, and you’ll get a dozen different angles on any of a dozen subjects. But in spite of our differences of opinion on any of a wide range of topics, I think we all agree on one thing these days; had I interrupted your Christmas celebration this past December (whether or not I were wearing camel’s hair and in need of a good flossing to extract locust legs from between my teeth), telling you the following list of things would all come true in less than 90 days, you would have labeled me a complete crazy man and would’ve told me to go back beneath the rock from which I had come.
“In less than 90 days,…”
1. You, over there in the Free Enterprise motor coach pullover (that would’ve been me) … you will be returning to the University of Indianapolis with the Men’s Lacrosse team from South Carolina before playing the final game of your trip–but oddly enough, both teams will be fully healthy, the weather will be ideal, and the trip will have been coasting along without a hitch. Oh, and the university’s administration will also require the other eight remaining U Indy teams, participating in their various collegiate sporting events from Florida to California and everywhere in between, to immediately return to campus as well. And, once you return, your entire fleet of buses will be emptied of fuel, removed from insurance plans, and put out of service–though all machines are mechanically sound and all drivers are healthy and available to drive.
2. And you, in the red Community Hospital valet shirt (that would’ve be my wife) … you will be in your new role in the front office of the Center for Genetic Health. But having been asked not to congregate with your co-workers in the perfectly suited and newly designed office space the hospital had just finished, you and all of your co-workers will be working from home to reschedule all patient appointments sixty days or more into the future–unless they are willing to conduct their appointment over the phone or via video-chat.
3. The NBA post-season will never happen, and the balance of the season itself will be stopped cold in its tracks at half-time of a game in the Mountain Time Zone on Wednesday, March 11th.
4. All NCAA spring athletic events will be cancelled for the remainder of the school year and March Madness won’t happen.
5. There will be no date set to begin the MLB season.
6. Grocery stores will have been unable to keep chicken, ground beef, bread and toilet paper on their shelves.
7. Gasoline will, in some places, be under a dollar a gallon, but few will be filling up.
8. The nation’s restaurants will be closed for all dine-in experiences while the fortunate will try to stay in business by doing carry-out or drive-through business only.
9. All shopping malls, strip malls, barber shops and hair and nail salons will be closed.
10. The Federal Government will be sending $1,200 tax-free cash gifts to the vast majority of American citizens.
11. The world will have a drastic shortage of personal protective equipment.
12. The Down Jones Industrial Average will suffer 3 of its worst days since the “Black Monday” market crash in 1987 in the span of less than a week, losing roughly one-third of its value in a matter of about eight days.
13. State governors will be requesting their citizens “shelter in place” by remaining home but for essential trips for food or health-related emergencies, while in some states it will be a finable offense to travel anywhere but to secure such.
14. The President and VP of the United States will be holding daily, 2-hour press briefings for weeks on end.
15. Frequent air travel will be little but a memory, international travel banned, airfares costing less than a good meal out (which will no longer be happening).
16. The President will sign a presidential memorandum that will require the likes of General Motors to begin manufacturing respiratory ventilators.
17. Dozens of privately held companies like Michael Lindell’s “My Pillow,” will be transformed into N-95 facemask factories.
18. Samaritan’s Purse will have set up and be running a fully-functioning hospital in the middle of New York City’s Central Park.
19. The United States Naval Hospital Ship “Comfort” will have been deployed to New York to help in the cause.
20. Most people will be wearing PPE masks everywhere they go.
21. All public concerts world-wide will be on hold.
22. Churches will be asked not to meet, and nearly all will comply without resistance.
23. Employees representing nearly every U.S. industry will be furloughed, let go or kept on payrolls with forgivable loans from the Fed.
24. People will be asked to stand in lines outside Lowe’s stores at six-foot intervals to ensure active shopper customer quotas are kept while both one-way entries and exits are monitored.
25. Many stores will be required to close down public access to much of their merchandise not deemed “essential,” to help support the cause.
26. Pork, chicken and other meat packing plants in the U.S. will be closing down.
27. U.S. unemployment will be at the highest rate since the Great Depression as new weekly filing claims will be counted not in the hundreds of thousands, but in the millions.
28. The nation’s, and most of the world’s movie theaters, will be closed.
29. People without facemasks will be shunned and avoided by “mask-wearers.”
30. Neighbors will be sitting in their driveways and on FRONT porches again.
31. College students will be home with their families, taking part in online classwork since all university campuses will be closed prior to semesters’ end.
32. In lieu of our celebrating athletes and Hollywood types, doctors, nurses and healthcare workers will be the new heroes.
33. People in some industries will be earning more to stay at home than while working full time.
34. The Fed will be paying the unemployed an additional $600/week over and above the state provisions.
35. All elective surgeries will be halted while hospital ORs remain unused.
36. Online church “attendance” will skyrocket, leading to thousands and thousands of new believers.
37. American celebrity musicians will be holding online “Global Citizen” concerts to raise millions of dollars to give to the World Health Organization which is being held liable for its part in enabling the death of hundreds of thousands in nearly 200 countries world-wide.
Would any of these things been plausible just a few months ago?
Obviously, this is only a partial list, and one to which most of us could quickly add another dozen. And NOTE they’re not all bad! Isn’t it just like God to orchestrate blessing in the face of difficulty?
But in my mind, these “90-days-ago incomprehensible occurrences” are not unlike the similarly baffling predictions that Elisha, in 2 Kings Chapter 7, was revealing to the king and his officer.
Here’s the short version:
Elisha replied, “Hear the word of the Lord. This is what the Lord says: About this time tomorrow, a seah [probably about 7 lbs] of the finest flour will sell for a shekel and two seahs of barley for a shekel at the gate of Samaria.”
The officer on whose arm the king was leaning said to the man of God, “Look, even if the Lord should open the floodgates of the heavens, could this happen?”
“You will see it with your own eyes,” answered Elisha, “but you will not eat any of it!”
The officer was utterly confounded. “Really? How could this be?” And to be sure, there is no way, given their circumstance at the time, they could have concocted such an unlikely series of events.
(Read verses 3-13 to learn how this mystifying prophecy actually took place.)
But then, the verdict is recorded in the later verses...
“So they selected two chariots with their horses, and the king sent them after the Aramean army. He commanded the drivers, “Go and find out what has happened.” They followed them as far as the Jordan, and they found the whole road strewn with the clothing and equipment the Arameans had thrown away in their headlong flight. So the messengers returned and reported to the king. Then the people went out and plundered the camp of the Arameans. So a seah of the finest flour sold for a shekel, and two seahs of barley sold for a shekel, as the Lord had said.”
Now the king had put the officer on whose arm he leaned in charge of the gate, and the people trampled him in the gateway, and he died, just as the man of God had foretold when the king came down to his house. It happened as the man of God had said to the king: “About this time tomorrow, a seah of the finest flour will sell for a shekel and two seahs of barley for a shekel at the gate of Samaria.” ...but your officer will not eat any of it.
What’s my point?
God often does things in ways no man would ever script. What we deem impossible is a drop in the bucket of God’s immeasurable and endless power and insight. After all, He knows the future!
But here’s what WE do.
If told of how the above-mentioned improbables would come true by late-March, we would have responded, “Oh I see. What a tragic series of events. But I understand now how that will happen. It all makes sense.”
And because it “makes sense” in hindsight, we disregard the overriding variable of the supernatural God into the equation and chalk up the now-plausible circumstance as nothing more than the “natural” occurrence of things.
No matter how crazy things get, when viewing world events on merely the natural plane, most won’t need a God to “see it.” It will all make logical, cause-and-effect sense.
In the same way, I believe much of what will lead up to Revelation 12 and is told us in Daniel 11:31 and following, will likewise “make good sense” to the mind of mankind at the time. Going so far as to think of the Anti-Christ to come, we have to assume he will not come into power forcefully, but peaceably, with the full support of a global community…one that is now forming rapidly. Yes, it will all “make perfect sense,” for the answers and charismatic leadership of the one we know is to come will help to solve what will have become the world’s most pressing and previously unsolvable complexities. And the world community will give him his prominent role.
Still, for those in Christ, let me be clear that these can be days of amazing intrigue and anticipation, not fear and worry.
But, you see, my point is that this is how God usually chooses to bring about his plans, through a course of events that will be laced in the common sense of man … so much so that even the elect would be deceived were it possible (Matthew 24:24).
BUT, He gives light to the eyes of his children. Our great and unshakeable God has let us in on his plans. We are his friends if we do what He commands (John 15:14). And as friends of the Son of God, the Son has made known us to his agenda (John 15:15).
Now, my intention is not to insinuate we are absolutely on the cusp of the rapture of the Church, or teetering at the edge of the Tribulation–though I’m also not saying that we couldn’t be, for the Father alone only knows the day of Jesus’ return for his children (Matthew 24:30-42).
What I am saying is that if we can learn anything from history, and from an acquaintance with the scriptures, we can assume that the initial events predicted in the Bible will likely “make sense” in the moment to the mind of unregenerate man.
So, one last question.
Given our current sermon series at my home church, Northview Church, I am wondering if you are listening, watching and fellowshipping with the Holy Spirit living inside you? It’s something about which I wrote in great length as well in SET FREE.
Do you know the mind of Christ? Do you have the mind of Christ?
If not, it’s time to change that. If not, you may be missing that God himself is showing up right now on planet Earth.
Place your trust in Jesus Christ. He is ready to open your eyes.
Maybe it’s time you learn more about the God who is doing something incredible right now in the midst of this unprecedented time. Maybe it’s time you gain in you the Resource that dispells anxiety and replaces it with a calm assurance the world will never understand.
You can learn more about having a relationship with Jesus here. Or, reach out to a pastor at Northview Church by texting “NEXT” to 85379 and selecting Option 2.
God is showing up right now. Don’t miss him in the details.
Keep watching.
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How Trump walked into Putin’s web
The long read: The inside story of how a former British spy was hired to investigate Russias influence on Trump and uncovered explosive evidence that Moscow had been cultivating Trump for years

Moscow, summer 1991. Mikhail Gorbachev is in power. Official relations with the west have softened, but the KGB still assumes all western embassy workers are spooks. The KGB agents assigned to them are easy to spot. They have a method. Sometimes they pursue targets on foot, sometimes in cars. The officers charged with keeping tabs on western diplomats are never subtle.
One of their specialities is breaking into Moscow apartments. The owners are always away, of course. The KGB leave a series of clues – stolen shoes, women’s tights knotted together, cigarette butts stomped out and left demonstratively on the floor. Or a surprise turd in the toilet, waiting in grim ambush. The message, crudely put, is this: we are the masters here! We can do what the fuck we please!
Back then, the KGB kept watch on all foreigners, especially American and British ones. The UK mission in Moscow was under close observation. The British embassy was a magnificent mansion built in the 1890s by a rich sugar merchant, on the south bank of the Moskva river. It looked directly across to the Kremlin. The view was dreamy: a grand palace, golden church domes and medieval spires topped with revolutionary red stars.
One of those the KGB routinely surveilled was a 27-year-old diplomat, newly married to his wife, Laura, on his first foreign posting, and working as a second secretary in the chancery division. In this case, their suspicions were right.
The “diplomat” was a British intelligence officer. His workplace was a grand affair: chandeliers, mahogany-panelled reception rooms, gilt-framed portraits of the Queen and other royals hanging from the walls. His desk was in the embassy library, surrounded by ancient books. The young officer’s true employer was an invisible entity back in London – SIS, the Secret Intelligence Service, commonly known as MI6.
His name was Christopher Steele. Years later, he would be commissioned to undertake an astonishing secret investigation. It was an explosive assignment: to uncover the Kremlin’s innermost secrets with relation to Donald Trump. Steele’s findings, and the resulting dossier, would shake the American intelligence community and cause a political earthquake not seen since the dark days of Richard Nixon and Watergate.
Steele had arrived in Moscow via the usual establishment route for upwardly mobile British spies: the University of Cambridge. Cambridge had produced some of MI6’s most talented cold war officials. A few of them, it turned out – to great embarrassment – had secret second jobs with the KGB. The joke inside MI6 was that only those who had never visited the Soviet Union would wish to defect.
Steele had studied social and political sciences at Girton College. His views were centre-left; he and his elder sister were the first members of his family to go to university. (Steele’s paternal grandfather was a coal miner from Pontypridd in south Wales; his great-uncle died in a pit accident.) Steele wrote for the student newspaper, Varsity. He became president of the Cambridge Union, a debating society dominated by well-heeled and well-connected young men and women.
It’s unclear who recruited Steele. Traditionally, certain Cambridge tutors were rumoured to identify promising MI6 candidates. Whatever the route, Steele’s timing was good. After three years at MI6, he was sent to the Soviet Union in April 1990, soon after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the communist bloc across eastern Europe.
It was a tumultuous time. Seventy years after the Bolshevik revolution, the red empire was crumbling. The Baltic states had revolted against Soviet power; their own national authorities were governing in parallel with Moscow. In June 1991, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic elected a democratic president, Boris Yeltsin. Food shortages were not uncommon.
There was still much to enjoy. Like other expatriates, the Steeles visited the Izmailovsky craft market, next to an imperial park where Peter the Great’s father, Tsar Alexei, had established a model farm. Here you could buy lacquered boxes, patchwork quilts, furry hats and Soviet kitsch. Steele acquired samovars, carpets from central Asia, a papier-mache Stalin mask and a hand-painted Tolstoy doll set.
Much of the Soviet Union was off-limits to diplomats. Steele was the embassy’s “internal traveller”. He visited newly accessible cities. One of them was Samara, a wartime Soviet capital. There, he became the first foreigner to see Stalin’s underground bunker. Instead of Lenin, he found dusty portraits of Peter the Great and the imperial commander Mikhail Kutuzov – proof, seemingly, that Stalin was more nationalist than Marxist. Another city was Kazan, in Tatarstan. There a local correspondent, Anatoly Andronov, took a black-and-white photo of Steele chatting with newspaper editors. At weekends, Steele took part in soccer matches with a group of expats in a Russian league. In one game, he played against the legendary Soviet Union striker Oleh Blokhin, who scored from the halfway line.
Christopher Steele in early 1991, with newspaper editors in the Tatar city of Kazan. Photograph: Anatoly Andronov
The atmosphere was optimistic. It seemed to Steele that the country was shifting markedly in the right direction. Citizens once terrified of interacting with outsiders were ready to talk. The KGB, however, found nothing to celebrate in the USSR’s tilt towards freedom and reform. In August 1991, seven apparatchiks staged a coup while Gorbachev was vacationing in Crimea. Most of the British embassy was away. Steele was home at his second-floor apartment in Gruzinsky Pereulok. He left the apartment block and walked for 10 minutes into town. Crowds had gathered outside the White House, the seat of government; thus far the army hadn’t moved against them.
From 50 yards away, Steele watched as a snowy-haired man in a suit climbed on a tank and – reading from notes brushed by the wind – denounced the coup as cynical and illegal. This was a defiant Yeltsin. Steele listened as Yeltsin urged a general strike and, fist clenched, told his supporters to remain strong.
The coup failed, and a weakened Gorbachev survived. The putschists – the leading group in all the main Soviet state and party institutions – were arrested. In the west, and in the US in particular, many concluded that Washington had won the cold war, and that, after decades of ideological struggle, liberal democracy had triumphed.
Steele knew better. Three days after the coup, surveillance on him resumed. His MI6 colleagues in Hungary and Czechoslovakia reported that after revolutions there the secret police vanished, never to come back. But here were the same KGB guys, with the same familiar faces. They went back to their old routines of bugging, break-ins and harassment.
The regime changed. The system didn’t.
By the time Steele left Moscow in April 1993, the Soviet Union had gone. A new country, led by Yeltsin, had replaced it: the Russian Federation. The KGB had been dissolved, but its officers hadn’t exactly disappeared. They still loathed the US and were merely biding their time.
One mid-ranking former KGB spy who was unhappy about this state of affairs was Vladimir Putin. Putin had been posted to Dresden in provincial East Germany in the mid-80s, and had missed perestroika and glasnost, Gorbachev’s reformist ideas. He had now returned to the newly renamed St Petersburg and was carving out a political career. He mourned the end of the USSR, and once called its disappearance “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century”.
A post-communist spy agency, the Federal Security Service, or FSB, had taken over the KGB’s main functions. Back in the UK, Steele would soon move into MI6’s purpose-built new office – a large, striking, postmodern pile of a building overlooking the River Thames in London. Staff called it Vauxhall Cross. This gaudy Babylonian temple was hard to miss; in 1994, the government officially acknowledged the existence of MI6 for the first time. The FSB would become its bitter adversary.
From London, Steele continued to work on the new Russia. He was ambitious, keen to succeed, and keen to be seen to succeed. He was also, perhaps, less posh than some of his upper-class peers. Steele’s father, Perris, and his mother, Janet, met when they worked together at the UK Met Office. Perris was a forecaster for the armed services. The family had lived on army bases in Aden, where Steele was born, on the Shetland Islands (where he found an interest in bird-watching) and – twice – in Cyprus.
