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nordleuchten · 4 years ago

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Did Lafayette own slaves?

Hello! Yes, the Marquis de La Fayette owned enslaved people – close to seventy people actually. He did own them in an attempt to promote the abolishing of slavery. That sounds like an awful contradiction at first so allow me to elaborate. La Fayette believed passionately that slavery was wrong and that something needed to be done. This opinion was in large parts formed during the American Revolution. It was not only the first time that he was so strongly exposed to the system of slavery but he was also confused by the contradiction America presented. A people fighting for their freedom and independence, writing such lofty words as “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.“ – yet the very same people kept their fellow man in bondage. But slavery was not an exclusively American problem – far from it. La Fayette wanted to show everybody that it was possible to abolish slavery – gradually at least. He wanted to purchase a plantation and a number of enslaved individuals and then teach them everything they needed to know – in his opinion at least, to be freed. He told Washington (and a number of other people) about his idea and tried to enlist his aide. In general, La Fayette often discussed the matter of slavery with Washington, who owned quite a number of enslaved individuals himself, and even tried to convince him of freeing all these men and women. La Fayette hoped that Washington’s greater than life reputation would convince other people to do so as well. Washington’s reputation and great name were also surely among the reasons why La Fayette wanted his help with regard to his plantation-project. He wrote the following in a letter to Washington on February 5, 1783:

„Now, My dear General, that You are Going to Enjoy some Ease and Quiet, Permit me to propose a plan tot you Which Might Become Greatly Beneficial to the Black part of Mankind—Let us Unite in Purchasing a small Estate Where We May try the Experiment to free the Negroes, and Use them only as tenants—Such an Example as Yours Might Render it a General Practice, and if We succeed in America, I Will chearfully devote a part of My time to Render the Method fascionable in the West indias—if it Be a Wild scheme, I Had Rather Be Mad that Way, than to Be thought Wise on the other tack.“

The latter was actually about the peace treaty that effectively ended the Revolutionary War. For the next three years not much was happening – until La Fayette wrote Washington again on July 14, 1785:

„You Remember an idea which I imparted to you three years ago—I am Going to try it in the french Colony of Cayenne—But will write more fully on the Subject in my other letters.“

He wrote again to Washington on February 6, 1786:

„(…) an other Secret I intrust to you, my dear General, is that I Have purchased for Hundred And twenty five thousand French livres a plantation in the Colony of Cayenne and am going to free my Negroes in order to Make that Experiment which you know is My Hobby Horse.“

La Fayette had instructed his attorney to buy property in French Guiana in a letter on June 7, 1785 with the condition that he would “neither sell nor exchange any black“. The 125.000 Livre he paid translate roughly to 1.250.000 modern US Dollar. The plantation was named “La Belle Gabrielle” and was the “home” of just under seventy individuals between the ages of a few months and 59 years (I have sadly never seen a more precise number). The Administer of the plantation, a Monsieur de Geneste, send La Fayette a list with the names, age and descriptions of these people. Here is the first page of his report.

La Belle Gabrielle was a clove and cinnamon plantation and after La Fayette bought the property, he employed the following changes. The people there were paid, given free time and days off and an education. Furthermore the severity of their punishments was toned down to resemble the punishment that any free white labourer would face under similar circumstances. They were however not free to just wander off. When the French Revolution really hit it off in 1789, La Fayette had less and less time to spend on his “hobby horse” as he called it. His wife Adrienne, who was involved from the begin, took over and managed now most of the plantations affairs. Adrienne was a very religious person and the moral and religious education of the people on the plantation was for her of great importance. He corresponded regularly with Miolas Jacquemin, a missionary who lived in a settlement of missionaries close by the plantation. It seems as though he not only reported to her what was happening on the plantation but that he and his fellow missionaries also coordinated the religious education of the people there.

In 1792, when the National Convention called for La Fayette’s arrest and he was captured by the Austrians, his properties were sold, including his plantation. His improvements on the plantations were revoked. In February of 1794 the Convention abolished slavery and French Guiana was actually one of the places that was reached by the new law. In many French colonies things continued like they were despite the new law. Furthermore was French Guiana one of the few places that did not see a lot of violent upheaval during this time – something La Fayette later in life took great comfort in. So yes, La Fayette did own enslaved people at one point in his life.

I hope you have a pleasant day/evening.

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yoisthisageist · 5 years ago

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Applying for A Job at Age 70

Applying for a job at age 70

I have had lots of careers in my lifetime, teaching English, starting a mental health association in Lafayette, LA, establishing my own business and selling to a national company, and finally working as a legal assistant.

When I was 70, I was working for two attorneys who did business law, and only occasional trial work. I loved preparing for trial, getting the documents together and organized, helping to prepare our clients for cross examination. I loved the people contact as opposed to the dry dull, daily grind of opening mail, drafting documents, taking out the trash, ordering supplies, and occasionally meeting someone interesting coming through our doors.

I had always wanted to do family law because it seemed to me that I would be in the thick of real life, real situations, real drama, raw emotion. I wanted to feel alive. I wanted to help people. I wanted to hear their story. I saw an ad on the Internet for a legal assistant for a small, family law firm. I sent my resume with the following cover letter.

“David Whyte, who wrote The Heart Aroused, Poetry, and the Preservation of the Soul in Corporate America, says, “even though we think we are simply driving to work every morning to earn a living, the soul knows it is secretly engaged in a life- or- death struggle for its existence.” I know that to be true for myself especially at this particular time in my life. The reason I am interested in family law is because it deals with the human condition, and that is what I find to be most challenging and meaningful.

The attorneys that I have been working with for the past 10 years are doing less trial work and more business and real estate law, and because I am so fond of them, I have tried to make myself like it, but to no avail.

I am patient, tolerant, conscientious, perceptive, and understanding. I am very interested in talking to you about this position, and I am available for an initial phone interview at your convenience.

