#freight elevator

[vampryn]

gods loneliest clown

[jhsharman]

Book worm

A little bit curious that these two pieces, going with the same premise and basic page set up across two pages, flip the sequence -- construction sight and sewer manhole.

Somewhat different is where Archie is forced to reposition Jughead as he obliviously proceeds engrossed in a book.

And prepare weak rim shot for the two which have book premise as big reveal.

[ajmalkassim-dash]

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[bloodybosom]

[lunar-goodness]

The main elevator at the museum is broken so I have to take the freight elevator but the freight elevator is scary!

[elevatorkingsblog]

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[kjelevator]

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[otfujielevator]

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[absentlyabbie]

reading this book and it describes this fantasy tiered city built on the side of a mountain and it has one "impossibly long" stairway for traversing from one tier to another

and all i can think is "wow that is awful urban design."

without even getting into the inherent ableism (but hey! fantasy city with fantasy races which are naturally superior and therefore pretty much never experience disability, of course, because that's what superiority means) of the apparently sole system of traveling between levels of this city being stairs and only stairs, it's a freaking deathtrap.

one impossibly long unbroken stairway across the breadth of a tiered city built into the side of a mountain? no landings are described, even. without some kinda natural break, one moment of clumsiness or an unfriendly shove and someone is having a long, long tumble to a broken neck (and broken everything else.)

[grainelevator]

Canadian Pacific 3065 (EMD GP38-2) leaving the grain elevator in Rockglen, Saskatchewan [source]

[sepiadays]

John Vachon, August 1941.

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"Tensions came to a head when the federal government announced that it was contemplating conscription. For reasons unknown, both unions and the Trades and Labour Councils in both Port Arthur and Fort William reversed their previous position and joined local socialists in condemning the idea. The subsequent qualified decision of the TLC to approve the government’s conscription policy exacerbated the growing divide within the region. Predictably, local newspapers began to attack all those who opposed both the idea of conscription and the signing of national service cards. In turn, socialists became more vocal in their denunciation of the local press. Most meetings occurred in the Port Arthur Finnish Labour Temple, which was still under the control of the local Finnish branch of the SDPC [Social Democractic Party of Canada].

In January 1917, 700 men in Port Arthur rallied to the banner of the SDPC at a meeting about the National Service Bureau and its plans for a manpower survey, accurately interpreted as a first step towards a conscription policy. “The government ignored us then and has done so since,” Bryan declared, “except when they wanted to use us for their purposes.” He also proclaimed to the largely “foreign-born” audience that

they [the government] will never force me to sign this card, but they may put me where it is unnecessary to do so. If they made a practice of this, they will have a large board bill to pay. How many of you are willing not to sign the cards and go behind the bars if necessary? To be behind them would not be much more a form of slavery than that we are now in.

To those who stood up and began to cheer, Bryan said:

This was the kind of spirit that will make them [the government] sit up and take notice.

...

As increasingly became the case in the months following the first Russian Revolution in February 1917, the ethnicity of the strikers became the main point of discussion in local newspapers and in negotiations with government officials. A strike by pulp mill workers and freight handlers in Fort William in April, for instance, immediately led to concerns over a general strike and a focus on the fact that many “non-naturalized immigrants” were on the strike committee.

...over 850 men and women, mostly from the Finnish and Greek communities of both cities, attended a meeting chaired by Bryan in the Port Arthur Finnish Labour Temple on 3 June and passed a resolution condemning conscription. ... Many applauded William Welsh when he told the government officials present, “I’ll fight for my country when you show me where my country is.” Bryan, quoting from a speech made by German socialists to the Reichstag, told those present that

it is the duty of workers to fight the tyranny of government in their own country. Because a man is born on a piece of land which he never owns is no reason for his having to fight for it.... Conscription means that we favor putting a debt on the heads of our children. They will have to pay the national debt when we are dead.

Tensions came to a head in late July, when Fort William police uncovered the existence of an anti-conscription league operating in the twin cities. Headquartered in Port Arthur, the league’s membership drew heavily from members of the SDPC. Its executive consisted of Kettridge (president), Barker (treasurer), and J. Brown (secretary). Despite attempts by local officials assisted by the militia, meetings occurred in secret and, as one newspaper reported in September, “all is quiet and [unclear] along Bay street, especially in the neighborhood of the [Finnish Labour Temple] which is generally supposed to be the headquarters of the socialistic and anti-conscription element.”

In early October 1917, about 1,100 elevator employees in both Port Arthur and Fort William went on strike over wages, hours, and working conditions. All activity in both cities ground to a halt as the ports could no longer take incoming ships and the CPR became congested when grain coming from the west could no longer be unloaded. Much of the discussion in both cities regarding the strike focused on conflicting reports over how many “aliens” were involved. The Grain Elevator Workers’ Union Local 934, in particular, took issue with claims by employers and some officials that workers of certain (i.e., non-English) “nationalities” on strike had been discriminating against returned soldiers. The unions involved claimed that only 40 percent of the militants were “aliens,” whereas the employers reported to local newspapers that such people made up over 80 percent of the strikers. The ethnicity of the strikers was clearly a paramount issue in public discussions of the strike. By the fifth day, the workers were being ordered back to work, on pain of being arrested. They refused. Only after the personal intervention of Prime Minister Robert Borden– who assured strikers that arbitration proceedings would be instituted and that the government would assume control of the elevators – did they return to work after two more days."

- Michel S. Beaulieu, Labour at the Lakehead: Ethnicity, Socialism, and Politics, 1900-35. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2011. p. 52, 56-57.

[junewild]

the lich & i are holding an informal competition re: who can make the rent-a-cops at the local safeway flinch the hardest when we walk in. so far i am winning

[justanapparatus]

"your anger is performative! these are systematic issues, why don't you take real action instead of posting about celebrities"

why do you presume to know what political actions I engage in based solely on my swiftie opinions

[the-tzimisce]

It feels like I slink past the hotel receptionist like some kind of little woodland creature going into your attic. In case it wasn't implied this is how it's felt going in and out of my fancy doorman building for the last two entire years

[oinchynugget]

Some photos from my excursion at the asylum today. They gave us 30 minutes to explore unsupervised, and it was the best day of my life.