#f.a.

[nov1963]

I don't rlly like the rest of this sketch but look at this cute crop!

[beej-hunnicutt]

It's still fun thinking about during the beginning events of m(two), Donnie was just 12 in '45!! 🥺🥺 (He lives there, btw, as of right now lol, which I why I am mentioning it lol)

& In '49, Fran and her older sister, Mary, move to New York (I don't think the M Series renamed the State idk)!! Well, not like the main city, because they moved because Mary was starting up her schooling at Vassar College! So they lived closer there, but they did travel to the actually city-city a lot!! Anndddd wild to think about, when Vito gets out of prison; some of the stuff he was still doing in '51, Frances was still in her senior year of high school there!!

All this to say, it means absolutely nothing in the grand scheme of things. I just forgot how many of my characters for a lil bit of time, or most of the time for Dante, we're actually over here. I have been working out their stories, and these parts are kinda newer so that's very fun!

Though I really am not familiar with m(two) news, like at all. I don't know what that Vito does makes news or not. I am sure a thing or two does, though, so they'd hear about that.

[ygo-monster-type-tournament]

Round 1f, Match 2: F.A. vs. Codebreaker vs. Kozmo!

F.A. Hang On Mach // Codebreaker Zero Day // Kozmo Lightsword

[nuclearbyproduct]

Ooo listening to Growing Pains, let's hope nothing crazy happens😵‍💫🤪😵‍💫🤪

[thebeautifulbook]

4 more editions of THE UNIVERSE by F.A. Pouchet

[czgif]

Sandra Lehnertová and Matěj Stropnický in May (Máj) 2008, dir. F.A. Brabec IMDB

[adini-nikolaevna]

Crown Princess Marie of Romania by Kaulbach. I believe this painting is in the National Museum of Art of Romania.

[gwaedhannen]

The Way I Fly to You

Arm over arm. Hook the elbow. Lift. Grab the next rung. Lift. Step by step. Two rungs with each left. Lift. One with each right. Lift. Do not look down. The Light is above. It calls. It is worth it. It must be. Lift.

Almost there. Alm— oh.

“Hullo, kinsman! Before you think of climbing the rest of the ladder, I’d like to point out that it’s easily detachable from the deck, and the ground is a considerable way down. Now, I do believe you owe my wife and me several apologies?”

“Honk!”

Maedhros really should have thought this through.

[sbbarnes]

Do you love a good friends to lovers story? What about a bi awakening? What about both? Check out my latest blog post for some thoughts on the trope as well as a reclist featuring bi awakenings as well as specifically acespec books in the genre!

[azelle-intermisson]

jeremy begay on peach pit's sweet f.a. :)

i've been listening to a lot of peach pit recently and i wanted to draw jeremy so i decided to smack them together.

original album cover below the read more

[moodboardmix]

The Airstream Studio F.A. Porsche Concept Travel Trailer

[nov1963]

Yaaaaaaaaaaaaa (modern) LiP Crew in inZ*i! 🤗

[beej-hunnicutt]

Some Finished Drawings!

[wetravellight]

The moon last night vs this morning

📷 F. A. Wayfarer, 03.09.2023

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Andy Craig at The UnPopulist (05.24.2024):

Though libertarianism as a political philosophy will continue, there is no longer anything resembling a coherent libertarian movement in American politics. That’s because the movement still bearing its name is no longer recognizably libertarian in any meaningful sense of the term. Nor can it still claim to be a political movement, which implies an association organized around not just a consistent set of ideas but a distinct political identity. For over a decade now, since Trump has dominated the national stage, longstanding disagreements have boiled over into a complete schism. There are those who have effectively become adjuncts of MAGA, and some who have gone firmly in the opposite direction, while others took a stance more akin to anti-anti-Trump voices who neither endorse nor firmly oppose the former president but train their ire toward those opposing Trump.

Movement libertarianism has always been a distinctly minority faction in American life, often on the fringes. But it has also had its moments of influence since it emerged as a distinct political affiliation in the post-World War II era. In the process, a constellation of loosely and mostly informally affiliated organizations—of which the Libertarian Party was one—formed what could be called a cohesive, if often fractious, political movement. Understanding this turn of events, and what it means for the future, requires tracing internal libertarian disputes that began long before the rise of Trump. In some ways, they are a microcosm of similar developments in the American intellectual landscape writ large. Not just the implosion of a minor fringe party, the L.P.’s de facto endorsement of Trump shows important currents that will shape the ideological content of both the right and left for decades to come. The libertarian movement may be a thing of the past, but, like many movements before it that have come and gone, its influence—both for the better and for the worse—will not disappear.

From Fringe to … Somewhat Less Fringe

In his 2007 history of the movement, Radicals for Capitalism, Brian Doherty identifies five key figures who most shaped the nascent ideology and its organized advocacy: author Ayn Rand, and economists Ludwig von Mises, F. A. Hayek, Milton Friedman, and Murray Rothbard. Though they exhibited substantial differences, each of these figures set out a general vision of what can be called libertarianism (though their attitudes toward that label varied). While other luminaries—such as Robert Nozick and Leonard Read—also made important contributions, most libertarians are primarily in the mold of one or more of Doherty’s essential five.