I immediately got a phone call from one of the attorneys. He asked me lots of questions, and we seemed to hit it off. I could tell he was interested, and then he asked me if I would need health insurance. I said no, “I have Medicare.” There was a long pause so long; I thought he had hung up. He then said, “How old are you?” Without thinking I answered 70, only later remembering, wait, wasn’t that illegal for him to ask my age? After the, “wow, you sound great,” I thought well, how did you expect me to sound? He said he had to talk to his wife and would get back to me. His wife? Really? I knew I would never hear from him again.

I sent him an email entitled Hey, John, FYI

Shelia Nevins, age 70, President of HBO Documentary Films.

Ruth Bader Ginsberg age 72, Supreme Court Justice.

Diane Feinstein age 72, Senator from CA

Leslie Stahl, age 69, reporter for 60 minutes.

Jane Goodall, age 84 considered to be the world’s leading chimpanzee expert in Tanzania. Still working.

Maya Angelou, age 89. A prolific, influential writer, still touring, still speaking, still reciting poetry and still singing.

I knew he wouldn’t respond, but I hoped it might enlighten him, if only for a moment.

Thanks for your story. I’m sorry this happened to you. Age discrimination in employment harms people, communities, and businesses. It’s also illegal.

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cindysayeghlaw-blog · 5 years ago

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Cynthia Sayegh

The Law Office of Cynthia C. Sayegh is a probate attorney located in Walnut Creek, California. Headquartered in the heart of the East Bay area, our office is convenient to clients in serves clients in Pleasant Hill, Lafayette, Oakland, Contra Costa County, and Concord throughout the Greater and East Bay areas. Cindy uses a unique blend of legal, tax, and financial expertise to provide her clients with practical solutions for estate planning, trust administration, and probate. She prides herself on her contemporary approach of providing efficient yet knowledgeable and high-quality legal service to each of her clients. Cindy’s practice concentrates on estate planning, trust administration, and probate. She focuses on helping families plan for their children and grandchildren while taking into account tax implications as well as current elder law issues. Cindy also consults on transactional real estate and business matters as they interface with estate planning and trust administration.

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your-dietician · 3 years ago

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Britney Spears’s Conservatorship Nightmare | The New Yorker

New Post has been published on https://depression-md.com/britney-spearss-conservatorship-nightmare-the-new-yorker/

Britney Spears’s Conservatorship Nightmare | The New Yorker

On June 22nd, Britney Spears’s management team started getting nervous. Spears, who is thirty-nine, has spent the past thirteen years living under a conservatorship, a legal structure in which a person’s personal, economic, and legal decision-making power is ceded to others. Called a guardianship in most states, the arrangement is intended for people who cannot take care of themselves. Since the establishment of Spears’s conservatorship, she has released four albums, headlined a global tour that grossed a hundred and thirty-one million dollars, and performed for four years in a hit Las Vegas residency. Yet her conservators, who include her father, Jamie Spears, have controlled her spending, communications, and personal decisions.

In April, Spears had requested a hearing, in open court, to discuss the terms of the arrangement. It was scheduled for June 23rd. Members of Spears’s team, most of whom have had little or no direct contact with her for years, didn’t expect drastic changes to result. Two years earlier, in the midst of health struggles and pressure from Spears, Jamie had stepped down from his duties overseeing her personal life, and now the team thought that perhaps she wanted to remove him as the conservator of her financial affairs. Some of the team told reporters that they believed Spears liked the conservatorship arrangement, as long as her father wasn’t involved.

Running the business of Britney had become routine: every Thursday at noon, about ten people responsible for managing Spears’s legal and business affairs, public relations, and social media met to discuss merchandise deals, song-license requests, and Spears’s posts to Instagram and Twitter. (“This is how it works without her,” one member of the team said.) Spears, according to her management, typically writes the posts and submits them to CrowdSurf, a company employed to handle her social media, which then uploads them. In rare cases, posts that raise legal questions have been deemed too sensitive to upload. “She’s not supposed to discuss the conservatorship,” the team member said.

On the eve of the hearing, according both to a person close to Spears and to law enforcement in Ventura County, California, where she lives, Spears called 911 to report herself as a victim of conservatorship abuse. (Emergency calls in California are generally accessible to the public, but the county, citing an ongoing investigation, sealed the records of Spears’s call.) Members of Spears’s team began texting one another frantically. They were worried about what Spears might say the next day, and they discussed how to prepare in the event that she went rogue. In court on the 23rd, an attorney for the conservatorship urged the judge to clear the courtroom and seal the transcript of Spears’s testimony. Spears, calling into the hearing, objected. “Somebody’s done a good job at exploiting my life,” she said, adding, “I feel like it should be an open-court hearing—they should listen and hear what I have to say.” Then, for the first time in years, Spears spoke for herself, sounding lucid and furious, talking so fast that the judge interjected repeatedly to tell her to slow down, to allow for accurate transcription. “The people who did this to me should not get away,” Spears said. Addressing the judge directly, she added, “Ma’am, my dad, and anyone involved in this conservatorship, and my management, who played a huge role in punishing me when I said no—Ma’am, they should be in jail.”

For the next twenty minutes, Spears described how she had been isolated, medicated, financially exploited, and emotionally abused. She assigned harsh blame to the California legal system, which she said let it all happen. She added that she had tried to complain to the court before but had been ignored, which made her “feel like I was dead,” she said—“like I didn’t matter.” She wanted to share her story publicly, she said, “instead of it being a hush-hush secret to benefit all of them.” She added, “It concerns me I’ve been told I’m not allowed to expose the people who did this to me.” At one point, she told the court, “All I want is to own my money, for this to end, and for my boyfriend to drive me in his fucking car.”

Spears’s remarks were incendiary but, for people familiar with the creation and the functioning of her conservatorship, not surprising. Andrew Gallery, a photographer who worked for Spears in 2008, attended the hearing, watching the lawyers’ faces on a monitor. “As she spoke, I wanted to scream, and gasp, and shout ‘What the fuck is going on?’ ” he said. “But the lawyers had no reaction. They just sat there.”

The conservatorship was instituted by Spears’s family—in part out of real concerns about her mental health, people close to the family said. But the family was divided by money and fame, and Spears, in an underregulated part of the legal system, was stripped of her rights. She has fought for years to get them back.