Steele’s education had been varied. He went to a British forces school in Cyprus. He did sixth form at a college in Berkshire. He then spent a “seventh” or additional term at Wellington College, an elite private boarding school. There he sat the entrance exam for Cambridge.
At MI6, Steele moved in a small world of Kremlin specialists. There were conferences and seminars in university towns like Oxford; contacts to be made; émigrés to be met, lunched and charmed. In 1998 he got another posting, to the British embassy in Paris. He had a family: two sons and a daughter, born in France, where Steele was officially First Secretary Financial.
At this point, his career hit a bump. In 1999, a list of MI6 officers was leaked online. Steele was one of them. He appeared as “Christopher David Steele, 90 Moscow; dob 1964”.
The breach wasn’t Steele’s fault, but it had unfortunate consequences. As an exposed British officer, he couldn’t go back to Russia.
In Moscow, the spies were staging a comeback. In 1998 Putin became FSB chief, then prime minister, and in 2000, president. By 2002, when Steele left Paris, Putin had consolidated his grip. Most of Russia’s genuine political opposition had been wiped out, from parliament as well as from public life and the evening news. The idea that Russia might slowly turn into a democracy had proved a late-century fantasy. Rather, the US’s traditional nuclear-armed adversary was moving in an authoritarian direction.
At first, George W Bush and Tony Blair viewed Putin as a respectable ally in the war against terror. But he remained an enigma. As Steele knew better than most, obtaining information from inside the presidential administration in Moscow was tough. One former member of the US National Security Council described Putin as a “black box”. “The Brits had slightly better assets than us. We had nothing. No human intelligence,” the source said. And, with the focus on fighting Islamists, Russia was downgraded on the list of US-UK intelligence priorities.
By 2006, Steele held a senior post at MI6’s Russia desk in London. There were ominous signs that Putin was taking Russia in an aggressive direction. The number of hostile Russian agents in the UK grew, surpassing cold war levels. Steele tracked a new campaign of subversion and covert influence.
And then two FSB assassins put a radioactive poison into the tea of Alexander Litvinenko, a former FSB officer turned London-based dissident. It was an audacious operation, and a sign of things to come. MI6 picked Steele to investigate. One reason for this was that he wasn’t emotionally involved with the case, unlike some of his colleagues who had known the victim. He quickly concluded the Russian state had staged the execution.
Alexander Litvinenko, whose poisoning in London in 2006 Christopher Steele was chosen to investigate. Photograph: Natasja Weitsz
Steele’s gloomy view of Russia – that under Putin it was not only domestically repressive but also internationally reckless and revisionist – looked about right. Steele briefed government ministers. Some got it. Others could scarcely believe Russian spies would carry out murder and mayhem on the streets of London.
All told, Steele spent 22 years as a British intelligence officer. There were some high points – he saw his years in Moscow as formative – and some low ones. Two of the diplomats with whom he shared an office in the embassy library, Tim Barrow and David Manning, went on to become UK ambassadors to the EU and the US respectively.
Steele didn’t quite rise to the top, in what was a highly competitive service. Espionage might sound exciting, but the salary of a civil servant was ordinary. And in 2009 he had faced a personal tragedy, when his wife died at the age of 43 after a period of illness.
That same year, Steele left MI6 and set up his own business intelligence firm, Orbis, in partnership with another former British spy, Christopher Burrows. The transition from government to the private sector wasn’t easy. Steele and Burrows were pursuing the same intelligence matters as before, but without the support and peer review they had in their previous jobs. MI6’s security branch would often ask an officer to go back to a source, or redraft a report, or remark: “We think it’s interesting. We’d like to have more on this.” This kept up quality and objectivity.
Steele and Burrows, by contrast, were out on their own, where success depended more on one’s own wits. There was no more internal challenge. The people they had to please were corporate clients. The pay was considerably better.
The shabby environs of Orbis’s office in London’s Victoria, where I first met Christopher Steele, were a long way away from Washington DC and the bitterly contested 2016 US presidential election. So how did Steele come to be commissioned to research Donald J Trump and produce his devastating dossier?
At the same moment Steele said goodbye to official spying, another figure was embarking on a new career in the crowded field of private business intelligence. His name was Glenn Simpson. He was a former journalist. Simpson was an alluring figure: a large, tall, angular, bear-like man who slotted himself easily on to a bar stool and enjoyed a beer or two. He was a good-humoured social companion who spoke in a nasal drawl. Behind small, oval glasses was a twinkling intelligence. He excelled at what he did.
Simpson had been an illustrious Wall Street Journal correspondent. Based in Washington and Brussels, he had specialised in post-Soviet murk. He didn’t speak Russian or visit the Russian Federation. This was deemed too dangerous. Instead, from outside the country, he examined the dark intersection between organised crime and the Russian state.
By 2009, Simpson decided to quit journalism, at a time when the media industry was in all sorts of financial trouble. He co-founded his own commercial research and political intelligence firm, based in Washington DC. Its name was Fusion GPS. Its website gave little away. It didn’t even list an address.
Simpson then met Steele. They knew some of the same FBI people and shared expertise on Russia. Fusion and Orbis began a professional partnership. The Washington- and London-based firms worked for oligarchs litigating against other oligarchs. This might involve asset tracing – identifying large sums concealed behind layers of offshore companies.
Later that year, Steele embarked on a separate, sensitive new assignment that drew on his knowledge of covert Russian techniques – and of football. (In Moscow he had played at full-back.) The client was the English Football Association, the FA. England was bidding to host the 2018 soccer World Cup. Its main rival was Russia. There were joint bids, too, from Spain and Portugal, and the Netherlands and Belgium. His brief was to investigate the eight other bidding nations, with a particular focus on Russia. It was rumoured that the FSB had carried out a major influence operation, ahead of a vote in Zurich by the executive committee of Fifa, soccer’s international governing body.
Steele discovered that Fifa corruption was global. It was a stunning conspiracy. He took the unusual step of briefing an American contact in Rome, the head of the FBI’s Eurasian serious crime division. This “lit the fuse”, as one friend put it, and led to a probe by US federal prosecutors. And to the arrest in 2015 of seven Fifa officials, allegedly connected to $150m (£114m) in kickbacks, paid on TV deals stretching from Latin America to the Caribbean. The US indicted 14 individuals.
The episode burnished Steele’s reputation inside the US intelligence community and the FBI. Here was a pro, a well-connected Brit, who understood Russian espionage and its subterranean tricks. Steele was regarded as credible. Between 2014 and 2016, Steele authored more than 100 reports on Russia and Ukraine. These were written for a private client but shared widely within the US state department, and sent up to secretary of state John Kerry and assistant secretary of state Victoria Nuland, who was in charge of the US response to Putin’s annexation of Crimea and covert invasion of eastern Ukraine. Many of Steele’s secret sources were the same people who would later supply information on Trump.
One former state department envoy during the Obama administration said he read dozens of Steele’s reports. On Russia, the envoy said, Steele was “as good as the CIA or anyone”.
Steele’s professional reputation inside US agencies would prove important the next time he discovered alarming material.
Trump’s political rise in the autumn of 2015 and the early months of 2016 was swift and irresistible. The candidate was a human wrecking ball who flattened everything in his path, including the Republican party’s aghast, frozen-to-the-spot establishment. Marco Rubio, Jeb Bush, Ted Cruz – all were batted aside, taunted, crushed. Scandals that would have killed off a normal presidential candidate made Trump stronger. The media loved it. Increasingly, so did the voters. Might anything stop him?
In mid-2015, the Republican front-runner had been Jeb Bush, son of one US president and brother of another. But as the campaign got under way, Bush struggled. Trump dubbed the former Florida governor “low-energy”. During the primaries, a website funded by one of Trump’s wealthy Republican critics, Paul Singer, commissioned Fusion to investigate Trump.
After Trump became the presumptive nominee in May 2016, Singer’s involvement ended and senior Democrats seeking to elect Hillary Clinton took over the Trump contract. The new client was the Democratic National Committee. A lawyer working for Clinton’s campaign, Marc E Elias, retained Fusion and received its reports. The world of private investigation was a morally ambiguous one – a sort of open market in dirt. Information on Trump was of no further use to Republicans, but it could be of value to Democrats, Trump’s next set of opponents.
Before this, in early spring 2016, Simpson approached Steele, his friend and colleague. Steele began to scrutinise Paul Manafort, who would soon become Trump’s new campaign manager. From April, Steele investigated Trump on behalf of the DNC, Fusion’s anonymous client. All Steele knew at first was that the client was a law firm. He had no idea what he would find. He later told David Corn, Washington editor of the magazine Mother Jones: “It started off as a fairly general inquiry.” Trump’s organisation owned luxury hotels around the world. Trump had, as far back as 1987, sought to do real estate deals in Moscow. One obvious question for him, Steele said, was: “Are there business ties to Russia?”
Paul Manafort, who Steele started investigating in spring 2016. Last month Manafort was indicted on 12 charges including conspiracy against the United States. Photograph: Matt Rourke/AP
Over time, Steele had built up a network of sources. He was protective of them: who they were he would never say. It could be someone well-known – a foreign government official or diplomat with access to secret material. Or it could be someone obscure – a lowly chambermaid cleaning the penthouse suite and emptying the bins in a five-star hotel.
Normally an intelligence officer would debrief sources directly, but since Steele could no longer visit Russia, this had to be done by others, or in third countries. There were intermediaries, subsources, operators – a sensitive chain. Only one of Steele’s sources on Trump knew of Steele. Steele put out his Trump-Russia query and waited for answers. His sources started reporting back. The information was astonishing; “hair-raising”. As he told friends: “For anyone who reads it, this is a life-changing experience.”
Steele had stumbled upon a well-advanced conspiracy that went beyond anything he had discovered with Litvinenko or Fifa. It was the boldest plot yet. It involved the Kremlin and Trump. Their relationship, Steele’s sources claimed, went back a long way. For at least the past five years, Russian intelligence had been secretly cultivating Trump. This operation had succeeded beyond Moscow’s wildest expectations. Not only had Trump upended political debate in the US – raining chaos wherever he went and winning the nomination – but it was just possible that he might become the next president. This opened all sorts of intriguing options for Putin.
In June 2016, Steele typed up his first memo. He sent it to Fusion. It arrived via enciphered mail. The headline read: US Presidential Election: Republican Candidate Donald Trump’s Activities in Russia and Compromising Relationship with the Kremlin. Its text began: “Russian regime has been cultivating, supporting and assisting TRUMP for at least 5 years. Aim, endorsed by PUTIN, has been to encourage splits and divisions in the western alliance.”
“So far TRUMP has declined various sweetener real estate business deals, offered him in Russia to further the Kremlin’s cultivation of him. However he and his inner circle have accepted a regular flow of intelligence from the Kremlin, including on his Democratic and other political rivals.
“Former top Russian intelligence officer claims FSB has compromised TRUMP through his activities in Moscow sufficiently to be able to blackmail him. According to several knowledgeable sources, his conduct in Moscow has included perverted sexual acts which have been arranged/monitored by the FSB.
“A dossier of compromising material on Hillary CLINTON has been collated by the Russian Intelligence Services over many years and mainly comprises bugged conversations she had on various visits to Russia and intercepted phone calls rather than any embarrassing conduct. The dossier is controlled by Kremlin spokesman, PESKOV, directly on Putin’s orders. However, it has not yet been distributed abroad, including to TRUMP. Russian intentions for its deployment still unclear.”
The memo was sensational. There would be others, 16 in all, sent to Fusion between June and early November 2016. At first, obtaining intelligence from Moscow went well. For around six months – during the first half of the year – Steele was able to make inquiries in Russia with relative ease. It got harder from late July, as Trump’s ties to Russia came under scrutiny. Finally, the lights went out. Amid a Kremlin cover-up, the sources went silent and information channels shut down.
If Steele’s reporting was to be believed, Trump had been colluding with Russia. This arrangement was transactional, with both sides trading favours. The report said Trump had turned down “various lucrative real estate development business deals in Russia”, especially in connection with the 2018 World Cup, hosted by Moscow. But he had been happy to accept a flow of Kremlin-sourced intelligence material, apparently delivered to him by his inner circle. That didn’t necessarily mean the candidate was a Russian agent. But it did signify that Russia’s leading spy agency had expended considerable effort in getting close to Trump – and, by extension, to his family, friends, close associates and business partners, not to mention his campaign manager and personal lawyer.
On the eve of the most consequential US election for generations, one of the two candidates was compromised, Steele’s sources claimed. The memo alleged that Trump had unusual sexual proclivities, and that the FSB had a tape. If true, this meant he could indeed be blackmailed.
When I met Steele in December 2016, he gave no hint he had been involved in what was the single most important investigation in decades.
Steele’s collaborators offered salacious details. The memo said that Russian intelligence had sought to exploit “TRUMP’s personal obsessions and sexual perversion” during his 2013 stay at Moscow’s Ritz-Carlton hotel for the Miss Universe beauty pageant. The operation had allegedly worked. The tycoon had booked the presidential suite of the Ritz-Carlton hotel “where he knew President and Mrs OBAMA (whom he hated) had stayed on one of their official trips to Russia”.
There, the memo said, Trump had deliberately “defiled” the Obamas’ bed. A number of prostitutes “had performed a ‘golden showers’ (urination) show in front of him”. The memo also alleged: “The hotel was known to be under FSB control with microphones and concealed cameras in all the main rooms to record anything they wanted to.”
As well as sex, there was another fascinating dimension to this alleged plot, categorically denied by Trump. According to Steele’s sources, associates of Trump had held a series of clandestine meetings in central Europe, Moscow and elsewhere with Russian spies. The Russians were very good at tradecraft. Nonetheless, could this be a trail that others might later detect?
Steele’s sources offered one final devastating piece of information. They alleged that Trump’s team had co-ordinated with Russia on the hacking operation against Clinton. And that the Americans had secretly co-paid for it.
Donald Trump and Gabriela Isler, winner of Miss Universe 2013, in Moscow. Photograph: Kommersant/Getty
Steele wrote up his findings in MI6 house style. The memos read like CX reports – classified MI6 intelligence documents. They were marked “confidential/sensitive source”. The names of prominent individuals were in caps – TRUMP, PUTIN, CLINTON. The reports began with a summary. They offered supporting detail. Sources were anonymous. They were introduced in generic terms: “a senior Russian foreign ministry figure” or “a former top level Russian intelligence officer still active inside the Kremlin”. They were given letters, starting with A and proceeding down the alphabet.
How certain was Steele that his sources had got it right and that he wasn’t being fed disinformation? The matter was so serious, so important, so explosive, so far-reaching, that this was an essential question.
As spies and former spies knew, the world of intelligence was non-binary. There were degrees of veracity. A typical CX report would include phrases such as “to a high degree of probability”. Intelligence could be flawed, because humans were inherently unreliable. They forgot things. They got things wrong.
One of Steele’s former Vauxhall Cross colleagues likened intelligence work to delicate shading. This twilight world wasn’t black and white; it was a muted palette of greys, off-whites and sepia tones, he told me. He said you could shade in one direction – more optimistically – or in another direction – less optimistically. Steele was generally in the first category.
Steele was adamant that his reporting was credible. One associate described him as sober, cautious, highly regarded, professional and conservative. “He’s not the sort of person who will pass on gossip. If he puts something in a report, he believes there is sufficient credibility in it,” the associate said. The idea that Steele’s work was fake or a cowboy operation or born of political malice was completely wrong, he added.
The dossier, Steele told friends, was a thoroughly professional job, based on sources who had proven themselves in other areas. Evaluating sources depended on a critical box of tools: what was a source’s reporting record, was he or she credible, what was the motivation?
Steele recognised that no piece of intelligence was 100% right. According to friends, he assessed that his work on the Trump dossier was 70-90% accurate. Over eight years, Orbis had produced scores of reports on Russia for private clients. A lot of this content was verified or “proven up”. As Steele told friends: “I’ve been dealing with this country for 30 years. Why would I invent this stuff?”
In late 2015 the British eavesdropping agency, GCHQ, was carrying out standard “collection” against Moscow targets. These were known Kremlin operatives already on the grid. Nothing unusual here – except that the Russians were talking to people associated with Trump. The precise nature of these exchanges has not been made public, but according to sources in the US and the UK, they formed a suspicious pattern. They continued through the first half of 2016. The intelligence was handed to the US as part of a routine sharing of information.
The FBI and the CIA were slow to appreciate the extensive nature of these contacts between Trump’s team and Moscow. This was in part due to institutional squeamishness – the law prohibits US agencies from examining the private communications of US citizens without a warrant.
But the electronic intelligence suggested Steele was right. According to one account, the US agencies looked as if they were asleep. “‘Wake up! There’s something not right here!’ – the BND [German intelligence], the Dutch, the French and SIS were all saying this,” one Washington-based source told me.
That summer, GCHQ’s then head, Robert Hannigan, flew to the US to personally brief CIA chief John Brennan. The matter was deemed so important that it was handled at “director level”, face-to-face between the two agency chiefs. James Clapper, director of national intelligence, later confirmed the “sensitive” stream of intelligence from Europe. After a slow start, Brennan used the GCHQ information and other tip-offs to launch a major inter-agency investigation. Meanwhile, the FBI was receiving disturbing warnings from Steele.