It’s not surprising that the influence of these foundational advocates has diverged and become more complicated, simply by the passage of time. The eldest of them, Mises, passed away in 1973. Only Friedman, who died in 2006, lived to see this century. Many of their differences turn on questions of economic methodology and abstract philosophy. But these are largely beside the point to the more concrete political valence each embodied. With one exception, all paired radical free-market and smaller government views with liberal tolerance and cosmopolitanism on social issues. None were religious, and Rand and Mises were both avowedly irreligious. Friedman and Hayek both trended more moderate and pragmatic, and also achieved the highest degree of mainstream intellectual recognition as demonstrated by their Nobel prizes.

It was in Rothbard that the divergence began which today has culminated in the Libertarian Party’s convention transforming into a literal Trump rally. He was in many ways the most radical—an avowed anarchist—and the most marginal, never achieving mainstream prominence. But he was also the most involved in creating a self-consciously libertarian movement and many of its institutions. In this he was aided by his skills as a prolific polemicist. Towards the latter part of his career until his death in 1995, Rothbard took a turn into the illiberal hard right. He branded this proposed strategy paleolibertarianism, a name which has stuck even as its advocates have variously embraced or dropped it. As he outlined in a 1992 essay, “Right Wing Populism: A Strategy for the Paleo Movement,” paleolibertarianism was an explicit alliance between small-government radicalism and the extremist far-right.

By accommodating and embracing conservative culture warriors, even including avowed white supremacists, Rothbard believed he was forming the basis of a political coalition to demolish modern big government—an early version of “drain the swamp,” as it were. This went so far as to lament the loss of David Duke, a former grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, in Louisiana’s 1991 gubernatorial election. And it included an open embrace of police brutality, fuming about the need to “dispense instant punishment” to “bums,” while railing against efforts to undo America’s white supremacist past. Later, opposition to immigration became one of the paleo posture’s signature issues. Over the latter half of the 20th century, some more right-leaning mainstream libertarians eschewed the more socially liberal side of the philosophy, particularly on issues of race and civil rights. Many were more amenable to the “fusionist” vision of libertarianism as part of the regular conservative coalition. Others embraced the leading edge of the gay rights movement, the fight to end the war on drugs, and other issues of individual freedom. But only in Rothbard’s vision, and those who followed it, did courting the authoritarian far-right become the centerpiece of the agenda.

[...]

From Tactical Bigotry to Actual Bigotry

It was in the fever swamps of the Trumpist neo-right that the Libertarian Party’s demise began. After the deadly 2017 neo-Nazi rally in Charlottesville, the then party leadership denounced the “blood and soil” rhetoric. But to the Rothbardians, this smacked of unacceptable wokeness. Within a few days, the Mises Caucus—named more for the ideas exhibited by the think-tank than the actual economist—was founded. Over the next few years, this group began launching hostile takeovers of state parties and then the national party. As they did so, the party increasingly adopted rhetoric that sounded more like the tiki-torch brigade than one committed to individual liberty.

With this transformation has come an increasing unease with the word “libertarian” in some quarters, especially among those repulsed by the recent antics of the L.P. Though it was never the central pillar of the movement, the party retains the most prominent use of the term. It’s right there in the name, and on ballots across the country. For those who took a dim view of Trumpism, especially after Jan. 6, self-describing as libertarian came to have more baggage than it was worth. In their view, Trumpism was an authoritarian cult of personality, rank demagoguery, even something approaching fascism. Increasingly, those in this group have returned to the use of the word “liberal.” (The UnPopulist is firmly within that camp.) Hayek himself had grumbled that he preferred this term, and that “libertarian” was an ugly neologism arising out of the confused American terminology that conflates “liberal” with the welfare-state left. But around the world, “liberal” retained its more classical connotation, which has started to seep back into American discourse. If everywhere else the term refers to the sensible, socially tolerant, pro-market bloc, why not in the United States?

At the same time, the Trump effect was working its larger realignment of American politics. A minority of traditional Republicans peeled off into the “Never Trump” camp. The libertarian movement was not immune to this realignment along pro-Trump and anti-Trump lines. The two camps within the movement—the cosmopolitan and the paleo—already strained to nearly the breaking point, went through the inevitable rupture. A number of differences and disagreements fueled the split, but most central was the divide into MAGA-friendly and anti-Trump sympathies. Some were caught in the middle, unwilling to prioritize the rise of Trump as a fundamental threat to liberal values above more traditional policy disagreements. But as the sorting dynamic continues, this number is dwindling, getting pulled into one or other camp.

Donald Trump may have helped destroy the relative cohesion of the Libertarian Party and maybe the libertarian movement too.

[thebeautifulbook]

THE UNIVERSE: THE INFINITELY GREAT AND THE INFINITELY LITTLE by F.A. Pouchet. (London: Blackie & Son, c.1896). 270 engravings and 4 color plates.

source