As a pop star, Spears sustained a multinational industry of managers, agents, producers, lawyers, publicists, and assorted hangers-on. As the subject of the conservatorship, she has provided for the livelihood of even more lawyers and other court-appointed professionals. Jacqueline Butcher, a former friend of the Spears family who was present in court for the conservatorship’s creation, said she regrets the testimony that she offered to help secure it. “At the time, I thought we were helping,” she said. “And I wasn’t, and I helped a corrupt family seize all this control.”

Jamie Spears, who is sixty-eight, has graying hair and a hangdog demeanor. When he was thirteen, he endured an unimaginable tragedy: his mother committed suicide on the grave of one of her sons, who had died eight years earlier, at just three days old. In high school, Jamie was a basketball and football star; later, he worked as a welder and a cook. Lynne Spears, Britney’s mother, grew up with Jamie, in the small town of Kentwood, Louisiana. Sixty-six years old, she has a smile like Britney’s and thick dark hair with bangs. She used to run her own day-care center. Friends describe her as traditional and nonconfrontational. In a conversation in June, she was fastidiously polite as she declined to answer detailed questions about the case. She spoke in a whisper and apologized that she might have to hang up abruptly if other family members walked in and discovered her speaking to a reporter. “I got mixed feelings about everything,” she said. “I don’t know what to think. . . . It’s a lot of pain, a lot of worry.” She added, a little wryly, “I’m good. I’m good at deflecting.” Jamie and Lynne eloped when she was twenty-one, and the marriage was troubled from the start: in divorce papers filed, then withdrawn, in 1980, less than two years before Britney’s birth, Lynne accused Jamie of cheating on her on Christmas Day. Jamie wrestled with alcoholism, going on benders so egregious that Lynne once shelled his cooler with a shotgun.

But Jamie and Lynne worked together to make Britney, their second child, happy and a success. She was a born performer, a scene-stealer at dance recitals starting at age three. Her parents drove her to small dance competitions in Lafayette, then to larger ones in New Orleans. They borrowed money from friends to pay for gas to get her to auditions. Spears snagged an understudy role on Broadway and then a stint in the nineties version of “The Mickey Mouse Club.” When she was sixteen, she signed a six-album deal with Jive Records, thanks to an enterprising entertainment lawyer named Larry Rudolph, who became her manager. A precise and commanding dancer with an unmistakable vocal tone of sugary coyness, Spears emerged as a teen-pop singularity. In 1998, the music video for her début single, “. . . Baby One More Time,” featuring a sixteen-year-old Spears in a Catholic-schoolgirl outfit, exploded across American pop culture like fireworks on the Fourth of July. The pleated skirt and bare midriff were her idea—a fact that’s sometimes cited as evidence of her self-determination but might also suggest an intuition, common among teen-age girls, of the compromised power of sex appeal.

Because Jamie and Lynne had two other children to look after, a family friend chaperoned Spears for much of her early career. But Spears remained close to her mother, and, in 2000, she built a four-and-a-half-million-dollar estate for Lynne in Kentwood. That year, according to “Through the Storm,” a memoir that Lynne published in 2008, Spears urged her mother to divorce her father, knowing that “years and years of verbal abuse, abandonment, erratic behavior, and his simply not being there for me had taken their toll,” Lynne writes. She and Jamie divorced in May, 2002, and Spears told People that it was “the best thing that’s ever happened to my family.”

Spears had just broken up with Justin Timberlake, a fellow teen-pop icon, whom she had met when she was eleven, when they were both cast as Mouseketeers. The breakup destabilized her, people close to her remember; her status as half of a golden couple had become an integral part of her identity, and after the split her sex life became a regular topic in the news. She began going out more and hanging out with Lindsay Lohan and Paris Hilton, forming a holy trinity for tabloid culture at its early-two-thousands peak. “The paparazzi were out of control,” Hilton recalled, of one night with Spears at the Beverly Hills Hotel. “Fighting over getting the shot, pushing each other against my car, scratching it with their cameras. It was overwhelming and frightening.” The hairdresser Kim Vo, Spears’s longtime colorist, remembers how, one day, as Spears was getting her hair done, a paparazzo scaled a wall and broke a salon window with his fist.

Spears distracted herself with work—a relentless grind of dance rehearsals, studio sessions, photo shoots, stadium performances, long nights on the tour bus, and hotel check-ins before dawn. “The schedule was crazier and crazier,” Julianne Kaye, a makeup artist who worked with Spears in the early years, said. “She would have little breakdowns. She was always crying, saying, ‘I want to be normal.’ ” Spears blew off steam by partying: she smoked weed, used cocaine, took Molly with her dancers and jumped into the Mediterranean Sea. But the machinery around her only grew. When she toured, the crew took at least a dozen buses and filled entire hotel floors.

In the spring of 2004, Spears met a dancer named Kevin Federline at a night club, and they were married within six months. Spears initially did not secure a prenuptial agreement, which prompted panic in her family. A considerable fortune was at stake. “Lynne lost her mind,” Butcher, the family friend, recalled. “They weren’t gonna allow the wedding to be made legal.” The marriage contract wasn’t signed until the month after the ceremony, when Federline legally agreed to limit his stake in Spears’s estate. But Spears seemed thrilled, and commissioned a photo shoot in which she dressed up as a French maid and served drinks to Federline, who wore a trucker hat, cargo shorts, and flip-flops. Spears wanted a family. “I’ve had a career since I was 16, have traveled around the world & back and even kissed Madonna!” she wrote on her Web site, two months after getting married. “The only thing I haven’t done so far is experience the closest thing to God and that’s having a baby. I can’t wait!”