At this point, Steele’s Fusion material was unpublished. Whatever the outcome of the election, it raised grave questions about Russian interference and the US democratic process. There was, Steele felt, overwhelming public interest in passing his findings to US investigators. The US’s multiple intelligence agencies had the resources to prove or disprove his discoveries. He realised that these allegations were, as he put it to a friend, a “radioactive hot potato”. He anticipated a hesitant response, at least at first.
In June, Steele flew to Rome to brief the FBI contact with whom he had co-operated over Fifa. His information started to reach the bureau in Washington. It had certainly arrived by the time of the Democratic National Convention in late July, when WikiLeaks first began releasing hacked Democratic emails. It was at this moment that FBI director James Comey opened a formal investigation into Trump-Russia.
Trump and Putin at the Apec summit in Vietnam this week. Photograph: Mikhail Klimentyev/TASS
In September, Steele went back to Rome. There he met with an FBI team. Their response was one of “shock and horror,” Steele said. The bureau asked him to explain how he had compiled his reports, and to give background on his sources. It asked him to send future copies.
Steele had hoped for a thorough and decisive FBI investigation. Instead, it moved cautiously. The agency told him that it couldn’t intervene or go public with material involving a presidential candidate. Then it went silent. Steele’s frustrations grew.
Later that month, Steele had a series of off-the-record meetings with a small number of US journalists. They included the New York Times, the Washington Post, Yahoo! News, the New Yorker and CNN. In mid-October he visited New York and met with reporters again.
Comey then announced he was reopening an investigation into Clinton’s use of a private email server. At this point, Steele’s relationship with the FBI broke down. The excuse given by the bureau for saying nothing about Trump looked bogus. In late October, Steele spoke to the Mother Jones editor David Corn via Skype.
The story was of “huge significance, way above party politics”, Steele said. He believed Trump’s Republican colleagues “should be aware of this stuff as well”. Of his own reputation, Steele said: “My track record as a professional is second to no one.” Steele acknowledged that his memos were works in progress, and was genuinely worried about the implications of the allegations. “The story has to come out,” he told Corn.
At this point Steele was still anonymous, a ghost. But the ghost’s message was rapidly circulating on Capitol Hill and inside Washington’s spy agencies, as well as among certain journalists and thinktanks. Democratic senators now apprised of Steele’s work were growing exasperated. The FBI seemed unduly keen to trash Clinton’s reputation while sitting on explosive material concerning Trump.
One of those who was aware of the dossier’s broad allegations was the Senate minority leader, Harry Reid, a Democrat. In August Reid, had written to Comey and asked for an inquiry into the “connections between the Russian government and Donald Trump’s presidential campaign”. In October, Reid wrote to Comey again. This time he framed his inquiry in scathing terms. In a clear reference to Steele, Reid wrote: “In my communications with you and other top officials in the national security community, it has become clear that you possess explosive information about close ties and coordination between Donald Trump, his top advisors and the Russian government … The public has a right to know this information.”
But all this frantic activity came to nought. Just as Nixon was re-elected during the early stages of Watergate, Trump won the presidential election, to general dismay, at a time when the Russia scandal was small but growing. Steele had found prima facie evidence of a conspiracy, but by and large the US public knew nothing about it. In November, his dossier began circulating in the top national security echelons of the Obama administration. But it was too late.
The same month a group of international experts gathered in Halifax on Canada’s eastern seaboard. Their task: to make sense of the world in the aftermath of Trump’s stunning victory. One of the delegates attending the Halifax International Security Forum was Senator John McCain. Another was Sir Andrew Wood, the UK’s former ambassador to Russia. Wood was a friend of Steele’s and an Orbis associate. Before the election, Steele had gone to Wood and shown him the dossier. He wanted the ambassador’s advice. What should he do, or not do, with it? Of the dossier, Wood told me: “I took it seriously.”
On the margins of the Halifax conference, Wood briefed McCain about Steele’s dossier – its contents, if true
from All Of Beer http://allofbeer.com/how-trump-walked-into-putins-web/
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Donald J. Trump, a reality-television star erecting a mausoleum for himself behind the first-hole tee of a golf course he owns in New Jersey, first declared his candidacy for president of the United States in the atrium of Trump Tower, which he built in the 1980s with labor provided by hundreds of undocumented Polish workers and concrete purchased at an inflated price from the Gambino and Genovese crime families. “The American dream is dead,” Trump said to the audience members, each of whom he paid $50 to attend. During Trump’s primary campaign, he told his supporters that he knew “all about crazies,” loved “Wall Street guys” who are “brutal,” planned to “use the word ‘anchor baby,’ ” and preferred to pronounce “Qatar” incorrectly. Trump, who in 1999 cut his sick infant grandnephew off the Trump Organization’s health-care plan and in 2011 compared being gay to switching to a long-handled golf putter, pledged to repeal the Affordable Care Act and said he’d consider trying to overturn the legalization of same-sex marriage. Trump said that his book The Art of the Deal was second in quality only to the Bible and that he never explicitly asked God for forgiveness. At a church in Iowa, he placed a few dollar bills into a bowl filled with sacramental bread, which he has referred to as “my little cracker.” Trump, who once dumped a glass of wine on a journalist who wrote a story he didn’t like, told his supporters that journalists were “liars,” the “lowest form of humanity,” and “enemies,” but that he did not approve of killing them. “I’m a very sane person,” said Trump, who once hosted a radio show in which he discussed the development of hair-cloning technology, the creation of a vaccine for obesity, the number of men a gay man thinks about having sex with on his morning commute, and the dangers of giving free Viagra to rapists. Trump denied being the voice of John Miller, one of several fictional assistants he had previously admitted pretending to be, in a recording of himself telling a reporter that he had “zero interest” in dating Madonna; that he had three other girlfriends in addition to Marla Maples, with whom he had been cheating on his wife; and that he had an affair with Carla Bruni, who later responded by describing Trump as “obviously a lunatic.” Trump, who once offered the city of New York vacant apartments in his building to house homeless people in hopes they would drive away rent-controlled tenants, sent a bumper sticker to a group of homeless veterans whom he had previously declined to help and asked them to campaign for him. Trump, whose companies have been cited 24 times since 2005 for failing to pay workers overtime or minimum wage, said the federal minimum wage should go up, and then said it should not. Trump referred to 9/11 as “7-Eleven,” and called Massachusetts senator Elizabeth Warren “the Indian” and “Pocahontas.” Trump, who had previously labeled a deaf contestant on his reality-TV show The Apprentice “retarded,” and had described poor Americans as “morons,” said the country was on course for a “very massive recession,” one resembling the U.S. recession of 2007 to 2009, which Trump once said Americans could “opt out of” by joining Trump Network, a multilevel-marketing company that sold a monthly supply of multivitamins purportedly tailored to customers based on a test of their urine. Trump submitted his financial-disclosure form to the Federal Election Commission, on which he swore under oath that his golf course in Briarcliff Manor, New York, which was being sued by the town for causing flooding, was worth $50 million, despite having sworn in a previous property-tax appeal that it was worth $1.4 million; and swore that his golf course in Palos Verdes, California, which he was suing for five times its annual revenue, was worth more than $50 million, despite previously having filed papers with Los Angeles County stating it was worth $10 million. Trump claimed he made $1.9 million from his modeling agency, which a foreign-born former model accused of “modern-day slavery,” alleging that the agency forced her to lie about her age, work without a U.S. visa, and live in a crowded apartment for which she paid the agency as much as $1,600 a month to sleep in a bed beneath a window through which a homeless man once urinated on her. Trump sought to exclude a recording of himself telling the nephew of former president George W. Bush that he grabs women “by the pussy” from a fraud suit filed against Trump University, a series of real-estate seminars taught by salespeople with no real-estate experience, which was housed in a Trump-owned building that the Securities and Exchange Commission said also housed the country’s most complained-about unregistered brokerages, and whose curriculum investigators in Texas described as “inapplicable.” Trump announced that he would win the Latino vote, and tweeted a photo of himself eating a taco bowl from Trump Grill in Trump Tower with the message “I love Hispanics!” Trump referred to a black man at one of his rallies as “my African American,” and pledged his support for black people at a gathering of mostly white people in Wisconsin, whom he often referred to as “the forgotten people.” “I am the least racist person,” said Trump, who was sued twice by the Justice Department in the 1970s for allegedly refusing to rent apartments to black tenants, whose Trump Plaza Hotel was fined $200,000 by the New Jersey Casino Control Commission in 1992 for removing black dealers from card tables, who allegedly told a former employee that he hated “black guys counting my money,” who in 2005 floated the idea of pitting an all-black Apprentice team against an all-white one to reflect “our very vicious world,” and who was endorsed by leaders of the Ku Klux Klan, one of whom said, “What he believes, we believe.” Trump tweeted statistics credited to a fictional government agency falsely claiming that the majority of white murder victims in the United States are killed by black people. Trump tweeted a photoshopped picture of Fox News anchor Megyn Kelly, who Trump had said “had blood coming out of her wherever,” standing next to a Saudi prince, who tweeted back that he had “financially rescued” Trump twice, including once in 1990, when the prince purchased Trump’s 281-foot yacht, which was formerly owned by a Saudi arms dealer with whom Trump often partied in Atlantic City, and with whom Trump was implicated in a tax-evasion scheme involving a Fifth Avenue jewelry store. Trump disputed former Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney’s claim that Trump magazine is defunct, showing as proof an annual circular for his clubs that was not Trump magazine, which folded in 2009. Trump republished his book Crippled America with the title Great Again. Trump told and retold an apocryphal story about a U.S. general who executed Muslim soldiers with bullets dipped in pig’s blood and proposed that Muslims be banned from entering the country. At the first primary debate, Trump praised his companies’ bankruptcies, including that of Trump Entertainment Resorts, in which lenders lost more than $1 billion and 1,100 employees lost their jobs, and that of Trump Hotels and Casino Resorts, a publicly traded company that Trump used to purchase two casinos for almost $1 billion, and from which he resigned after the company went bankrupt for the first time, but before it went bankrupt for the second time. “I made a lot of money,” said Trump. At the fifth primary debate, Trump defended the idea of retaliating against America’s foreign aggressors by killing non-combatant members of their families, saying it would “make people think.” At the eleventh primary debate, Trump told the crowd there was “no problem” with the size of his penis. Trump said that he knew more about the Islamic State than “the generals,” and that he would “rely on the generals” to defeat the Islamic State. Trump said he would bring back waterboarding and torture because “we have to beat the savages.” Trump offered to pay the legal bills of anyone who assaulted protesters at his rallies, denied making the offer, then made the offer again after a 78-year-old white supporter in North Carolina punched a 26-year-old black protester in the eye and said, “Next time we see him we might have to kill him.” Trump, who in 1999 called Republicans too “crazy right” and in 2000 ran on a Reform Party platform that included creating a lottery to fund U.S. spy training, said that the 2016 primaries were “rigged,” then clinched the Republican nomination for president, receiving more votes than any Republican in history. “I was the one who really broke the glass ceiling,” said Trump when his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton, became the first woman to lead a major party’s ticket. Trump hired Steve Bannon, the editor of the white-nationalist website Breitbart, to replace his former campaign manager Paul Manafort, who ran a firm that once lobbied for the military dictator of Zaire, and who himself replaced Corey Lewandowski, who resigned from the campaign not long after he was filmed grabbing a Breitbart reporter by the arm to prevent her from asking Trump any questions. Trump selected as his running mate Indiana governor Mike Pence, who previously backed a bill that would allow hospitals to deny care to critically ill pregnant women, and who once criticized the Disney character Mulan as a “mischievous liberal” created to persuade Americans that women should be allowed to hold combat positions in the military. In his general-election campaign, Trump said he would consider recognizing Crimea as Russian territory, and called on Russia to hack into Clinton’s email account. Trump said that he doesn’t pay employees who don’t “do a good job,” after a review of the more than 3,500 lawsuits filed against Trump found that he has been accused of stiffing a painter and a dishwasher in Florida, a glass company in New Jersey, dozens of hourly hospitality workers, and some of the lawyers who represented him. “I’m a fighter,” said Trump, who body-slammed the WWE chairman at WrestleMania 23 in 2007, and who attended WrestleMania IV with Robert LiButti, an Atlantic City gambler with alleged mafia ties, who told Trump he’d “fucking pull your balls from your legs” if Trump didn’t stop trying to seduce his daughter. Trump, whose first wife, Ivana, accused him in divorce filings of rape, and whose special counsel later said rape within a marriage was not possible, said “no one respects women more than I do.” Trump threatened to sue 12 women who accused him of sexual misconduct, including one who recalled Trump trying “like an octopus” to put his hand up her skirt on an airplane 35 years ago; four former Miss Teen USA contestants, who alleged that Trump entered their dressing room while girls as young as 15 were changing and said, “I’ve seen it all before”; the winner of Miss Utah USA in 1997, who alleged that Trump forcibly kissed her on the lips and then told her, “Twenty-one is too old”; an adult-film star, who alleged that at a golf tournament in Tahoe in 2006 Trump offered her $10,000 and the private use of his jet to spend the night with him; and a People magazine reporter, who alleged that while she was writing a story on Trump and his current wife, Melania, on the occasion of their first wedding anniversary, Trump pushed her against the wall and forcibly kissed her before telling her, “We’re going to have an affair.” “What I say is what I say,” said Trump, who previously told a pair of 14-year-old girls that he would date them in a couple of years, said of a 10-year-old girl that he would date her in 10 years, told a journalist that he wasn’t sure whether his infant daughter Tiffany would have nice breasts, told the cast of The View that if Ivanka weren’t his daughter “perhaps I would be dating her,” told radio host Howard Stern that it was okay to call Ivanka a “piece of ass” and that he could have “nailed” Princess Diana, and tweeted that a former winner of his Miss Universe pageant, whom Trump once called “Miss Piggy,” was disgusting. “Check out sex tape,” tweeted Trump, who once appeared in a soft-core pornographic film breaking a bottle of wine over a limousine. Trump did not comment on reports that he used over $200,000 in charitable contributions to the Trump Foundation to settle lawsuits against his businesses, $20,000 in contributions to the Trump Foundation to buy a six-foot-tall painting of himself, and $10,000 in contributions to buy a smaller painting of himself, which he hung on the wall of his restaurant Champions Bar and Grill. “I’m the cleanest guy there is,” said Trump, who once granted the rights to explore building Trump-branded towers in Moscow to a mobster convicted of stabbing a man in the face with the stem of margarita glass, who was mentored by the former lead counsel for Senator Joseph McCarthy and the Gambino and Genovese crime families, who once purchased a nightclub in Atlantic City from a hit man for a Philadelphia crime family, who once worked with a soldier in the Colombo crime family to outfit Trump Golden and Executive Series limousines with a fax machine and a liquor dispenser, and who once purchased helicopter services from a cigarette-boat racer named Joseph Weichselbaum, who was charged with drug trafficking in Ohio before being moved to Trump’s sister’s courtroom in New Jersey, where the case was handed off to a different judge, who gave Weichselbaum a three-year prison sentence, of which he served 18 months before moving into Trump Tower. Trump told journalists he “made a lot of money” when he leased his house in Westchester to the late Libyan dictator Muammar Qaddafi. “I screwed him,” said Trump. Trump, who in 2013 said that he did “have a relationship” with Vladimir Putin, said in 2016, “I don’t know Putin.” Trump, who wrote in 1997 that concern over asbestos was a mob conspiracy, who in the 1990s spent $1 million in ads to bolster the theory that a Native American tribe in upstate New York had been infiltrated by the mafia and drug traffickers, who once implied that Barack Obama’s real name is Barry Soetoro and that he won reelection by making a secret deal with Saudi Arabia, and who in 2012 tweeted that global warming was a “hoax” created by “the Chinese” to weaken U.S. manufacturing, suggested to his supporters that the Islamic State paid the phone bills of Syrian refugees, that his primary opponent Ted Cruz’s Cuban father was involved in a conspiracy to kill President John F. Kennedy, and that U.S. Supreme Court justice Antonin Scalia may have been suffocated with a pillow. During the first debate of the general election, Trump said that Rosie O’Donnell had deserved it when he called her “disgusting both inside and out,” “basically a disaster,” a “slob,” and a “loser,” someone who “looks bad,” “sounds bad,” has a “fat, ugly face,” and “talks like a truck driver.” At the second general-election debate, Trump invited three women who have accused Clinton’s husband of sexual misconduct to sit in the front row; claimed that Clinton had once laughed about the rape of a 12-year-old girl, which audio showed not to be true; claimed that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement had endorsed him, which it had not; and afterward suggested that his opponent had been on drugs during the debate. Trump, who said he could shoot someone on Fifth Avenue and not lose supporters, told his supporters that Clinton could shoot one of them and not be prosecuted. Trump told the audience at a Catholic charity dinner that Clinton “hates Catholics,” and told his supporters that she is “the devil” and that Mexico was “getting ready to attack.” Trump, who once kept a collection of Adolf Hitler’s speeches at his bedside, told his supporters that the election was “rigged” against him, won the election despite losing the popular vote by a margin of almost 3 million, claimed that he had in fact won the popular vote, and then announced that he would be staying on as executive producer of The Celebrity Apprentice on NBC, which a year earlier had fired him because he called Mexicans “rapists.” “Our country,” said Trump at a victory rally, “is in trouble.” Tower of Babble
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As big corporations state ‘black lives matter,’ their performance history raise uncertainty
Financing, tech and retail companies are declaring assistance for a demonstration motion that has galvanized the American public amid a pandemic that has disproportionately declared black lives and incomes
Pushed by staff members in many cases, and in others by a fear of losing consumers, corporations are being required to examine their functions in perpetuating inequalities in hiring, pay and promo, cultivating hazardous office cultures and consumer discrimination. Their performance history have raised apprehension about whether they will certainly present the type of change that would make this moment a turning point for racial equity.
” There’s a great deal of performative allyship going around,” said Y-Vonne Hutchinson, president and creator of diversity consulting company ReadySet. “No one’s requesting a CEO to take a knee. You take the knee after you change your policies.”
The image of Dimon, hands gripped over his right knee, was suggested to communicate his “support for social justice,” said JPMorgan Chase spokeswoman Patricia Wexler. “Our leaders and our business have actually done a lot more than kneel, investing hundreds of countless dollars in combined humanitarian and company resources to resolve some of the most consistent challenges dealing with the black neighborhood,” she stated, highlighting the bank’s programs to help black-owned organisations, construct budget-friendly housing and hire individuals with rap sheets.
After George Floyd was eliminated in the custody of Minneapolis cops last month, hundreds of business blanketed social networks with statements knocking discrimination and professing their commitment to racial justice.
Jack Dorsey, chief executive of Twitter and Square, stated Juneteenth (June 19) a business holiday to celebrate completion of slavery, a relocation more companies are making. Reddit founder Alexis Ohanian, who is wed to tennis star Serena Williams, resigned from the board to give way for the first black director in the company’s history. Bank of America guaranteed to spend $1 billion over the next 4 years to address “ financial and racial inequality sped up by a worldwide pandemic“
Walmart, the country’s biggest seller, vowed to stop locking up “multicultural” hair and charm products in display cases, and Sephora committed to committing at least 15 percent of its rack space to black-owned beauty brands. Toymaker LEGO suspended marketing for police-themed sets after video emerged revealing an officer kneeling on Floyd’s neck for more than 8 minutes.
Popular opinion on policing and racial equity has shifted quickly considering that the 2014 protests versus police killings of unarmed black men in Ferguson, Mo., and New York.
Surveys now show a large bipartisan majority of Americans support the protests. That’s a dramatic departure from three years ago when few of the business speaking up now voiced assistance for the NFL gamer protests, and President Trump called for a boycott over players kneeling throughout the pregame national anthem. NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell now states the league was wrong for not listening to players.
But activists, employees and variety specialists say they question how much business promises to “do more” will assist upend a system of economic variation in which a normal black family has just one-tenth the net worth of a normal white household.
Part of closing the racial wealth gap, they state, indicates ensuring chances for black workers to get in and rise in rewarding industries such as finance and tech, whose leadership has actually long been dominated by white executives and board members.
” I value your Black Lives Matter post. Now follow that up with an image of your senior management team and your board,” stated Brickson Diamond, president of variety consulting company Big Responses and previous chief operating officer of the Executive Leadership Council, a nonprofit concentrated on increasing the variety of black executives.
After viewing countless protesters march past his Manhattan apartment, James Gorman, chief executive of Morgan Stanley, held a conference call with a few of the bank’s highest-ranking black executives, and announced the promotion of two black women to positions on its operating and management committees.
This period “will not be quickly forgotten in history, and it should not be,” Gorman stated “God ready, it will be seen as a turning point in race relations.”
However like a number of the nation’s biggest and most prominent banks, Morgan Stanley has actually struggled to increase variety within its ranks. Only 2.2 percent of its senior executives were black in 2015.
Just 4 percent of JPMorgan Chase’s top executives are black, despite years of public, prominent efforts to increase its variety. Wells Fargo saw the portion of black senior executives fall from 8 percent in 2015 to 3.5 percent in 2019.
And at Bank of America, which paid a $ 4.2 million settlement in 2015 after being accused of victimizing black, Hispanic and female job applicants, about 5 percent of senior leaders are black. The business denied allegations of discrimination.
Goldman Sachs, which just announced a fund to support system that deal with racial injustice and financial variation, had actually paid $9 million in 2019 to settle federal claims of racial and gender pay bias. The firm said at the time that it disagreed with the government’s analysis and was dedicated to equivalent pay for workers.
The scarcity in diversity extends throughout the business world. Of the business in the Standard & Poor’s 500- stock index, 187 did not have a black board member, according to a 2019 analysis by Black Enterprise publication.
African Americans consist of a fraction of the senior leadership at the largest tech firms– 3.1 percent at Facebook, 3.6 percent at Google, 4.4 percent at Slack, 5.3 percent at Twitter and 2.7 percent of executives at Microsoft, according to business information. Amazon did not reveal the demographics of senior leadership, however their report shows that 8.3 percent of U.S. managers are black. (Amazon founder and president Jeff Bezos owns The Washington Post.)
The numbers are lower in the world of equity capital. One percent of endeavor funding went to black start-up creators in 2018, according to a study carried out by Silicon Valley Bank and others. And 1 percent of decision-makers at the top 100 venture capital companies were black in 2018, according to a yearly study by the Details, a tech news site.
In addition to employing and pay disparities, banks have actually come under fire for supposedly victimizing minority customers. Some have settled claims in recent years for targeting black and Hispanic home purchasers with dangerous, expensive loans. Homeownership, one of the most essential ways to build wealth, has remained essentially the same for African Americans since 1968.
” These are a few of the very same banks that ripped a lot wealth from black and Latino communities throughout the foreclosure crisis,” said Maurice BP-Weeks, co-executive director of the Action Center on Race and the Economy, a nonprofit focused on racial and financial justice.
Business statements supporting Black Lives Matter stand empty, he said, without significant actions such as directing earnings back into black neighborhoods, removing racial pay variations, increasing hiring from black neighborhoods and promoting black staff members. “All of these things would reveal that this is more than just platitudes.”
The American Bankers Association said in a statement that the market “condemns discrimination of any kind in the financing market, the office and beyond” and that banks of all sizes are devoted to “enhancing variety, equity and addition within the industry” and attending to “racial oppression and injustice in the nation.”
JPMorgan Chase has actually fought allegations of discrimination against black monetary consultants and customers, most just recently in recordings obtained by the New York Times in2019 The bank has actually stated it was examining how it operates “so that we could acquire a much deeper understanding of what more we can do to root out bigotry and discrimination anywhere it exists.”
At Wells Fargo, which paid $10 million last year to settle a suit filed by the city of Philadelphia accusing the bank of steering black and Hispanic customers into riskier, more costly home mortgages, a committee of senior executives is fulfilling daily to develop recommendations for addressing social inequalities facing black employees and clients. The bank rejected claims of victimizing minority customers.
” As a white guy, as much as I can try to understand what others are feeling, I understand that I can not actually appreciate and understand what individuals of color experience and the impacts of prejudiced behavior others should cope with,” Charlie Scharf, chief executive of Wells Fargo, wrote to staff members
Feeling pushed by what they want to be a transformative minute, black workers are more willing to speak out about their experiences of discrimination in the office and pressure supervisors for change.
Black tech workers are openly voicing grievances that their business are counting on their “complimentary labor” to help with hiring and recruiting. At social networks platforms, worker groups established to support members of color are asked to double as a voice for black users, an unsettled job they however feel called to satisfy.
Since the protests began, this sideline has actually become much more stuffed, according to interviews with group leaders from tech companies in the Bay Area and New York City. SoFi, the venture-backed finance business, and others have tasked black employees with choosing where business contributions ought to go and participating in company listening sessions about race. Requested for remark, SoFi indicated its declaration on Twitter that said it dedicates to “defending diversity and addition.”
” You can not stunt on social saying that you do not endure bigotry at your company then leave the labor of fixing your race problem [to] fall on your black employees,” Raki Wane, who formerly led Twitter’s resource group for black employees, Blackbirds, and now operates in policy interactions at Instagram, posted on Twitter.
To indicate its assistance for the movement, Amazon put a “Black Lives Matter” banner on its home page and at the top of Prime Video. Later on, Bezos posted angry consumer emails about the banner to his Instagram account. “Dave, you’re the sort of client I enjoy to lose,” Bezos composed in one caption.
To critics, these public statements masked the harmful effects Amazon’s items and practices have actually had on the black community, consisting of profiting from the sale of white supremacist propaganda as well as selling facial recognition innovation to authorities departments, which the company recently revealed it would suspend for one year.
Black tech employees are even sharing stories declaring bias at Slack, which established a reputation as a welcoming environment when CEO Stewart Butterfield sent four black female engineers onstage to accept an award on his behalf for the fastest-growing tech start-up in2016 This month, the very same black engineers confronted Butterfield on Twitter about their experiences at Slack.
Duretti Hirpa, an engineer who helped start an internal group for staff members of color, shared that she had actually been informed her work was considered an extracurricular activity when it came time for promotions, regardless of the company publicizing her group as proof of its inclusive culture. When Butterfield reacted that he was sorry her diversity work was not valued, Hirpa tweeted back, “Alas, you’re simply a CEO in the position of power to change that!”
Black workers working for consumer brand names are speaking up as well.
At Adidas, Julia Bond, a 25- year-old assistant designer for guys’s clothing, said the demonstrations assisted influence her to email senior executives on June 3 seeking a “public apology for the bigotry and discrimination that they have actually freely made it possible for and perpetuated across the brand.”
A number of months after joining the sports clothing firm in 2015, Bond said she was provided a design packet that included a picture of a man wearing a T-shirt with a Confederate flag. Seeing that image at work “was truly traumatizing,” Bond remembered. “If our greatest style motivation [includes] a Confederate flag, how are we ever going to reach black customers?”
In an Instagram post, another Adidas designer alleged a colleague had actually utilized the n-word. And in an e-mail to senior management posted on social media, Aaron Ture, a worker who works for Reebok, which is owned by Adidas, stated that he remembered Karen Parkin, head of global human resources at Adidas, dismissing a concern about internal bigotry during a 2019 conference as “sound we only hear in North America.”
Parkin on Friday sent a message to staff members promising to enhance company culture to “ensure equity, variety and chance.” As the company’s personnels executive, she wrote, “it was my obligation to explain our conclusive stance against discrimination, and this I did not. Must I have actually upset anyone, I apologize.”
Adidas stated that the company would need a minimum of 30 percent of all open positions in the United States to be filled with black and Latino employees and invest $120 million in programs for the black neighborhood over the next 4 years.
Bond said speaking out has actually made her “exceptionally worried.” But there’s “strength in numbers,” she stated. “I believe everyone can feel that. The numbers are showing up, and that’s what’s pushing this wave of modification.”
Adidas said the company has actually promised to “continually and actively” fight bigotry.
After L’Oreal Paris just recently posted a message stating “Speaking up deserves it,” model Munroe Bergdorf accused the cosmetics company of hypocrisy. She stated L’Oreal dropped her from a project in 2017 for speaking up versus bigotry and white supremacy following the deadly neo-Nazi rally in Charlottesville. L’Oreal reacted by rehiring her to serve on its recently formed UK Variety and Inclusion Advisory Board, the business posted on Instagram.
” I are sorry for the absence of dialogue and support the business showed Munroe around the time of termination,” L’Oreal Paris Brand president Delphine Viguier composed. “We ought to have likewise done more to develop a discussion for modification as we are now doing.”
Staff members at other companies are promoting the elimination of leaders for habits they state perpetuates racism– some with fast success.
More than 100 staff members at Estee Lauder are demanding the ouster of the founder’s boy and successor, Ronald Lauder, from the board– asserting that his political contributions to Trump are harming the business’s relationship with its black staff members and with the black community at large. In action, the business said it would double the amount it invests in contracts with black-owned suppliers and recruit and promote more black workers.
CrossFit’s founder and CEO, Greg Glassman, was forced to retire over several remarks he made about Floyd’s death, including a recording of him on a conference call stating: “We’re not mourning for George Floyd– I do not believe me or any of my staff are.” In a statement, Glassman stated he had actually “developed a rift in the CrossFit community and inadvertently harmed much of its members.”
The CEO of the Wing, a private club for ladies to work and interact socially, and the editors in chief of Refinery29, a fashion and charm blog site, and Bon Appétit publication, which is owned by Condé Nast, all resigned in recent days after black and brown workers described a work environment swarming with pay variations and discrimination.
” It’s a turning point,” Diamond said. “My biggest fear is we are going to get to a location real quickly where the establishment states, ‘Well, that was uneasy. No more, thank you. Now let’s return to work.’ “
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from Job Search Tips https://jobsearchtips.net/as-big-corporations-state-black-lives-matter-their-performance-history-raise-uncertainty/
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U.A.W. Corruption Case Widens as Former Chief Is Charged
If you were a union official, what would you do if, after reaching a labor agreement with Fiat Chrysler, Fiat offered to pay for the union negotiating team’s $7,000 dinner: (1) accept the offer, (2) reject the offer? Why? What are the ethics underlying your decision?
For five years, federal investigators have pieced together a broad pattern of corruption within the United Automobile Workers. They documented the diversion of dues for high living by union officials and found a conspiracy that may have compromised dealings with a leading automaker.
Now prosecutors have taken aim at their biggest target yet, charging a former U.A.W. president with embezzlement of union funds. And they left no doubt that there may be more to come — possibly including a federal takeover of the union, a pillar of the nation’s labor movement.
In a criminal filing unsealed Thursday, the former president, Gary Jones, is accused of misusing more than $1 million of union money for extravagant meals, golf outings, cigars, apparel and other purposes over several years before his election in 2018.
He is the highest-ranking U.A.W. official to be prosecuted in the inquiry, in which more than a dozen people have pleaded guilty, including several former union officers and three former Fiat Chrysler executives. One of those executives, the company’s chief labor negotiator, was found to have used funds from a training program for union workers to buy a Ferrari and renovate his home.
“We stand before you because of greed — greed of men in positions of power,” Steven M. D’Antuono, a federal special agent who worked on the case, said on Thursday at a news conference in Detroit.
On their own, the various elements of the scandal, which came to light through an investigation that began in 2015, appear lurid but relatively small-time. In one case, a senior union official who once held a seat on G.M.’s board has pleaded guilty to taking kickbacks from companies that supplied the union with commemorative watches.
But the combined effect of the wrongdoing outlined by prosecutors and cited in other court filings suggests a highly insular culture in which officials rose to power by doing illicit favors for one another. Some made decisions affecting the entire industry that may have been influenced by improper spending.
For example, General Motors has accused Fiat Chrysler of bribing union officials to get a leg up on G.M. in contract negotiations, contending in a lawsuit that its competitor paid for the union’s negotiating team to have a $7,000 dinner shortly after concluding a labor agreement. Fiat Chrysler has called the suit meritless.
Despite declining numbers in recent decades, the U.A.W. remains one of the nation’s leading unions, with more than 400,000 active members. It has distanced itself from Mr. Jones, who resigned in November, and denounced the activity attributed to him.
“This is a violation of trust, a violation of the sacred management of union dues, and goes against everything we believe in as a union,” it said in a statement Thursday. It declared that the union was “continuing to implement the critical reforms necessary to ensure our union is free from the type of corrosive corruption we have witnessed.”
But at a news conference in Detroit, the U.S. attorney overseeing the investigation, Matthew Schneider, said he could not rule out a federal takeover of the union. Another union faced with corruption allegations, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, wound up under government oversight for a quarter-century.
Mr. Schneider alluded to that episode and said oversight could be a “good model here.” While he said it was premature to elaborate on that prospect, he declared, “We are another step closer to ridding the U.A.W. of its corrupt leadership and returning it to its hard-working members.”
The prosecutor also suggested that there could be more revelations relating to how the corruption may have infected an industry that produces hundreds of billions of dollars in annual revenue. He said that there was an “ongoing investigation touching on all the auto companies” but that it was “difficult to explain what else is out there” and that investigators were still collecting tips from the public and U.A.W. members.
The charges against Mr. Jones could be an important step toward further pulling back the curtain. A guilty plea could lead to cooperation with prosecutors seeking to bring further charges, though Mr. Schneider said he would have to “wait and see” when asked if he expected such cooperation.
Bruce Maffeo, a lawyer for Mr. Jones, declined to comment. Mr. Jones’s last known home, in Canton, Mich., appeared empty of furniture on Thursday, with a for-sale sign in front and a lock box on the door handle. The asking price for the 3,500-square-foot home is $530,000, according to the realty company handling the sale.