Spears’s first son, Sean Preston, was born ten months after the wedding. “Our life was running at 150,000 miles an hour,” Federline later told Us Weekly. “I’d walk into a club and get a table worth $15,000 a night with unlimited free drinking. . . . But everything got so crazy.” Spears had been so sheltered that Paris Hilton had to show her how to use Google, according to a person who was there. She negotiated the hormonal and logistical turbulence of early motherhood while paparazzi, eager to monetize her mistakes, chased her down, pointing flashbulbs and shouting provocations any time she left the house. After she was photographed driving with an infant Preston on her lap, she explained that she had been trying to get away from paparazzi—and besides, she added, she had grown up riding on her dad’s lap on country roads. A few months later, visibly pregnant and holding Preston, she stumbled while surrounded by photographers; the paparazzi kept shooting as she retreated to a café, cradled her baby, and cried.

Spears had her second child, Jayden James, in September, 2006. Three weeks later, Federline took a private jet to Vegas to party with his friends. Spears filed for divorce in November, reportedly notifying Federline by text message. At a night club, he scrawled on a bathroom wall “Today I’m a free man—f**k a wife, give me my kids bitch!” He requested full custody. While the divorce was being adjudicated, he and Spears divided parental duties. Preston was a little more than a year old, and Spears was still nursing Jayden; she wanted to be with them all the time, and hated being at home without them. “I did not know what to do with myself,” she said later, in an MTV documentary. Spears and Federline both went out on their free nights, but Spears was the one who became the target of tabloid blood sport. (“MOMMY’S CRYING,” Us Weekly blared, over a full-page photo of Preston.) In February, 2007, she shaved off her hair, at a salon in Tarzana; five days later, she attacked a paparazzo’s car with an umbrella. The two incidents cemented her image as “crazy.” Both were precipitated by her driving to Federline’s house, trailed by photographers, and being refused access to her kids.

Many people who were close to Spears during her early career suspect that she was dealing with postpartum depression, but none of them remembers anyone bringing it up with her. Some of the same people said that Spears was also struggling with drugs and alcohol. Her mother and Federline insisted that, if Spears wanted to spend more time with her children, she needed to go to rehab. In early 2007, she checked into a treatment center in Antigua, then checked out after just one day. The judge in the custody hearing, who had cited Spears’s “habitual, frequent uses of controlled substances and alcohol,” gave primary custody of the children to Federline, granting Spears four days of visitation per week, under the eye of a court-ordered monitor named Robin Johnson.

Around this time, Spears met Sam Lutfi, a Hollywood operator with a knack for insinuating himself into the lives of turbulent female stars. Spears had recently parted ways with Larry Rudolph, her longtime manager, and she began to entrust her professional and private affairs to Lutfi. Now forty-six, Lutfi cuts a nondescript figure: average height, occasionally goateed, favoring baseball caps and black T-shirts. Over coffee at a Los Angeles restaurant this spring, he said that Spears took to him in part because he told her that she didn’t have to work nearly as hard as she was. “She’d always believed there were massive consequences if she didn’t work, that she’d lose so much, and it blew her mind that she could just call the shots,” he said. “You want to cancel that meeting? Cancel it. You’re gonna lose five grand? Lose it. She’d walk into a car dealership, say she wanted something. I’d say, ‘Buy it.’ Her parents would say, ‘Why would you let her do that?’ But it’s an eighty-thousand-dollar car, not a yacht, and she just got fifteen million from Estée Lauder. Anyway, she’s an adult. I’m not gonna tell her that she can’t buy a fucking yacht.” (Lutfi later assumed a similar role in the life of Courtney Love, who called him a “street hustler,” and he said that he advised Amanda Bynes’s family as they placed her in a conservatorship. He is currently subject to a five-year restraining order filed against him, in 2019, by a conservatorship lawyer, on Spears’s behalf.)

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blog-5 · 3 years ago

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What Steps Do We Follow While Buying a Property Without a Realtor?

Nothing is impossible in this world. Thus, if you are thinking of buying a house without a realtor or a real estate agent, that is definitely possible. But if you don't know about all the steps you might go through or deal with those steps, you can face difficulties.

Investing in property is probably one of the most significant investments that we make in our lifetimes. And as first-time buyers don't have much market knowledge, they prefer choosing a realtor for everything- from choosing their property, negotiating to close the deal.

This article is for those investors who want to buy their homes without the help of a real estate agent.

A Step-By-Step Guide to Buy a House Without a Realtor

Apply For a Mortgage

While buying a home without a realtor, the first thing that you need to do is getting a pre-approved mortgage loan. When you opt for a pre-approval, you can find out how much you can afford. That way, you can narrow down your choices by listing properties within your budget. In addition, having a pre-approval mortgage loan is a sign that you are a serious buyer. As the sellers will believe that your financing is much less likely to fall through.

Many money lenders and banks offer online approval. You just need to answer a few questions and share a few documents about your income, and you get the approval. The lenders might also check your credit history to give you interest rates and other payment information.

Research And Find Properties

With the realtor, you can probably skip this step. A realtor takes the burden of researching and finding properties on behalf of the buyer. Since you are not hiring a realtor, you need to look into the areas you are interested in and find properties. Choosing locations can also narrow down your choices.

Once you are settled with your choice of locations, find properties that come within your budget. It's better to take virtual trips to your shortlisted properties before you visit in person. If you are researching properties online, you might find either the owner's or the agent's phone number. You can contact any of them to request a tour.

Ask For a Disclosure from The Seller

A disclosure from the seller will list all the issues with the home. The disclosure will allow you as a buyer to understand the remodeling work requirement of the house. Remember that a seller will tell you about the issues they know about. Thus, you must hire an inspector to do a thorough check-up of the property.

After you get a seller's disclosure, you need to discuss the compensation against the issues with the seller.

Make An Offer and Create an Offer Letter

Once both the buyer and the seller have mutually agreed upon the terms to fix the issues, it's time to make an offer. But without a realtor, it can be really tricky to make an offer. The easiest way is to check the prices of other homes in the area and offer accordingly. You also need to find out how long the home you have chosen has been on the market.

Generally, as a buyer, you must offer lower than the amount you are pre-approved for. This will give you some scopes to negotiate. After you have decided how much you will offer, you can write an official letter with your:

Full address

Legal name

The amount you're offering.