Among the union officials whose activities Mr. Jones could illuminate are Dennis Williams, his predecessor as president. A plea agreement in February with a onetime deputy to Mr. Jones indicated that “Official B” had urged the use of union money to benefit himself and other officials. Union officials have confirmed that “Official B” in court filings referred to Mr. Williams.
The union has emphasized that the government has never indicated that its current president, Rory Gamble, is a target of the investigation, and that no current U.A.W. official or board member is implicated in the charges against Mr. Jones. But at his news conference, Mr. Schneider pointedly declined to rule out Mr. Gamble as a target.
“Our focus is on any corrupt activities within the U.A.W.,” Mr. Schneider said. “It doesn’t matter who is operating it.”
Mr. Jones faces two counts: that he diverted union funds to support spending that benefited him and other union officials, and that this embezzlement conspiracy resulted in tax fraud.
For example, the filing asserts that in 2017, Mr. Jones and others orchestrated the transfer of more than $500,000 in union funds to four resorts throughout the country, and that more than $290,000 of that amount went to illegitimate uses like meals and cigars. It says that this caused a U.A.W. official to unknowingly file a false tax form with the Internal Revenue Service omitting the $290,000 as reportable income to the union’s officers.
Prosecutors said that Mr. Jones could face up to five years in prison and up to a $250,000 fine for each of two counts. If convicted, he would also have to forfeit any property or money he obtained through the conspiracy.
Last fall, Mr. Jones guided the union through a 40-day strike against General Motors that ended with substantial pay increases, promises of large investments in plants in the United States and a process for temporary workers to become permanent employees.
Mr. Jones, who had previously led the union’s sprawling Region 5, resigned as U.A.W. president on Nov. 20 after the union’s executive board found he had submitted false and misleading expense records and took steps to oust him. His home had been raided in August by agents from the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
On the day of that raid, federal agents also searched other locations, including the union’s 1,000-acre retreat, known as Black Lake, in Onaway, Mich.; the Hazelwood, Mo., office of U.A.W. Region 5, which Mr. Jones once led; and Mr. Williams’s home in Corona, Calif.
Among the sites searched at the Michigan retreat was a lakeside cabin being built for the exclusive use of Mr. Williams, who led the union from 2014 to 2018.
Mr. Williams, who joined the union as a welder, later served as a regional leader and secretary-treasurer. When the charges involving the misuse of training funds to benefit Fiat Chrysler and U.A.W. officials emerged in 2017, he said the union “had absolutely no knowledge of the fraudulent activities detailed in this indictment until they were brought to our attention by the government.”
As the case widened this year, an associate of Mr. Jones’s in Region 5, Edward N. Robinson, was charged on Oct. 31 with diverting more than $1.5 million from union accounts over several years and sharing the money with a person prosecutors identified as U.A.W. “Official A,” which union officials confirmed was Mr. Jones.
Two days later, the U.A.W. board convened and announced that Mr. Jones would take a paid leave. Mr. Gamble, a union vice president who led the bargaining with Ford, was named interim president.
Vance Pearson, who led the Region 5 office after serving as Mr. Jones’s lieutenant there, pleaded guilty on Feb. 7 to conspiring with union officials to embezzle funds after agreeing to cooperate with prosecutors in the investigation.
The plea agreement stated that a request by Mr. Jones’s predecessor, Mr. Williams — again referred to as “Official B” — was “to a great extent” behind an order for more than $13,000 worth of cigars and cigar paraphernalia in 2016. The agreement also said that Mr. Williams had directed Mr. Pearson to procure a private villa for him in California for months at a time, and that Mr. Pearson also helped arrange for Mr. Williams’s wife to charge expenses to the union through a resort.
A lawyer for Mr. Williams did not respond to a request for comment on Thursday.
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President Trump has made it no secret that he’s courting the labor vote. He awkwardly hosted steelworkers at his press conference earlier this year after announcing steel tariffs, and his trade representative has worked closely with labor stalwarts like Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio. He won the 2016 election with a greater share of union members voting red than anyone in at least a generation.
The latest overture to the working class came last month, when the administration dropped its remake of the North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA, which is now called the United States-Mexico-Canada-Agreement, or USMCA. For the first time in a trade deal, a certain percentage of auto production will be required to be made by workers paid $16 an hour in order to take advantage of duty-free benefits. Unlike the original NAFTA, labor rights provisions are now in the core of the agreement, and Mexico has agreed to undertake reforms on collective bargaining.
All of these changes seem geared toward the administration’s stated goal of having the support of “a huge number of Democrats” when Congress votes on the deal next year.
But don’t break out the party streamers just yet. As Vox reported, enforceability of the labor rights rules remains a major question mark. The $16-an-hour rules only apply to one industry, and auto importers have already identified ways to circumvent them. More fundamentally, these reforms seem almost retro in a period when progressive domestic labor policy is flourishing for the first time in decades — with ambitious proposals for more sectoral bargaining or mandating worker spots on corporate boards.
At a more fundamental level, Trump’s trade moves put unions in a tricky bind. If they support him for meeting longstanding demands, they deliver a win to their political enemy. If they balk, then they allow Trump to claim that he — not unions — is the true voice of the working class. If there was any doubt that Trump was seeing this through a political lens, this evaporated when he attacked the head of the AFL-CIO (who had offered qualified support for the NAFTA remake)… on Labor Day weekend.
Labor needn’t accept these no-win terms of the debate. Instead of asking for trade deals that hurt their workers marginally less, labor could ask for international agreements that directly help. Here’s a model for how: a new international labor treaty modeled on the Paris climate deal that puts labor at the center.
Before getting into the meat of this new international labor treaty, consider why the underlying goal of helping labor makes sense domestically. A growing body of research shows that a decline in union power leads to economic inequality, weakened democracy, and political instability. The benefits of a union to workers is obvious, with research consistently showing a 20 percent wage premium for unionized employees over those that aren’t organized.
But the benefits also accrue more broadly. Economists at the International Monetary Fund have concluded that a 10 percent drop in union density is associated with a 5 percent increase in the top 10 percent’s income shares, in part because of the influence that organized labor can have on disciplining managers and executives from running off with an unfair share of corporate revenues. Sociologist Jake Rosenfeld of the University of Washington in St. Louis estimates that the decline in union density accounted for 30 percent of the overall growth in private sector wage inequality among men and approximately 20 percent of that for women.
These benefits don’t stop at the water’s edge. Around the world, the decline of unions has opened up a space for populist authoritarians to claim to be the true voice of workers. A 2016 study of 16 European countries found that unions — especially those with strong ties to social democratic parties — help keep workers from tilting to the right.
A 2018 article looking at similar survey data for a subset of these countries hypothesized why: While right-wing populism thrives on “welfare chauvinism” (or social democracy only for native whites), unions preach a gospel of solidarity among all workers and offer a political networking space to debate and disarm the siren call of the right. In the US case, historian Timothy Minchin emphasizes how anti-racist education by industrial unions in the Midwest helped white workers overcome anxiety over voting for a black candidate named Barack Hussein Obama.
This rise in the far right doesn’t just destabilize the home front; it also destabilizes internationally. In the United Kingdom, pressure from the UK Independence Party led the Tories to hold the Brexit referendum, which attracted numerous working-class voters and is now fraying the European project. In Italy, the former regionalist Northern League successfully catapulted into government after switching its rhetoric from attacking Rome to attacking Brussels. As deputy prime minister, League leader Matteo Salvini has taken to undermining common European positions on migration. While stronger unions alone couldn’t solve all these ills, the economic gains and sense of class solidarity could help lessen the appeal of the right in the first place.
A new Worker Power Agreement would function similarly to the Paris climate deal: Nations would commit to target increases in the union density rate in the same way they target inflation rates or carbon emissions. For a country like the United States with an abysmal unionization record of 11 percent, the targets would be ambitious — say, an increase in union density of 5 percent every five years. Iceland, with around 90 percent union density, is already near a ceiling, so its commitments would involve maintaining what’s working and offering technical assistance to other countries. Every five years, countries and nongovernmental groups would take stock of progress and any mitigating factors that might be blocking it — all in a transparent setting for the world to see.
Under this agreement, nations would commit to a specific “end,” say, boosting the number of workers in a union, but the “means” of getting there — the exact mix of laws and practices — would be nationally determined. Unlike the Paris pact, this new treaty would have greater incentives to collaborate and penalties for failing to do so. If a government or firm was frustrating the national target, labor unions could launch arbitration claims against them, much as foreign investors can do over violations of investment rights in trade deals today. To preserve a balance between objectively verifiable commitments and respect for sovereignty, sanctions could only be applied against violators if multiple countries agreed.
All of this international enforcement apparatus is necessarily linked to domestic policy change. There’s a range of ways countries have increased their unionization rate in the past that could be updated for the modern era. For instance, in 2009 the Obama administration came into office promising to make procurement by federal agencies more friendly to labor. But by 2017, many of these executive orders were still tied up in lawsuits brought by business interests. The script needs to be flipped: Incorporation benefits and subsidies should be made contingent on companies being better actors with their workforce.
Europe also has practices worthy of following. Austria and Luxembourg, for instance, have nationwide “labor chambers” where every worker is compulsorily a member, can run for office in the chamber, and pays dues through their taxes. The body represents the interests of workers, giving out legal and consumer advice to its members and commenting on national legislature proposals.
While importing this exact model to other countries could prove challenging, a similar role could be played by existing labor organizations. For instance, organizations like the AFL-CIO already “score” legislation by whether it helps or hurts workers. Instead of having to find what they think on some labor webpage, Congress could put labor’s score on the text of the legislation itself.
Finally, countries can make union membership the default rather than the exception. In some nations, union membership could be compulsory, much like membership in Austria’s labor chamber. In the US — with our constitutional skepticism of forced affiliation — the mechanism be an opt-out form, so that when workers are hired, they would have to affirm that they do not want protection of their rights.
A Paris deal for labor would have another advantage: It would set clear progressive markers for evaluating policy proposals that are less susceptible to being weaseled out of, and that, if met, would lead to discernible improvement in people’s lives.
Effective policymaking is best thought of as a feedback loop: Good policies create constituencies that will support them. If, having supported a policy change, voters see no benefit, this can create cynicism about the political process and ultimately disengagement. Any policy passed is thus more susceptible to reversal.
In the Worker Power Agreement, policy is political — in a good way. By emphasizing institutions, empowering workers, and sidelining opposing interests (whether in C-suites or supreme courts), this new treaty can help globalization be not only less resisted but actively supported. What could be better for peace and tranquility?
Todd N. Tucker is a political scientist and fellow at the Roosevelt Institute. He is the author of Judge Knot, a book about the role of lawyers in globalization. Find him on Twitter @toddntucker.
The Big Idea is Vox’s home for smart discussion of the most important issues and ideas in politics, science, and culture — typically by outside contributors. If you have an idea for a piece, pitch us at [email protected].
Original Source -> Why labor is a foreign policy issue
via The Conservative Brief
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Caricature used under Creative Commons license
Trump says undocumented immigrants are flooding into the country to take advantage of DACA. Except that in real life, DACA was only available to young immigrants who were here for at least five years before 2012. He clearly does not know what he is talking about—and doesn’t care.
In other news: One district court rules that a lawsuit against the administration’s DACA decision can continue; another requires USCIS to give asylum seekers clear direction on time limits for applying; social media accounts and extreme vetting; and real people’s individual stories, including deportation of Minnesota Somalis.
Venting on Immigration, Trump Vows ‘No More DACA Deal’ and Threatens Nafta (New York Times, 4/1/18)
“‘NO MORE DACA DEAL’?!!” Representative Keith Ellison of Minnesota wrote on Twitter. “You were never doing a DACA deal. Your actions gave you away: cancelling DACA with no plan, making racist comments about Black/Brown immigrants, ejecting several by bipartisan deals. You didn’t fool anybody.”
Trump’s Easter morning Twitter tirade was probably triggered by a Fox news segment about this story: A huge caravan of Central Americans is headed for the US and no one in Mexico dares to stop them (Buzzfeed, 3/30/18)
“For five days now hundreds of Central Americans — children, women, and men, most of them from Honduras — have boldly crossed immigration checkpoints, military bases, and police in a desperate, sometimes chaotic march toward the United States. Despite their being in Mexico without authorization, no one has made any effort to stop them.
“Organized by a group of volunteers called Pueblos Sin Fronteras, or People Without Borders, the caravan is intended to help migrants safely reach the United States, bypassing not only authorities who would seek to deport them, but gangs and cartels who are known to assault vulnerable migrants.”
Social media screening and extreme vetting
14 million visitors to U.S. face social media screening (New York Times, 3/30/18)
“Last September, the Trump administration announced that applicants for immigrant visas would be asked for social media data, a plan that would affect 710,000 people or so a year. The new proposal would vastly expand that order to cover some 14 million people each year who apply for nonimmigrant visas.
“The proposal covers 20 social media platforms. Most of them are based in the United States: Facebook, Flickr, Google+, Instagram, LinkedIn, Myspace, Pinterest, Reddit, Tumblr, Twitter, Vine and YouTube. But several are based overseas: the Chinese sites Douban, QQ, Sina Weibo, Tencent Weibo and Youku; the Russian social network VK; Twoo, which was created in Belgium; and Ask.fm, a question-and-answer platform based in Latvia.”
Hand over my social media account to get a U.S. visa? No, thank you. (The Guardian, 3/31/18)
“The government doesn’t need to ask for people’s social media handles in order to vet them. Bar China, perhaps, the US is the world’s most powerful surveillance state – thanks, largely, to Obama’s expansion of the government’s surveillance powers. This new proposal has nothing to do with national security. It’s about cracking down on free speech.
“If you’re planning a trip to the US you are probably going to start thinking twice about criticising Trump online now. It’s a warning to the world to watch how you talk about the US if you ever want to set foot in the place.
“And while this new proposal may be directed at visitors, it also sends a message to residents and citizens that you ought to watch what you say online.”
U.S. to require would-be immigrants to turn over social media handles (CNN, 3/29/18)
“According to notices submitted by the State Department on Thursday, set for formal publication on Friday, the government plans to require nearly all visa applicants to the US to submit five years of social media handles for specific platforms identified by the government — and with an option to list handles for other platforms not explicitly required.
“The administration expects the move to affect nearly 15 million would-be immigrants to the United States…”
Other extreme vetting measures have already begun. State Department enhances vetting of skilled immigrants (Detroit News, 4/1/18)
“Still, businesses have noticed a change.
“We’ve got employees that are going through the process, who have gone through such a level of scrutiny and interrogatory that is unprecedented,” said Dean Garfield, president of the Information Technology Industry Council, which advocates for H1B visas and has had one of its own workers have to move back overseas because of delays in approving the requisite visa.”
In other news
Citing Trump’s ‘racial slurs,’ judge says suit to preserve DACA can continue (New York Times, 3/29/18)
“One might reasonably infer,” Judge Garaufis wrote, “that a candidate who makes overtly bigoted statements on the campaign trail might be more likely to engage in similarly bigoted action in office.”
District Court Issues Favorable Nationwide Ruling on Behalf of Thousands of Asylum Seekers (American Immigration Council, 3/28/18)
“A federal district court judge in Washington State ruled today that the federal government’s failure to notify asylum seekers that they must apply for asylum within one year of arriving in the United States violated their right to due process and ordered the government to provide such notice….
“In addition, the Court ordered Defendants to accept as timely any asylum application from a class member filed within one year of receiving such notice. Finally, the Court ordered the government to create a uniform, procedural mechanism to ensure that all class members have a meaningful opportunity to file their asylum applications in a timely manner.”
Real people, real stories
Man freed after wrongful conviction only to be taken into custody by immigration authorities (Chicago Tribune, 3/29/18)
“In the two decades since Ricardo Rodriguez was convicted of murder, he has maintained his innocence.
“This week, the Cook County state’s attorney agreed to drop the case against him amid allegations that a discredited police detective manipulated witnesses.…
“Before he was sent to prison for a 1995 murder, Rodriguez was a lawful permanent resident. His status was revoked when he was convicted, his attorneys said. Now he faces the possibility of being deported despite being freed.”
Deported U.S. Army veteran wins fight for U.S. citizenship (NBC, 3/29/18)
“A deported veteran who launched a health clinic for other deported veterans in Tijuana, Mexico, has been granted citizenship in the United States.
“Hector Barajas-Varela was deported 10 years ago. On Thursday, in uniform and surrounded by supporters and fellow deported veterans, Barajas-Varela received the news from the Department of Homeland Security.
“Barajas-Varela was born in Zacatecas, Mexico, and arrived in the U.S. with his parents when he was 7. He grew up in the United States and enlisted in the Army in 1995.”
He spoke out against Somalia’s terrorist groups. Now ICE has deported him there. (The Intercept, 3/31/18) Minnesotan Guled Muhumed, was one of the planeload of deportees in last year’s aborted deportation attempt. On Thursday, Muhumed and other Somalis were again loaded on a plane bound for Somalia. Before he left, The Intercept interviewed him and tells his story:
“In interviews this week, Muhumed recounted his experiences in West Texas, and the terror he has been living through, faced with the serious possibility of being separated from his wife and children and dropped off in a war-ravaged nation that he has not seen since he was a child.
“Muhumed also described the anguish of watching mistakes he made when he was a young man come back around more than a decade later to wreak havoc on his adult life. As a high school administrator and youth counselor, Muhumed spearheaded a program in his community to turn refugee children, particularly young Somalis, away from drugs, crime, and radicalism. He has spoken out publicly against the terrorist groups that wield considerable power in Somalia, making the fact that the U.S. government has treated him like some sort of national security threat, while working hard to drop him off on the very turf where those groups operate, all the more ironic and terrifying.”
She fled LIberia’s civil war 24 years ago. Now Trump wants her to go back. (Guardian, 4/1/18) Trump’s order ending DED will separate Magdalene Menyongaro and her daughter.
“Gabrielle Gworlekaju, 16, is a sophomore in high school in Minnesota, a cheerleader and an A student. She wants to pursue a career in medicine and, in about a year’s time, she’ll begin the process of choosing a university.
“There’s one person she leans on more than most for advice in such decisions – her mother, Magdalene Menyongaro, 48, who came to the US from Liberia 24 years ago, fleeing the country’s civil war. ”
Manhattan church shields Guatemalan woman from deportation (New York Times, 3/28/18)
“The strategy can work. Of the 39 immigrants who sought public sanctuary nationally in 2017, nine were granted reprieves from deportation, according to a database kept by the organization. Of the 12 who have sought sanctuary in 2018, six have gotten reprieves.”
April Fool tweets again Trump says undocumented immigrants are flooding into the country to take advantage of DACA. Except that in real life, DACA was only available to young immigrants who were here for at least five years before 2012.
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werds
The fact that chimps share 99% of their DNA with us is really impressive until you realize that string beans share 50% of it
mosquitos are like dirty used needles that can fly
the top 2000 m of the world ocean warmed about0.09 C degrees during the time period from 1970 to 2013. It also reports the UK’s Met Office calculated that if the same amount of energy had gone into the lower atmosphere, it would have raised its temperature about 36 C degrees!
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Understanding time:
- Oxford University is older than the Aztecs.
- In the span of 66 years, we went from taking flight to landing on the moon.
- There is more processing power in a TI-83 calculator than in the computer that landed Apollo 11 on the moon.
- The first pyramids were built while the woolly mammoth was still alive.
- The fax machine was invented the same year people were traveling the Oregon Trail.
- Everything in this 1991 RadioShack ad exists in a single smartphone.
- There was more time between the Stegosaurus and the Tyrannosaurus Rex than between the Tyrannosaurus Rex and you.
- If the history of Earth were compressed to a single year, modern humans would appear on December 31st at about 11:58pm.
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Asker or guesser:
We are raised, the theory runs, in one of two cultures. In Ask culture, people grow up believing they can ask for anything – a favour, a pay rise– fully realising the answer may be no. In Guess culture, by contrast, you avoid “putting a request into words unless you’re pretty sure the answer will be yes… A key skill is putting out delicate feelers. If you do this with enough subtlety, you won’t have to make the request directly; you’ll get an offer. Even then, the offer may be genuine or pro forma; it takes yet more skill and delicacy to discern whether you should accept.”
Neither’s “wrong”, but when an Asker meets a Guesser, unpleasantness results. An Asker won’t think it’s rude to request two weeks in your spare room, but a Guess culture person will hear it as presumptuous and resent the agony involved in saying no. Your boss, asking for a project to be finished early, may be an overdemanding boor – or just an Asker, who’s assuming you might decline. If you’re a Guesser, you’ll hear it as an expectation. This is a spectrum, not a dichotomy, and it explains cross-cultural awkwardnesses, too: Brits and Americans get discombobulated doing business in Japan, because it’s a Guess culture, yet experience Russians as rude, because they’re diehard Askers.
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the multiple benefits of organic farming — what Europeans call multifunctionality. For one, farmers benefit because instead of needing to purchase costly chemicals, genetically engineered seeds and synthetic fertilizer, they can largely work with the ecological systems of their own farmscapes to fend off pests and promote fertility. Organic farming benefits the rest of us too. These low-input practices promote biodiversity (key to food security), protect pollinators (key to one-third of the food we eat), reduce farm energy use while storing more carbon in the soil (key to fixing climate change) and foster clean water and air (key to, well, everything).
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tower of babble (from Harpers)
Donald J. Trump, a reality-television star erecting a mausoleum for himself behind the first-hole tee of a golf course he owns in New Jersey, first declared his candidacy for president of the United States in the atrium of Trump Tower, which he built in the 1980s with labor provided by hundreds of undocumented Polish workers and concrete purchased at an inflated price from the Gambino and Genovese crime families. “The American dream is dead,” Trump said to the audience members, each of whom he paid $50 to attend. During Trump’s primary campaign, he told his supporters that he knew “all about crazies,” loved “Wall Street guys” who are “brutal,” planned to “use the word ‘anchor baby,’ ” and preferred to pronounce “Qatar” incorrectly. Trump, who in 1999 cut his sick infant grandnephew off the Trump Organization’s health-care plan and in 2011 compared being gay to switching to a long-handled golf putter, pledged to repeal the Affordable Care Act and said he’d consider trying to overturn the legalization of same-sex marriage. Trump said that his book The Art of the Deal was second in quality only to the Bible and that he never explicitly asked God for forgiveness. At a church in Iowa, he placed a few dollar bills into a bowl filled with sacramental bread, which he has referred to as “my little cracker.” Trump, who once dumped a glass of wine on a journalist who wrote a story he didn’t like, told his supporters that journalists were “liars,” the “lowest form of humanity,” and “enemies,” but that he did not approve of killing them. “I’m a very sane person,” said Trump, who once hosted a radio show in which he discussed the development of hair-cloning technology, the creation of a vaccine for obesity, the number of men a gay man thinks about having sex with on his morning commute, and the dangers of giving free Viagra to rapists. Trump denied being the voice of John Miller, one of several fictional assistants he had previously admitted pretending to be, in a recording of himself telling a reporter that he had “zero interest” in dating Madonna; that he had three other girlfriends in addition to Marla Maples, with whom he had been cheating on his wife; and that he had an affair with Carla Bruni, who later responded by describing Trump as “obviously a lunatic.” Trump, who once offered the city of New York vacant apartments in his building to house homeless people in hopes they would drive away rent-controlled tenants, sent a bumper sticker to a group of homeless veterans whom he had previously declined to help and asked them to campaign for him. Trump, whose companies have been cited 24 times since 2005 for failing to pay workers overtime or minimum wage, said the federal minimum wage should go up, and then said it should not. Trump referred to 9/11 as “7-Eleven,” and called Massachusetts senator Elizabeth Warren “the Indian” and “Pocahontas.” Trump, who had previously labeled a deaf contestant on his reality-TV show The Apprentice “retarded,” and had described poor Americans as “morons,” said the country was on course for a “very massive recession,” one resembling the U.S. recession of 2007 to 2009, which Trump once said Americans could “opt out of” by joining Trump Network, a multilevel-marketing company that sold a monthly supply of multivitamins purportedly tailored to customers based on a test of their urine. Trump submitted his financial-disclosure form to the Federal Election Commission, on which he swore under oath that his golf course in Briarcliff Manor, New York, which was being sued by the town for causing flooding, was worth $50 million, despite having sworn in a previous property-tax appeal that it was worth $1.4 million; and swore that his golf course in Palos Verdes, California, which he was suing for five times its annual revenue, was worth more than $50 million, despite previously having filed papers with Los Angeles County stating it was worth $10 million. Trump claimed he made $1.9 million from his modeling agency, which a foreign-born former model accused of “modern-day slavery,” alleging that the agency forced her to lie about her age, work without a U.S. visa, and live in a crowded apartment for which she paid the agency as much as $1,600 a month to sleep in a bed beneath a window through which a homeless man once urinated on her. Trump sought to exclude a recording of himself telling the nephew of former president George W. Bush that he grabs women “by the pussy” from a fraud suit filed against Trump University, a series of real-estate seminars taught by salespeople with no real-estate experience, which was housed in a Trump-owned building that the Securities and Exchange Commission said also housed the country’s most complained-about unregistered brokerages, and whose curriculum investigators in Texas described as “inapplicable.” Trump announced that he would win the Latino vote, and tweeted a photo of himself eating a taco bowl from Trump Grill in Trump Tower with the message “I love Hispanics!” Trump referred to a black man at one of his rallies as “my African American,” and pledged his support for black people at a gathering of mostly white people in Wisconsin, whom he often referred to as “the forgotten people.” “I am the least racist person,” said Trump, who was sued twice by the Justice Department in the 1970s for allegedly refusing to rent apartments to black tenants, whose Trump Plaza Hotel was fined $200,000 by the New Jersey Casino Control Commission in 1992 for removing black dealers from card tables, who allegedly told a former employee that he hated “black guys counting my money,” who in 2005 floated the idea of pitting an all-black Apprentice team against an all-white one to reflect “our very vicious world,” and who was endorsed by leaders of the Ku Klux Klan, one of whom said, “What he believes, we believe.” Trump tweeted statistics credited to a fictional government agency falsely claiming that the majority of white murder victims in the United States are killed by black people. Trump tweeted a photoshopped picture of Fox News anchor Megyn Kelly, who Trump had said “had blood coming out of her wherever,” standing next to a Saudi prince, who tweeted back that he had “financially rescued” Trump twice, including once in 1990, when the prince purchased Trump’s 281-foot yacht, which was formerly owned by a Saudi arms dealer with whom Trump often partied in Atlantic City, and with whom Trump was implicated in a tax-evasion scheme involving a Fifth Avenue jewelry store. Trump disputed former Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney’s claim that Trump magazine is defunct, showing as proof an annual circular for his clubs that was not Trump magazine, which folded in 2009. Trump republished his book Crippled America with the title Great Again. Trump told and retold an apocryphal story about a U.S. general who executed Muslim soldiers with bullets dipped in pig’s blood and proposed that Muslims be banned from entering the country. At the first primary debate, Trump praised his companies’ bankruptcies, including that of Trump Entertainment Resorts, in which lenders lost more than $1 billion and 1,100 employees lost their jobs, and that of Trump Hotels and Casino Resorts, a publicly traded company that Trump used to purchase two casinos for almost $1 billion, and from which he resigned after the company went bankrupt for the first time, but before it went bankrupt for the second time. “I made a lot of money,” said Trump. At the fifth primary debate, Trump defended the idea of retaliating against America’s foreign aggressors by killing non-combatant members of their families, saying it would “make people think.” At the eleventh primary debate, Trump told the crowd there was “no problem” with the size of his penis. Trump said that he knew more about the Islamic State than “the generals,” and that he would “rely on the generals” to defeat the Islamic State. Trump said he would bring back waterboarding and torture because “we have to beat the savages.” Trump offered to pay the legal bills of anyone who assaulted protesters at his rallies, denied making the offer, then made the offer again after a 78-year-old white supporter in North Carolina punched a 26-year-old black protester in the eye and said, “Next time we see him we might have to kill him.” Trump, who in 1999 called Republicans too “crazy right” and in 2000 ran on a Reform Party platform that included creating a lottery to fund U.S. spy training, said that the 2016 primaries were “rigged,” then clinched the Republican nomination for president, receiving more votes than any Republican in history. “I was the one who really broke the glass ceiling,” said Trump when his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton, became the first woman to lead a major party’s ticket. Trump hired Steve Bannon, the editor of the white-nationalist website Breitbart, to replace his former campaign manager Paul Manafort, who ran a firm that once lobbied for the military dictator of Zaire, and who himself replaced Corey Lewandowski, who resigned from the campaign not long after he was filmed grabbing a Breitbart reporter by the arm to prevent her from asking Trump any questions. Trump selected as his running mate Indiana governor Mike Pence, who previously backed a bill that would allow hospitals to deny care to critically ill pregnant women, and who once criticized the Disney character Mulan as a “mischievous liberal” created to persuade Americans that women should be allowed to hold combat positions in the military. In his general-election campaign, Trump said he would consider recognizing Crimea as Russian territory, and called on Russia to hack into Clinton’s email account. Trump said that he doesn’t pay employees who don’t “do a good job,” after a review of the more than 3,500 lawsuits filed against Trump found that he has been accused of stiffing a painter and a dishwasher in Florida, a glass company in New Jersey, dozens of hourly hospitality workers, and some of the lawyers who represented him. “I’m a fighter,” said Trump, who body-slammed the WWE chairman at WrestleMania 23 in 2007, and who attended WrestleMania IV with Robert LiButti, an Atlantic City gambler with alleged mafia ties, who told Trump he’d “fucking pull your balls from your legs” if Trump didn’t stop trying to seduce his daughter. Trump, whose first wife, Ivana, accused him in divorce filings of rape, and whose special council later said rape within a marriage was not possible, said “no one respects women more than I do.” Trump threatened to sue 12 women who accused him of sexual misconduct, including one who recalled Trump trying “like an octopus” to put his hand up her skirt on an airplane 35 years ago; four former Miss Teen USA contestants, who alleged that Trump entered their dressing room while girls as young as 15 were changing and said, “I’ve seen it all before”; the winner of Miss Utah USA in 1997, who alleged that Trump forcibly kissed her on the lips and then told her, “Twenty-one is too old”; an adult-film star, who alleged that at a golf tournament in Tahoe in 2006 Trump offered her $10,000 and the private use of his jet to spend the night with him; and a People magazine reporter, who alleged that while she was writing a story on Trump and his current wife, Melania, on the occasion of their first wedding anniversary, Trump pushed her against the wall and forcibly kissed her before telling her, “We’re going to have an affair.” “What I say is what I say,” said Trump, who previously told a pair of 14-year-old girls that he would date them in a couple of years, said of a 10-year-old girl that he would date her in 10 years, told a journalist that he wasn’t sure whether his infant daughter Tiffany would have nice breasts, told the cast of The View that if Ivanka weren’t his daughter “perhaps I would be dating her,” told radio host Howard Stern that it was okay to call Ivanka a “piece of ass” and that he could have “nailed” Princess Diana, and tweeted that a former winner of his Miss Universe pageant, whom Trump once called “Miss Piggy,” was disgusting. “Check out sex tape,” tweeted Trump, who once appeared in a soft-core pornographic film breaking a bottle of wine over a limousine. Trump did not comment on reports that he used over $200,000 in charitable contributions to the Trump Foundation to settle lawsuits against his businesses, $20,000 in contributions to the Trump Foundation to buy a six-foot-tall painting of himself, and $10,000 in contributions to buy a smaller painting of himself, which he hung on the wall of his restaurant Champions Bar and Grill. “I’m the cleanest guy there is,” said Trump, who once granted the rights to explore building Trump-branded towers in Moscow to a mobster convicted of stabbing a man in the face with the stem of margarita glass, who was mentored by the former lead council for Senator Joseph McCarthy and the Gambino and Genovese crime families, who once purchased a nightclub in Atlantic City from a hit man for a Philadelphia crime family, who once worked with a soldier in the Colombo crime family to outfit Trump Golden and Executive Series limousines with a fax machine and a liquor dispenser, and who once purchased helicopter services from a cigarette-boat racer named Joseph Weichselbaum, who was charged with drug trafficking in Ohio before being moved to Trump’s sister’s courtroom in New Jersey, where the case was handed off to a different judge, who gave Weichselbaum a three-year prison sentence, of which he served 18 months before moving into Trump Tower. Trump told journalists he “made a lot of money” when he leased his house in Westchester to the late Libyan dictator Muammar Qaddafi. “I screwed him,” said Trump. Trump, who in 2013 said that he did “have a relationship” with Vladimir Putin, said in 2016, “I don’t know Putin.” Trump, who wrote in 1997 that concern over asbestos was a mob conspiracy, who in the 1990s spent $1 million in ads to bolster the theory that a Native American tribe in upstate New York had been infiltrated by the mafia and drug traffickers, who once implied that Barack Obama’s real name is Barry Soetoro and that he won reelection by making a secret deal with Saudi Arabia, and who in 2012 tweeted that global warming was a “hoax” created by “the Chinese” to weaken U.S. manufacturing, suggested to his supporters that the Islamic State paid the phone bills of Syrian refugees, that his primary opponent Ted Cruz’s Cuban father was involved in a conspiracy to kill President John F. Kennedy, and that U.S. Supreme Court justice Antonin Scalia may have been suffocated with a pillow. During the first debate of the general election, Trump said that Rosie O'Donnell had deserved it when he called her “disgusting both inside and out,” “basically a disaster,” a “slob,” and a “loser,” someone who “looks bad,” “sounds bad,” has a “fat, ugly face,” and “talks like a truck driver.” At the second general-election debate, Trump invited three women who have accused Clinton’s husband of sexual misconduct to sit in the front row; claimed that Clinton had once laughed about the rape of a 12-year-old girl, which audio showed not to be true; claimed that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement had endorsed him, which it had not; and afterward suggested that his opponent had been on drugs during the debate. Trump, who said he could shoot someone on Fifth Avenue and not lose supporters, told his supporters that Clinton could shoot one of them and not be prosecuted. Trump told the audience at a Catholic charity dinner that Clinton “hates Catholics,” that she is “the devil,” and that Mexico was “getting ready to attack.” Trump, who once kept a collection of Adolf Hitler’s speeches at his bedside, told his supporters that the election was “rigged” against him, won the election despite losing the popular vote by a margin of almost 3 million, claimed that he had in fact won the popular vote, and then announced that he would be staying on as executive producer of The Celebrity Apprentice on NBC, which a year earlier had fired him because he called Mexicans “rapists.” “Our country,” said Trump at a victory rally, “is in trouble.”