Copy of your mortgage pre-approval letter.

Deadline to respond to your offer.

If you are not dealing with the seller directly, you might need to offer the seller's agent.

Hire A Lawyer

When you are not hiring a realtor, you must perform this step much earlier. Remember that a real estate deal consists of much complex paperwork. And a real estate attorney can help you to finalize the deal smoothly. You must also ask your attorney to look at the offer you are making before you place it in front of the seller.

Finalize And Close

Now when everything is just on the right track, you have reached the step of closing the deal. Read the closing disclosure terms and papers of the property carefully. The documents will include your closing costs, interest rate, and more. Read each paper carefully before signing. Voila! You are now officially a homeowner.

There might be a few extra steps that you might need to take while buying a house without a realtor. But make sure you do plenty of research before you start your buying process.

Selling a home is as exhausting as buying one. But we can make the process easy for you. If you are a seller and are looking for prospective buyers for your property, we are here. We are a group of real estate investors, and we buy homes in Lafayette, LA.

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blackburnraymond95 · 4 years ago

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plusorminuscongress · 4 years ago

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New story in Politics from Time: Trench Lawfare: Inside the Battles to Save Democracy From the Trump Administration

Black-clad security forces armed with riot shields advance on a mass of peaceful demonstrators. Rubber bullets and gas canisters fly. The embattled head of state, flanked by his top prosecutor and general, emerges from his estate to stake a claim for order. The scene looked like something out of a banana republic, but it unfolded in Washington’s Lafayette Square on June 1. And soon after, an obscure nonprofit got a call from a state attorney general’s office, asking the perennial questions of the Donald Trump era: Can he do that? How can we stop that from happening here?

These are questions the nonprofit Protect Democracy was founded to answer. When the call came in (from a state the group declines to name), its lawyers got to work on an analysis of the Insurrection Act of 1807, aiming to equip local leaders to fight back if the Administration seeks to send in the military over their objections, as President Trump has threatened to do. And they began rounding up bipartisan signatories for a statement on behalf of Department of Justice veterans decrying Attorney General Bill Barr’s conduct.

Since the beginning of the Trump presidency, Protect Democracy has cast itself in the role its name suggests: defender of America’s system of government against the threat of authoritarianism. Started by two former Obama White House lawyers who were concerned that the new President would undermine the rule of law, the group has filed lawsuits to block Trump’s retaliation against critics and to curtail his use of emergency powers. It has organized groups of civil servants to speak out against what they say is Trump’s politicization of law enforcement. And it has built bipartisan congressional support to rein in presidential powers.

Protect Democracy has notched some big wins. The group’s lawsuits invalidated Trump’s emergency declaration for the southern border and blocked the Administration from making it harder for low-income green-card holders to become citizens. They successfully argued in New York federal court that the President’s retaliation against media outlets may violate the Constitution, and helped ensure that a defamation lawsuit brought by a former mistress could proceed in state court. Their advocacy has gotten states to reform election procedures and Congress to act to limit Executive power.

It’s an impressive record for a three-year-old startup. “They are innovative, imaginative, energetic and extremely effective,” says Benjamin Wittes, senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and editor in chief of Lawfare, whose work with the group led to the release of the Watergate prosecutors’ road map that had been sealed for more than 40 years.

The June 1 spectacle at Lafayette Square seems to have brought some reticent figures closer to Protect Democracy’s view of things. Former President George W. Bush and former Defense Secretary Jim Mattis were among those who spoke out in favor of the protesters. “When you see military helicopters above the streets of D.C., using tactics from war zones, using tear gas on peaceful protesters exercising their First Amendment rights,” says Ian Bassin, co-founder and executive director of Protect Democracy, “these things so match what people imagine when they think of the toppling of democracies that it struck a chord.”

From the beginning, however, Protect Democracy has argued the onset of authoritarianism in America would come not with a flash-bang grenade but with the whimper of institutions gradually succumbing to the erosion of long-standing norms. Ideas that seemed far-fetched three years ago have become routine: a President who declares himself immune to congressional or judicial oversight; whose Attorney General seeks to exempt the President’s friends from responsibility while prosecuting his political enemies; whose lawyers argue in open court that he could, in fact, shoot someone on Fifth Avenue without consequence. The events of recent days appear to validate the group’s concerns, with Trump’s former National Security Adviser accusing him of corrupting the electoral process and the Administration firing a U.S. prosecutor whose office was investigating the President’s close associates. Trump continues to sow doubt about the integrity of the upcoming election, recently declaring on Twitter that it would be “the most RIGGED Election in our nations history.”

As the election nears, Protect Democracy is focused on securing the Nov. 3 contests against foreign and domestic meddling. The group, which is officially nonpartisan, is funded by foundations and individual donors, including the LinkedIn founder Reid Hoffman and Boston-based investor Seth Klarman, who before Trump was the GOP’s largest donor in New England. Protect Democracy is lobbying and advising states on election procedure with an eye to ensuring a legitimate result. Yet the group is also looking beyond Trump, seeing him as a symptom of a system whose weakened defenses leave it open to abuse, and figuring out what can be done to strengthen American democracy in the future, regardless of who is in the White House next year.

Evan Vucci—APTrump tours a section of the border wall in Otay Mesa, Calif., on Sept. 18, 2019

If you believed your government was slouching toward dictatorship, what would you do about it? The answer, to judge from Protect Democracy’s routine, can seem mundane. On a recent Monday, 55 people are assembled as squares on a screen in a Google Meet video chat. Long before COVID-19 turned nearly all white collar workers into video-chat adepts, Protect Democracy was a work-from-anywhere organization, its 66 employees scattered from coast to coast. (Bassin is based in the Bay Area, co-founder Justin Florence in Boston; the group maintains a lease on a WeWork space in D.C.)

But the topics on such calls reach to the highest levels of government. “I’m working on a letter calling on the Justice Department inspector general to open an investigation into Barr’s involvement in Lafayette Square,” Justin Vail, a lawyer for Protect Democracy, tells the team. Vail, a former Obama White House and Democratic Senate aide, tells the group he’s assembled more than a thousand signatories, former federal prosecutors from Republican and Democratic Administrations.