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How Trump walked into Putins web
The long read: The inside story of how a former British spy was hired to investigate Russias influence on Trump and uncovered explosive evidence that Moscow had been cultivating Trump for years
Moscow, summer 1991. Mikhail Gorbachev is in power. Official relations with the west have softened, but the KGB still assumes all western embassy workers are spooks. The KGB agents assigned to them are easy to spot. They have a method. Sometimes they pursue targets on foot, sometimes in cars. The officers charged with keeping tabs on western diplomats are never subtle.
One of their specialities is breaking into Moscow apartments. The owners are always away, of course. The KGB leave a series of clues stolen shoes, womens tights knotted together, cigarette butts stomped out and left demonstratively on the floor. Or a surprise turd in the toilet, waiting in grim ambush. The message, crudely put, is this: we are the masters here! We can do what the fuck we please!
Back then, the KGB kept watch on all foreigners, especially American and British ones. The UK mission in Moscow was under close observation. The British embassy was a magnificent mansion built in the 1890s by a rich sugar merchant, on the south bank of the Moskva river. It looked directly across to the Kremlin. The view was dreamy: a grand palace, golden church domes and medieval spires topped with revolutionary red stars.
One of those the KGB routinely surveilled was a 27-year-old diplomat, newly married to his wife, Laura, on his first foreign posting, and working as a second secretary in the chancery division. In this case, their suspicions were right.
The diplomat was a British intelligence officer. His workplace was a grand affair: chandeliers, mahogany-panelled reception rooms, gilt-framed portraits of the Queen and other royals hanging from the walls. His desk was in the embassy library, surrounded by ancient books. The young officers true employer was an invisible entity back in London SIS, the Secret Intelligence Service, commonly known as MI6.
His name was Christopher Steele. Years later, he would be commissioned to undertake an astonishing secret investigation. It was an explosive assignment: to uncover the Kremlins innermost secrets with relation to Donald Trump. Steeles findings, and the resulting dossier, would shake the American intelligence community and cause a political earthquake not seen since the dark days of Richard Nixon and Watergate.
Steele had arrived in Moscow via the usual establishment route for upwardly mobile British spies: the University of Cambridge. Cambridge had produced some of MI6s most talented cold war officials. A few of them, it turned out to great embarrassment had secret second jobs with the KGB. The joke inside MI6 was that only those who had never visited the Soviet Union would wish to defect.
Steele had studied social and political sciences at Girton College. His views were centre-left; he and his elder sister were the first members of his family to go to university. (Steeles paternal grandfather was a coal miner from Pontypridd in south Wales; his great-uncle died in a pit accident.) Steele wrote for the student newspaper, Varsity. He became president of the Cambridge Union, a debating society dominated by well-heeled and well-connected young men and women.
Its unclear who recruited Steele. Traditionally, certain Cambridge tutors were rumoured to identify promising MI6 candidates. Whatever the route, Steeles timing was good. After three years at MI6, he was sent to the Soviet Union in April 1990, soon after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the communist bloc across eastern Europe.
It was a tumultuous time. Seventy years after the Bolshevik revolution, the red empire was crumbling. The Baltic states had revolted against Soviet power; their own national authorities were governing in parallel with Moscow. In June 1991, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic elected a democratic president, Boris Yeltsin. Food shortages were not uncommon.
There was still much to enjoy. Like other expatriates, the Steeles visited the Izmailovsky craft market, next to an imperial park where Peter the Greats father, Tsar Alexei, had established a model farm. Here you could buy lacquered boxes, patchwork quilts, furry hats and Soviet kitsch. Steele acquired samovars, carpets from central Asia, a papier-mache Stalin mask and a hand-painted Tolstoy doll set.
Much of the Soviet Union was off-limits to diplomats. Steele was the embassys internal traveller. He visited newly accessible cities. One of them was Samara, a wartime Soviet capital. There, he became the first foreigner to see Stalins underground bunker. Instead of Lenin, he found dusty portraits of Peter the Great and the imperial commander Mikhail Kutuzov proof, seemingly, that Stalin was more nationalist than Marxist. Another city was Kazan, in Tatarstan. There a local correspondent, Anatoly Andronov, took a black-and-white photo of Steele chatting with newspaper editors. At weekends, Steele took part in soccer matches with a group of expats in a Russian league. In one game, he played against the legendary Soviet Union striker Oleh Blokhin, who scored from the halfway line.
Christopher Steele in early 1991, with newspaper editors in the Tatar city of Kazan. Photograph: Anatoly Andronov
The atmosphere was optimistic. It seemed to Steele that the country was shifting markedly in the right direction. Citizens once terrified of interacting with outsiders were ready to talk. The KGB, however, found nothing to celebrate in the USSRs tilt towards freedom and reform. In August 1991, seven apparatchiks staged a coup while Gorbachev was vacationing in Crimea. Most of the British embassy was away. Steele was home at his second-floor apartment in Gruzinsky Pereulok. He left the apartment block and walked for 10 minutes into town. Crowds had gathered outside the White House, the seat of government; thus far the army hadnt moved against them.
From 50 yards away, Steele watched as a snowy-haired man in a suit climbed on a tank and reading from notes brushed by the wind denounced the coup as cynical and illegal. This was a defiant Yeltsin. Steele listened as Yeltsin urged a general strike and, fist clenched, told his supporters to remain strong.
The coup failed, and a weakened Gorbachev survived. The putschists the leading group in all the main Soviet state and party institutions were arrested. In the west, and in the US in particular, many concluded that Washington had won the cold war, and that, after decades of ideological struggle, liberal democracy had triumphed.
Steele knew better. Three days after the coup, surveillance on him resumed. His MI6 colleagues in Hungary and Czechoslovakia reported that after revolutions there the secret police vanished, never to come back. But here were the same KGB guys, with the same familiar faces. They went back to their old routines of bugging, break-ins and harassment.
The regime changed. The system didnt.
By the time Steele left Moscow in April 1993, the Soviet Union had gone. A new country, led by Yeltsin, had replaced it: the Russian Federation. The KGB had been dissolved, but its officers hadnt exactly disappeared. They still loathed the US and were merely biding their time.
One mid-ranking former KGB spy who was unhappy about this state of affairs was Vladimir Putin. Putin had been posted to Dresden in provincial East Germany in the mid-80s, and had missed perestroika and glasnost, Gorbachevs reformist ideas. He had now returned to the newly renamed St Petersburg and was carving out a political career. He mourned the end of the USSR, and once called its disappearance the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century.
A post-communist spy agency, the Federal Security Service, or FSB, had taken over the KGBs main functions. Back in the UK, Steele would soon move into MI6s purpose-built new office a large, striking, postmodern pile of a building overlooking the River Thames in London. Staff called it Vauxhall Cross. This gaudy Babylonian temple was hard to miss; in 1994, the government officially acknowledged the existence of MI6 for the first time. The FSB would become its bitter adversary.
From London, Steele continued to work on the new Russia. He was ambitious, keen to succeed, and keen to be seen to succeed. He was also, perhaps, less posh than some of his upper-class peers. Steeles father, Perris, and his mother, Janet, met when they worked together at the UK Met Office. Perris was a forecaster for the armed services. The family had lived on army bases in Aden, where Steele was born, on the Shetland Islands (where he found an interest in bird-watching) and twice in Cyprus.
Steeles education had been varied. He went to a British forces school in Cyprus. He did sixth form at a college in Berkshire. He then spent a seventh or additional term at Wellington College, an elite private boarding school. There he sat the entrance exam for Cambridge.
At MI6, Steele moved in a small world of Kremlin specialists. There were conferences and seminars in university towns like Oxford; contacts to be made; migrs to be met, lunched and charmed. In 1998 he got another posting, to the British embassy in Paris. He had a family: two sons and a daughter, born in France, where Steele was officially First Secretary Financial.
At this point, his career hit a bump. In 1999, a list of MI6 officers was leaked online. Steele was one of them. He appeared as Christopher David Steele, 90 Moscow; dob 1964.
The breach wasnt Steeles fault, but it had unfortunate consequences. As an exposed British officer, he couldnt go back to Russia.
In Moscow, the spies were staging a comeback. In 1998 Putin became FSB chief, then prime minister, and in 2000, president. By 2002, when Steele left Paris, Putin had consolidated his grip. Most of Russias genuine political opposition had been wiped out, from parliament as well as from public life and the evening news. The idea that Russia might slowly turn into a democracy had proved a late-century fantasy. Rather, the USs traditional nuclear-armed adversary was moving in an authoritarian direction.
At first, George W Bush and Tony Blair viewed Putin as a respectable ally in the war against terror. But he remained an enigma. As Steele knew better than most, obtaining information from inside the presidential administration in Moscow was tough. One former member of the US National Security Council described Putin as a black box. The Brits had slightly better assets than us. We had nothing. No human intelligence, the source said. And, with the focus on fighting Islamists, Russia was downgraded on the list of US-UK intelligence priorities.
By 2006, Steele held a senior post at MI6s Russia desk in London. There were ominous signs that Putin was taking Russia in an aggressive direction. The number of hostile Russian agents in the UK grew, surpassing cold war levels. Steele tracked a new campaign of subversion and covert influence.
And then two FSB assassins put a radioactive poison into the tea of Alexander Litvinenko, a former FSB officer turned London-based dissident. It was an audacious operation, and a sign of things to come. MI6 picked Steele to investigate. One reason for this was that he wasnt emotionally involved with the case, unlike some of his colleagues who had known the victim. He quickly concluded the Russian state had staged the execution.
Alexander Litvinenko, whose poisoning in London in 2006 Christopher Steele was chosen to investigate. Photograph: Natasja Weitsz
Steeles gloomy view of Russia that under Putin it was not only domestically repressive but also internationally reckless and revisionist looked about right. Steele briefed government ministers. Some got it. Others could scarcely believe Russian spies would carry out murder and mayhem on the streets of London.
All told, Steele spent 22 years as a British intelligence officer. There were some high points he saw his years in Moscow as formative and some low ones. Two of the diplomats with whom he shared an office in the embassy library, Tim Barrow and David Manning, went on to become UK ambassadors to the EU and the US respectively.
Steele didnt quite rise to the top, in what was a highly competitive service. Espionage might sound exciting, but the salary of a civil servant was ordinary. And in 2009 he had faced a personal tragedy, when his wife died at the age of 43 after a period of illness.
That same year, Steele left MI6 and set up his own business intelligence firm, Orbis, in partnership with another former British spy, Christopher Burrows. The transition from government to the private sector wasnt easy. Steele and Burrows were pursuing the same intelligence matters as before, but without the support and peer review they had in their previous jobs. MI6s security branch would often ask an officer to go back to a source, or redraft a report, or remark: We think its interesting. Wed like to have more on this. This kept up quality and objectivity.
Steele and Burrows, by contrast, were out on their own, where success depended more on ones own wits. There was no more internal challenge. The people they had to please were corporate clients. The pay was considerably better.
The shabby environs of Orbiss office in Londons Victoria, where I first met Christopher Steele, were a long way away from Washington DC and the bitterly contested 2016 US presidential election. So how did Steele come to be commissioned to research Donald J Trump and produce his devastating dossier?
At the same moment Steele said goodbye to official spying, another figure was embarking on a new career in the crowded field of private business intelligence. His name was Glenn Simpson. He was a former journalist. Simpson was an alluring figure: a large, tall, angular, bear-like man who slotted himself easily on to a bar stool and enjoyed a beer or two. He was a good-humoured social companion who spoke in a nasal drawl. Behind small, oval glasses was a twinkling intelligence. He excelled at what he did.
Simpson had been an illustrious Wall Street Journal correspondent. Based in Washington and Brussels, he had specialised in post-Soviet murk. He didnt speak Russian or visit the Russian Federation. This was deemed too dangerous. Instead, from outside the country, he examined the dark intersection between organised crime and the Russian state.
By 2009, Simpson decided to quit journalism, at a time when the media industry was in all sorts of financial trouble. He co-founded his own commercial research and political intelligence firm, based in Washington DC. Its name was Fusion GPS. Its website gave little away. It didnt even list an address.
Simpson then met Steele. They knew some of the same FBI people and shared expertise on Russia. Fusion and Orbis began a professional partnership. The Washington- and London-based firms worked for oligarchs litigating against other oligarchs. This might involve asset tracing identifying large sums concealed behind layers of offshore companies.
Later that year, Steele embarked on a separate, sensitive new assignment that drew on his knowledge of covert Russian techniques and of football. (In Moscow he had played at full-back.) The client was the English Football Association, the FA. England was bidding to host the 2018 soccer World Cup. Its main rival was Russia. There were joint bids, too, from Spain and Portugal, and the Netherlands and Belgium. His brief was to investigate the eight other bidding nations, with a particular focus on Russia. It was rumoured that the FSB had carried out a major influence operation, ahead of a vote in Zurich by the executive committee of Fifa, soccers international governing body.
Steele discovered that Fifa corruption was global. It was a stunning conspiracy. He took the unusual step of briefing an American contact in Rome, the head of the FBIs Eurasian serious crime division. This lit the fuse, as one friend put it, and led to a probe by US federal prosecutors. And to the arrest in 2015 of seven Fifa officials, allegedly connected to $150m (114m) in kickbacks, paid on TV deals stretching from Latin America to the Caribbean. The US indicted 14 individuals.
The episode burnished Steeles reputation inside the US intelligence community and the FBI. Here was a pro, a well-connected Brit, who understood Russian espionage and its subterranean tricks. Steele was regarded as credible. Between 2014 and 2016, Steele authored more than 100 reports on Russia and Ukraine. These were written for a private client but shared widely within the US state department, and sent up to secretary of state John Kerry and assistant secretary of state Victoria Nuland, who was in charge of the US response to Putins annexation of Crimea and covert invasion of eastern Ukraine. Many of Steeles secret sources were the same people who would later supply information on Trump.
One former state department envoy during the Obama administration said he read dozens of Steeles reports. On Russia, the envoy said, Steele was as good as the CIA or anyone.
Steeles professional reputation inside US agencies would prove important the next time he discovered alarming material.
Trumps political rise in the autumn of 2015 and the early months of 2016 was swift and irresistible. The candidate was a human wrecking ball who flattened everything in his path, including the Republican partys aghast, frozen-to-the-spot establishment. Marco Rubio, Jeb Bush, Ted Cruz all were batted aside, taunted, crushed. Scandals that would have killed off a normal presidential candidate made Trump stronger. The media loved it. Increasingly, so did the voters. Might anything stop him?
In mid-2015, the Republican front-runner had been Jeb Bush, son of one US president and brother of another. But as the campaign got under way, Bush struggled. Trump dubbed the former Florida governor low-energy. During the primaries, a website funded by one of Trumps wealthy Republican critics, Paul Singer, commissioned Fusion to investigate Trump.
After Trump became the presumptive nominee in May 2016, Singers involvement ended and senior Democrats seeking to elect Hillary Clinton took over the Trump contract. The new client was the Democratic National Committee. A lawyer working for Clintons campaign, Marc E Elias, retained Fusion and received its reports. The world of private investigation was a morally ambiguous one a sort of open market in dirt. Information on Trump was of no further use to Republicans, but it could be of value to Democrats, Trumps next set of opponents.
Before this, in early spring 2016, Simpson approached Steele, his friend and colleague. Steele began to scrutinise Paul Manafort, who would soon become Trumps new campaign manager. From April, Steele investigated Trump on behalf of the DNC, Fusions anonymous client. All Steele knew at first was that the client was a law firm. He had no idea what he would find. He later told David Corn, Washington editor of the magazine Mother Jones: It started off as a fairly general inquiry. Trumps organisation owned luxury hotels around the world. Trump had, as far back as 1987, sought to do real estate deals in Moscow. One obvious question for him, Steele said, was: Are there business ties to Russia?
Paul Manafort, who Steele started investigating in spring 2016. Last month Manafort was indicted on 12 charges including conspiracy against the United States. Photograph: Matt Rourke/AP
Over time, Steele had built up a network of sources. He was protective of them: who they were he would never say. It could be someone well-known a foreign government official or diplomat with access to secret material. Or it could be someone obscure a lowly chambermaid cleaning the penthouse suite and emptying the bins in a five-star hotel.
Normally an intelligence officer would debrief sources directly, but since Steele could no longer visit Russia, this had to be done by others, or in third countries. There were intermediaries, subsources, operators a sensitive chain. Only one of Steeles sources on Trump knew of Steele. Steele put out his Trump-Russia query and waited for answers. His sources started reporting back. The information was astonishing; hair-raising. As he told friends: For anyone who reads it, this is a life-changing experience.
Steele had stumbled upon a well-advanced conspiracy that went beyond anything he had discovered with Litvinenko or Fifa. It was the boldest plot yet. It involved the Kremlin and Trump. Their relationship, Steeles sources claimed, went back a long way. For at least the past five years, Russian intelligence had been secretly cultivating Trump. This operation had succeeded beyond Moscows wildest expectations. Not only had Trump upended political debate in the US raining chaos wherever he went and winning the nomination but it was just possible that he might become the next president. This opened all sorts of intriguing options for Putin.
In June 2016, Steele typed up his first memo. He sent it to Fusion. It arrived via enciphered mail. The headline read: US Presidential Election: Republican Candidate Donald Trumps Activities in Russia and Compromising Relationship with the Kremlin. Its text began: Russian regime has been cultivating, supporting and assisting TRUMP for at least 5 years. Aim, endorsed by PUTIN, has been to encourage splits and divisions in the western alliance.
So far TRUMP has declined various sweetener real estate business deals, offered him in Russia to further the Kremlins cultivation of him. However he and his inner circle have accepted a regular flow of intelligence from the Kremlin, including on his Democratic and other political rivals.
Former top Russian intelligence officer claims FSB has compromised TRUMP through his activities in Moscow sufficiently to be able to blackmail him. According to several knowledgeable sources, his conduct in Moscow has included perverted sexual acts which have been arranged/monitored by the FSB.
A dossier of compromising material on Hillary CLINTON has been collated by the Russian Intelligence Services over many years and mainly comprises bugged conversations she had on various visits to Russia and intercepted phone calls rather than any embarrassing conduct. The dossier is controlled by Kremlin spokesman, PESKOV, directly on Putins orders. However, it has not yet been distributed abroad, including to TRUMP. Russian intentions for its deployment still unclear.
The memo was sensational. There would be others, 16 in all, sent to Fusion between June and early November 2016. At first, obtaining intelligence from Moscow went well. For around six months during the first half of the year Steele was able to make inquiries in Russia with relative ease. It got harder from late July, as Trumps ties to Russia came under scrutiny. Finally, the lights went out. Amid a Kremlin cover-up, the sources went silent and information channels shut down.
If Steeles reporting was to be believed, Trump had been colluding with Russia. This arrangement was transactional, with both sides trading favours. The report said Trump had turned down various lucrative real estate development business deals in Russia, especially in connection with the 2018 World Cup, hosted by Moscow. But he had been happy to accept a flow of Kremlin-sourced intelligence material, apparently delivered to him by his inner circle. That didnt necessarily mean the candidate was a Russian agent. But it did signify that Russias leading spy agency had expended considerable effort in getting close to Trump and, by extension, to his family, friends, close associates and business partners, not to mention his campaign manager and personal lawyer.
On the eve of the most consequential US election for generations, one of the two candidates was compromised, Steeles sources claimed. The memo alleged that Trump had unusual sexual proclivities, and that the FSB had a tape. If true, this meant he could indeed be blackmailed.
When I met Steele in December 2016, he gave no hint he had been involved in what was the single most important investigation in decades.
Steeles collaborators offered salacious details. The memo said that Russian intelligence had sought to exploit TRUMPs personal obsessions and sexual perversion during his 2013 stay at Moscows Ritz-Carlton hotel for the Miss Universe beauty pageant. The operation had allegedly worked. The tycoon had booked the presidential suite of the Ritz-Carlton hotel where he knew President and Mrs OBAMA (whom he hated) had stayed on one of their official trips to Russia.
There, the memo said, Trump had deliberately defiled the Obamas bed. A number of prostitutes had performed a golden showers (urination) show in front of him. The memo also alleged: The hotel was known to be under FSB control with microphones and concealed cameras in all the main rooms to record anything they wanted to.
As well as sex, there was another fascinating dimension to this alleged plot, categorically denied by Trump. According to Steeles sources, associates of Trump had held a series of clandestine meetings in central Europe, Moscow and elsewhere with Russian spies. The Russians were very good at tradecraft. Nonetheless, could this be a trail that others might later detect?
Steeles sources offered one final devastating piece of information. They alleged that Trumps team had co-ordinated with Russia on the hacking operation against Clinton. And that the Americans had secretly co-paid for it.
Donald Trump and Gabriela Isler, winner of Miss Universe 2013, in Moscow. Photograph: Kommersant/Getty
Steele wrote up his findings in MI6 house style. The memos read like CX reports classified MI6 intelligence documents. They were marked confidential/sensitive source. The names of prominent individuals were in caps TRUMP, PUTIN, CLINTON. The reports began with a summary. They offered supporting detail. Sources were anonymous. They were introduced in generic terms: a senior Russian foreign ministry figure or a former top level Russian intelligence officer still active inside the Kremlin. They were given letters, starting with A and proceeding down the alphabet.
How certain was Steele that his sources had got it right and that he wasnt being fed disinformation? The matter was so serious, so important, so explosive, so far-reaching, that this was an essential question.
As spies and former spies knew, the world of intelligence was non-binary. There were degrees of veracity. A typical CX report would include phrases such as to a high degree of probability. Intelligence could be flawed, because humans were inherently unreliable. They forgot things. They got things wrong.
One of Steeles former Vauxhall Cross colleagues likened intelligence work to delicate shading. This twilight world wasnt black and white; it was a muted palette of greys, off-whites and sepia tones, he told me. He said you could shade in one direction more optimistically or in another direction less optimistically. Steele was generally in the first category.
Steele was adamant that his reporting was credible. One associate described him as sober, cautious, highly regarded, professional and conservative. Hes not the sort of person who will pass on gossip. If he puts something in a report, he believes there is sufficient credibility in it, the associate said. The idea that Steeles work was fake or a cowboy operation or born of political malice was completely wrong, he added.
The dossier, Steele told friends, was a thoroughly professional job, based on sources who had proven themselves in other areas. Evaluating sources depended on a critical box of tools: what was a sources reporting record, was he or she credible, what was the motivation?
Steele recognised that no piece of intelligence was 100% right. According to friends, he assessed that his work on the Trump dossier was 70-90% accurate. Over eight years, Orbis had produced scores of reports on Russia for private clients. A lot of this content was verified or proven up. As Steele told friends: Ive been dealing with this country for 30 years. Why would I invent this stuff?
In late 2015 the British eavesdropping agency, GCHQ, was carrying out standard collection against Moscow targets. These were known Kremlin operatives already on the grid. Nothing unusual here except that the Russians were talking to people associated with Trump. The precise nature of these exchanges has not been made public, but according to sources in the US and the UK, they formed a suspicious pattern. They continued through the first half of 2016. The intelligence was handed to the US as part of a routine sharing of information.
The FBI and the CIA were slow to appreciate the extensive nature of these contacts between Trumps team and Moscow. This was in part due to institutional squeamishness the law prohibits US agencies from examining the private communications of US citizens without a warrant.
But the electronic intelligence suggested Steele was right. According to one account, the US agencies looked as if they were asleep. Wake up! Theres something not right here! the BND [German intelligence], the Dutch, the French and SIS were all saying this, one Washington-based source told me.
That summer, GCHQs then head, Robert Hannigan, flew to the US to personally brief CIA chief John Brennan. The matter was deemed so important that it was handled at director level, face-to-face between the two agency chiefs. James Clapper, director of national intelligence, later confirmed the sensitive stream of intelligence from Europe. After a slow start, Brennan used the GCHQ information and other tip-offs to launch a major inter-agency investigation. Meanwhile, the FBI was receiving disturbing warnings from Steele.
At this point, Steeles Fusion material was unpublished. Whatever the outcome of the election, it raised grave questions about Russian interference and the US democratic process. There was, Steele felt, overwhelming public interest in passing his findings to US investigators. The USs multiple intelligence agencies had the resources to prove or disprove his discoveries. He realised that these allegations were, as he put it to a friend, a radioactive hot potato. He anticipated a hesitant response, at least at first.
In June, Steele flew to Rome to brief the FBI contact with whom he had co-operated over Fifa. His information started to reach the bureau in Washington. It had certainly arrived by the time of the Democratic National Convention in late July, when WikiLeaks first began releasing hacked Democratic emails. It was at this moment that FBI director James Comey opened a formal investigation into Trump-Russia.
Trump and Putin at the Apec summit in Vietnam this week. Photograph: Mikhail Klimentyev/TASS
In September, Steele went back to Rome. There he met with an FBI team. Their response was one of shock and horror, Steele said. The bureau asked him to explain how he had compiled his reports, and to give background on his sources. It asked him to send future copies.
Steele had hoped for a thorough and decisive FBI investigation. Instead, it moved cautiously. The agency told him that it couldnt intervene or go public with material involving a presidential candidate. Then it went silent. Steeles frustrations grew.
Later that month, Steele had a series of off-the-record meetings with a small number of US journalists. They included the New York Times, the Washington Post, Yahoo! News, the New Yorker and CNN. In mid-October he visited New York and met with reporters again.
Comey then announced he was reopening an investigation into Clintons use of a private email server. At this point, Steeles relationship with the FBI broke down. The excuse given by the bureau for saying nothing about Trump looked bogus. In late October, Steele spoke to the Mother Jones editor David Corn via Skype.
The story was of huge significance, way above party politics, Steele said. He believed Trumps Republican colleagues should be aware of this stuff as well. Of his own reputation, Steele said: My track record as a professional is second to no one. Steele acknowledged that his memos were works in progress, and was genuinely worried about the implications of the allegations. The story has to come out, he told Corn.
At this point Steele was still anonymous, a ghost. But the ghosts message was rapidly circulating on Capitol Hill and inside Washingtons spy agencies, as well as among certain journalists and thinktanks. Democratic senators now apprised of Steeles work were growing exasperated. The FBI seemed unduly keen to trash Clintons reputation while sitting on explosive material concerning Trump.
One of those who was aware of the dossiers broad allegations was the Senate minority leader, Harry Reid, a Democrat. In August Reid, had written to Comey and asked for an inquiry into the connections between the Russian government and Donald Trumps presidential campaign. In October, Reid wrote to Comey again. This time he framed his inquiry in scathing terms. In a clear reference to Steele, Reid wrote: In my communications with you and other top officials in the national security community, it has become clear that you possess explosive information about close ties and coordination between Donald Trump, his top advisors and the Russian government The public has a right to know this information.
But all this frantic activity came to nought. Just as Nixon was re-elected during the early stages of Watergate, Trump won the presidential election, to general dismay, at a time when the Russia scandal was small but growing. Steele had found prima facie evidence of a conspiracy, but by and large the US public knew nothing about it. In November, his dossier began circulating in the top national security echelons of the Obama administration. But it was too late.
The same month a group of international experts gathered in Halifax on Canadas eastern seaboard. Their task: to make sense of the world in the aftermath of Trumps stunning victory. One of the delegates attending the Halifax International Security Forum was Senator John McCain. Another was Sir Andrew Wood, the UKs former ambassador to Russia. Wood was a friend of Steeles and an Orbis associate. Before the election, Steele had gone to Wood and shown him the dossier. He wanted the ambassadors advice. What should he do, or not do, with it? Of the dossier, Wood told me: I took it seriously.
On the margins of the Halifax conference, Wood briefed McCain about Steeles dossier its contents, if true
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The Supreme Court has a chance to restore a critical right to women at work
In 2017, the nation has been publically discussing what many women have known privately for years —there is still a vast amount of sexual harassment and gender discrimination in America’s workplaces. The revelations about Harvey Weinstein are the latest example of predatory sexual conduct against women at work, but the list of business leaders engaging in or condoning a culture of sexual harassment at work is staggering: Fox News Chairman Roger Ailes and reporter Bill O’Reilly, Uber CEO Travis Kalanick, Amazon Executive Roy Price, SoFi CEO Mike Cagney, BetterWorks CEO Kris Duggan, Epic Records chairman Antonio “L.A.” Reid … even the current U.S. president has admitted to sexual assault, and referred to his own daughter in sexually explicit and derogatory terms.
Women are also paid less than men for the same work. The disparities are even worse for women of color. Relative to white non-Hispanic men, white non-Hispanic women are paid only 76 cents on the dollar, but Hispanic women are paid only 68 cents on the dollar and black women are paid only 67 cents on the dollar, even after controlling for education, years of experience and location.
So, what can women do in the face of all of this workplace discrimination? We could take our employers to court, seeking justice through a class-action lawsuit. But it turns out, many of us probably can’t anymore. That’s because many of us have signed away our rights to go to court: 56.2 percent of private-sector nonunion employees are subject to mandatory employment arbitration procedures.
The Supreme Court heard oral arguments on October 2 in Murphy Oil v. NLRB, a case that will have significant consequences for women’s abilities to fight back against discrimination and sexual harassment on the job. In this case, the Court will decide whether workers should have to sign away their rights to take their employers to court, just to obtain, or keep, their jobs.
Forced arbitration is a tool employers use to prevent their employees from seeking justice in court when disputes arise in the workplace. Arbitration is a form of private dispute resolution in which the employer and employees submit their dispute to a professional arbitrator (usually a private lawyer), who will hear both sides’ positions and decide who wins. The arbitrator’s decision is legally binding and generally non-appealable in court—meaning, it’s final. And usually, the arbitrator deciding the dispute is chosen by the employer.
Since these clauses are buried in the fine print of employment contracts, it’s estimated that at least 60 million workers in America are subject to forced arbitration and may not even be aware of it. Because of a clause in the contract they signed to get a job, workers must accept a process they often don’t understand, where the costs of seeking justice might be far higher, even as their chances of winning or obtaining a just award of damages are reduced dramatically. That’s right—employers and employees have to pay for this service. Arbitration is like a private, for-profit court system, where the employer usually gets to pick the judge.
By signing mandatory arbitration contracts, employees are waiving their fundamental, constitutional right to a trial by a jury of their peers. And many of the employees subject to mandatory arbitration were also forced to waive their right to be part of a class action lawsuit – out of the 60 million workers subject to mandatory arbitration, employers have required 24.7 million American workers to sign away their rights to address widespread violations through class-action lawsuits. That may not seem like a big deal, but many of society’s most important legal changes came from cases fought on the public stage of the United States Supreme Court. Imagine, if the Brown v. Board of Education plaintiffs, instead of having the public forum of the Supreme Court (and the eyes and ears of the nation) had to fight their cases behind closed doors with a private arbitrator. We would never have had that landmark decision, which confronted racial animus and changed the landscape of our country’s education system.
And when it comes to fairness on the job, it matters that workers are given their day in court—even when workers lose, because the nation still pays attention. Take Lilly Ledbetter’s case, for example, Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. When she found out that she was earning significantly less than her male colleagues for doing similar work during her nearly 20 year career at Goodyear, she fought her case all the way to the Supreme Court. She lost, because of a flawed procedural requirement in the law—namely, she did not file suit within the 6 month deadline from the time her employer first started underpaying her, even though she didn’t know at that time that she was being underpaid. As Justice Ginsburg rightly pointed out in her dissent, it can take time for employees to discover pay discrepancies, particularly when comparative pay information is hidden from them.
But because Lilly Ledbetter spoke out in open court, the nation heard her story—and so did Congress. The first piece of legislation that President Obama signed was the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of 2009, fixing the procedural problem in the law that was keeping women from their day in court. If she had been forced into a private arbitration instead, the nation never would have heard about Lilly Ledbetter, and our federal government never would have fixed the law to help women get justice for pay disparities going forward.
Indeed, our nation’s first pregnancy discrimination law was born after women workers tried and lost a case in the Supreme Court. In General Electric Company v. Gilbert, women workers filed a class action against General Electric for pregnancy discrimination 1976, and they lost when the Supreme Court held that pregnancy discrimination was not “sex discrimination” under Title VII. But because of the open court proceeding, the nation paid attention, and Congress acted quickly to pass the Pregnancy Discrimination Act in the wake of that court case.
The increased use of forced arbitration silences working men and women, and forces us to fight our battles quietly, and alone, behind closed doors. Just ask Gretchen Carlson, and the other women at Fox News who were prohibited from joining a class action for sex discrimination and sexual harassment, because of forced arbitration clauses in their employment contracts.
Congress can fix this problem by amending the Federal Arbitration Act to make sure employers can no longer force this system on their employees—and Senator Al Franken has offered the Arbitration Fairness Act of 2017 in Congress to do just that. Maybe, someday, our Congress will do the right thing for women, for workers, and for our nation’s system of justice in open court. Working people should not have to sign away their rights to hold a job.
After the New Yorker broke the Harvey Weinstein story, social media was flooded with thousands of messages, mostly from women, who used #MeToo to indicate that they, too, have experienced sexual harassment or assault. Unless we stop allowing employers to force workers to sign mandatory arbitration agreements, social media may be the only place left where women can join together to speak out about sexual harassment in the workplace.
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