These sorts of current and former government insiders are disdained by the President and his allies as “the deep state”–petty bureaucrats dedicated to undermining Trump’s necessary disruption of the status quo. But a competent, nonpolitical civil service is an important component of democracy. In America, officials from the President to the lowest-ranking soldier swear an oath pledging loyalty not to any ruler, Administration or party, but to the Constitution itself.

For many civil servants, that nonpartisanship has traditionally extended from one Administration to the next, and even past their time in government. “It’s hard to overstate how unusual–basically unprecedented–it is to have former career officials speaking out in this way,” says Ben Berwick, who spent six years in the DOJ’s Civil Division during the Obama Administration. He left a few months after Trump took office, and became one of Protect Democracy’s earliest hires. The group has now massed hundreds of DOJ alums on a series of letters like the one Vail is preparing. Among the most high-profile was one stating that any ordinary American who committed the acts described in Robert Mueller’s Russia report would have been prosecuted for obstruction of justice, and another deploring Barr’s extraordinary move to request a lighter sentence for former Trump campaign aide Roger Stone.

The group says such letters have brought concrete changes. “We have seen [current Justice officials] resign, withdraw from cases, object and file internal complaints” as a result, Vail says. “It’s a reminder that people on the outside support them having the courage to stand up and continue to work with integrity.” As the group was preparing its 2,500-signatory letter on the Stone case, Barr publicly distanced himself from the President–a sign, the group says, that he was feeling pressure in his ranks. The department subsequently backtracked on its sentencing recommendation. On June 23, a former prosecutor testified to Congress that Stone’s softened sentence had been the result of “heavy pressure from the highest levels of the Department of Justice to cut Stone a break” because of “his relationship to the President.”

Protect Democracy’s founders, Bassin and Florence, both served in the White House counsel’s office during the Obama Administration. By the time Trump took office, both had left government and moved on to other things–Bassin to international antipoverty work, Florence to a comfortable gig at a top law firm. But as the new President’s actions set off alarm bells, the two began corresponding. They realized that there was no single organization doing what they were talking about: safeguarding basic principles, like checks and balances, and the idea that no one is above the law, against a perceived threat to democracy itself.

Bassin and Florence began consulting scholars who study authoritarianism abroad, hoping on some level that experts would say they were out of their minds. But the scholars shared the same worries. “The scary thing was that no one rolled their eyes; nobody said, ‘Oh, come on, really, you’re being hysterical,'” Bassin says.

Experts pointed to places like Poland and Turkey, where authoritarian leaders won elections and turned their countries into what scholars of the region describe as “Potemkin democracies” by curtailing civil rights and undermining popular control of the government. “Democracies today die in a much more subtle fashion than they used to,” says Harvard political scientist Steven Levitsky, co-author of the book How Democracies Die. “It’s pretty rare to see the generals all at once seize power, dissolve the constitution, and imprison dissidents and the press. Instead you see elected leaders gradually–imperceptibly to many citizens–transform the machinery of government to protect their friends and harass and punish their enemies.”

Bassin recalls one early, telling example. Under Obama, one of his jobs had been to advise Executive Branch officials on how to follow rules set out in thick binders and handed down from Administration to Administration starting with President Eisenhower’s in the 1950s. Many weren’t laws so much as norms and codes intended to embody the spirit of public service. Among the precepts, for example, is a 14-page memo dating to the Carter Administration that lays out specific rules for when and how White House officials could contact the Justice Department, to avoid the perception of politics influencing law enforcement. In February 2017, then White House chief of staff Reince Priebus contacted the FBI to ask the agency to publicly refute a New York Times report about contacts between Trump associates and Russian agents, and the White House openly acknowledged he had made the contact. It was already clear back then–before Trump fired FBI Director James Comey, before Mueller began his investigation, before Ukraine and impeachment and everything else–that the new Administration was not interested in the binders and memos, the rules and norms, that had prevailed for generations.

Bassin and Florence wanted their organization to be bipartisan. “It really is something that Republicans and Democrats, all people of good faith, should be able to agree on, that the President is not a monarch who is above accountability of any kind,” says Jamila Benkato, who joined the group after clerking for a federal judge in California. But most of the group’s early hires were liberals. Even Trump-skeptical conservatives wanted to give the new President a chance to grow into the job. And the group has struggled to establish a public identity that transcends its liberal roots.

Yet the mission has attracted some Republicans. Protect Democracy’s employees include a former GOP presidential campaign operative and consultant for the Koch brothers’ political outfit; a former clerk to the conservative federal judge Edith Brown Clement; and a former GOP Senate staffer and writer for the conservative Weekly Standard. In March, the group assembled 37 former Republican members of Congress and Administration officials to file a friend-of-the-court brief in Trump v. Vance, arguing that the President’s accountants must comply with a subpoena for documents related to his hush-money payments to alleged mistresses.

“From a conservative standpoint, it’s clear to me that the President is offending the rule of law generally and the Constitution specifically,” says Stuart Gerson, who headed the DOJ’s Civil Division under President George H.W. Bush. Gerson worked with Protect Democracy on its successful lawsuit in a conservative court in Texas, which thwarted Trump’s attempt to build his border wall without permission or funding from Congress. “I’m an apostle of the unitary executive–I argued all the war-powers cases in the Bush Administration,” Gerson says of the idea that the Constitution gives the President expansive powers over the workings of the Executive Branch. “But that [doctrine] puts the President in charge of the Executive Branch, not the other two.”

Doug Mills—The New York Times/ReduxProtect Democracy has organized former Justice Department officials to speak out against Barr, left, and President Trump

Sometime in the coming weeks, the Supreme Court is set to rule on Trump v. Vance and two related cases having to do with the validity of subpoenas into the President’s private conduct. The cases will test the idea that no one is above the law, by resolving whether a President can be investigated and held accountable for any activities, even those that precede or have nothing to do with the office. Protect Democracy’s advocates say the cases are part of a broader set of questions about presidential power, which they have been fighting to constrain.

One of Trump’s first moves as President was the creation of an election-integrity commission, which sought to examine allegations of voting abuse, like his baseless claim that the 2016 election was tainted by millions of illegal votes. Working with other advocacy groups, Protect Democracy sued based on a technicality–the Administration’s failure to follow the Paperwork Reduction Act, which mandates the procedures for establishing such commissions–and informed states they were not required to provide the Administration with the voter data it sought. The commission, Protect Democracy argued, represented not a good-faith effort to secure the vote but an attempt to sow doubt based on a nonexistent problem. Within a few months, the commission was shuttered.

Later that year, when Trump pardoned Joe Arpaio, the former Maricopa County, Arizona, sheriff convicted of contempt of court for racially profiling Latinos, Protect Democracy filed a brief arguing the pardon was unconstitutional. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit agreed to appoint a private attorney to argue the matter. And when the Administration released a report claiming that immigrants were responsible for most acts of terrorism–information Trump cited in his 2017 address to Congress–the group sued based on an obscure statute, the Information Quality Act, that’s typically used by Big Business to dispute environmental regulations. It was a legally creative approach to a vexing question: If the government decides to simply make up statistics, does the public have any recourse? While that litigation is still pending, the Justice Department admitted in court that the terrorism report was inaccurate.

When the former Apprentice contestant Summer Zervos sued Trump for defamation in 2017 after he called her a liar for accusing him of sexual assault, Protect Democracy filed the only outside brief, arguing the President was not immune from civil lawsuits. It was a little-noticed case, but one the group thought could establish a dangerous precedent. In ruling Zervos’ suit could go forward, the court drew extensively on Protect Democracy’s arguments. It is the first time a court has ruled the President is subject to civil lawsuits in state court.

In October 2018, Protect Democracy filed another lawsuit on behalf of PEN America, a journalists’ organization, arguing that Trump was violating the First Amendment by revoking press credentials to punish journalists and threatening media businesses’ bottom lines: stalling the proposed merger of CNN’s parent company, raising postal rates on Amazon (whose founder, Jeff Bezos, owns the Washington Post) and threatening to revoke broadcast licenses. In March, the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York ruled the suit could go forward.

Over the course of this presidency, Protect Democracy has broadened its purview, on the theory that threats to American democracy do not begin or end with Trump, and that many of the weaknesses he is exploiting predate him. Presidents of both parties have steadily expanded executive power, while Congress has willingly ceded more and more of its constitutional authorities. Protect Democracy has worked with both parties in Congress to reclaim some power from the Executive Branch, teaming up with GOP Senator Mike Lee on a bill putting new limitations on presidential emergency powers. The legislation advanced out of committee on a bipartisan 11-2 vote. Protect Democracy is also collaborating with advocates who have been working for years to reassert congressional authority over war powers; the group filed lawsuits to force the Administration to release the memos justifying its military strikes on Syrian chemical-weapons sites and the Iranian general Qasem Soleimani.

In 2018, Protect Democracy broke away from its federal work and intervened in recounts under way in two states, Georgia and Florida, where candidates were overseeing elections in which they were also competing. In Georgia, their lawsuit helped prompt gubernatorial candidate Brian Kemp to resign as secretary of state. Since then, the group has sought to find and fix weaknesses in voting systems, lobbying and advocating for new voting machines in South Carolina and Pennsylvania. It has also tackled voter suppression, using an old statute aimed at the Ku Klux Klan to stop a Trump ally from harassing Latino voters in Virginia and working with a North Carolina group, Forward Justice, to bring a lawsuit that would force the state to re-enfranchise felons.

More than a year ago, Protect Democracy formed a bipartisan election task force to examine such threats and recommend responses. Ironically, one of the crises they originally decided not to plan for was a potential pandemic. Now, as COVID-19 has thrown states’ election plans into doubt, the group has made a set of recommendations for moving forward with mail balloting and other changes.

For now, Protect Democracy says it wants to ensure that the November election is free and fair, producing a result that can be widely accepted as legitimate regardless of who wins. Whenever Trump leaves office, the group envisions a brief window for Congress to pass reforms, similar to the burst of legislation that followed President Nixon’s resignation. The organization has been gearing up for this with a “100 days agenda” of recommendations for the next President, including changes to election systems, prohibitions on election interference and campaign-finance reform.

In a democracy, the people are the ultimate check on power. Protect Democracy’s central argument is that institutions don’t protect themselves; people have to be activated to use the tools the system provides. In a timely metaphor, the group’s leaders compare authoritarianism to a virus sweeping the globe: first you treat the patient by activating the body’s immune system to fight off the illness; over time, you formulate a vaccine to provide immunity in the future.

“When Ian and I first started talking about this, we thought it would be an organization that lasted however long Trump was in office, then folded up shop,” says Florence, the group’s co-founder and legal director. “What we’ve learned is that we’re seeing a moment that requires a generation-long response. Ultimately, we’ve got to rebuild our institutions to make our system more resistant to a future authoritarian-minded leader.”

With reporting by Leslie Dickstein and Josh Rosenberg

By Molly Ball on

#Time #politics #PlusOrMinusCongress #±Congress #Indega±#IndegaPlusOrMinus #TimeMag #TimeMagazine

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vheideknecht-blog · 5 years ago

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hvancouve · 5 years ago

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itsfinancethings · 4 years ago

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Evan Vucci—APTrump tours a section of the border wall in Otay Mesa, Calif., on Sept. 18, 2019

Doug Mills—The New York Times/ReduxProtect Democracy has organized former Justice Department officials to speak out against Barr, left, and President Trump

With reporting by Leslie Dickstein and Josh Rosenberg

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sweatygardencollectorblr · 5 years ago

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Photo Illustration by The Daily Beast/Photos Police Handouts“I’m teaching a bunch of little brats next year.”—Jeffrey Epstein, 1974-75 Dalton School YearbookIt took a clandestine FBI-NYPD joint sting operation to arrest the elusive convicted sex offender Jeffrey E. Epstein on Saturday July 6th on the tarmac of Teterboro airport in New Jersey (a story first broken by The Daily Beast). Simultaneously, a sledgehammer was used to break the entry to his massive $77 million New York City townhouse on East 71st Street. Police recovered hundreds, possibly thousands, of nude images of young women and girls—an automatic legal problem for a man who is on multiple sex offender registries. Epstein’s case may be one of the most extreme cases of organized child abuse in modern history.Epstein is without doubt the wealthiest individual on any sex offender registry in the United States (and he is at Level 3—at greatest risk of abusing more children). On his registry entry, the following residences are listed: his $7.8 million 70-acre private island in the U.S. Virgin Islands (his primary residence owned by his Delaware-based LLC, L.S.J.), his Paris apartment on Avenue Foch (one of the most expensive addresses in the world), his $15.5 million Palm Beach estate, his $77 million New York City townhouse (a gift from Victoria’s Secret founder Leslie Wexner), and his $10 million castle/ranch in New Mexico. At the bottom of his residences is another island in the Virgin Islands, Great St. James. Epstein purchased it in 2016 for $18 million and was actively (and without permit) developing an even larger compound on its 165 acres—that is, until his arrest this past Saturday.As far as vehicles, his offender registry entries list two Gulfstream jets (though his lawyers say he sold one of them in June), two helicopters, nine Mercedes-Benzes, nine Chevy Suburbans, three Cadillac Escalades, three Harley-Davidsons, one $375k Bentley Mulsanne, a jet-ski, and other assorted items. He has wined and dined American presidents, princes, elite academics, socialites, corporate CEOs and other VIPs. His alleged victims were little girls, often economically destitute or runaways or orphans—from sixth graders to high-school sophomores. Because his alleged crimes span multiple decades, his victims likely number in the hundreds—or more.* * *“Unnoticed by almost everybody, travelling with her was a greying, plumpish, middle-aged American businessman who managed to avoid the photographers.” —Mail on Sunday, Nov. 15, 1992 (London edition)That businessman was Jeffrey Epstein. In the early 1990s, British newspapers that followed British socialite Ghislaine Maxwell (alleged to be Epstein’s chief procurer of victims) tried to figure out who Epstein was. The Mail on Sunday asked in 1992: “But what is he—property developer, concert pianist, math teacher, corporate treasure hunter, stockbroker, merchant banker or globe-trotting businessman?” No one seemed to know.Given Epstein’s apparent mystique, I checked New York City’s birth, census, and marriage records to be certain about the facts. Epstein was born Jan. 20 1953 in Brooklyn, NY. His parents were Paula (nee Stolofsky, 1918-2004) and Seymour G. Epstein (1916-1991) and they were married in Brooklyn in 1952—shortly before Jeffrey Epstein’s birth.Epstein grew up during the 1950s and 1960s in the Lafayette neighborhood around Coney Island, as documented by James Patterson, John Connolly, and Tim Malloy in their 2016 book on Epstein, Filthy Rich. Epstein attended the now-shuttered Lafayette High School, a working-class high school that produced a significant number of professional baseball players. Epstein’s mother, Paula, was a homemaker while his father, Seymour, worked for the New York City Parks Department as a groundskeeper and gardener. During their retirement years, Epstein’s parents (as well as several maternal aunts) resided in nearby properties he purchased in West Palm Beach. In 1991, Epstein’s father passed away at the Cleveland Clinic in Ohio at the age of 75. His mother passed away in 2004 at age 85 in Palm Beach.Epstein has a younger brother, Mark (“Puggy”), who has joined him in real-estate deals throughout the years. Mark operates a real-estate business, OSSA Properties, which owns some of the properties—including the apartments in the 301 East 66th Street building—where Jeffrey Epstein’s alleged sex slaves and other employees were housed (real-estate ownership between the brothers may have commingled).Jeffrey Epstein graduated from Lafayette High School in 1969 at age 16, having skipped two grades. He was “chubby with curly hair and a high, ‘hee-hee’ kind of laugh,” according to Filthy Rich. In the fall of 1969, Epstein started at Cooper Union and studied there for two years until the spring semester of 1971. Many writers say he attended New York University (NYU) after Cooper Union, but they rarely give specific dates. I decided to verify through National Student Clearinghouse records exactly when Epstein went to college and where. Cooper Union does not participate in the National Clearinghouse, but NYU does. It turned out that Epstein was enrolled at NYU between September of 1971 and June of 1974. Thus, most of Epstein’s college study years were spent at NYU. I verified that he did not graduate from NYU with their registrar.In a 2002 profile in New York magazine, Thomas Landon reported that Epstein studied at NYU’s Courant Institute of Mathematical Sciences. It is not clear why Epstein attended two institutions of higher education but did not graduate from either. When Epstein joined the board of Rockefeller University, he misrepresented his educational and employment background; a press release stated that he had “studied physics at Cooper Union in New York and then joined Bear Stearns, becoming a Limited Partner until 1981.” Between Cooper Union and Bear Stearns, Epstein studied at NYU and was a teacher for two years (two unreported and significant events). When a convicted sex offender facing sex-trafficking charges was first employed as a teacher, it bears at least some scrutiny.* * *After the summer of 1974, Epstein began working as a teacher of mathematics and physics at the Dalton School in the Upper East Side of Manhattan. It has been reported that he began there in 1973, but this is incorrect. I searched the 1973-74 Dalton yearbook and there is no mention of Jeffrey Epstein. I then searched Dalton’s school newspaper and found in the September 1974 issue that “... Mr. Epstein, who will also teach physics, [has] also joined the department this year.” Epstein also confirmed that he taught there between 1974 and 1976 in a deposition.In the United States, there are various schools that educate children from the social upper classes—Kent School, Horace Mann, Miss Porter’s. Dalton is among that set. These schools are often restricted to children from the “old money” stratum in society, with a small number of scholarship students or athletes from non-elite backgrounds.In 1974, Dalton was run by headmaster Donald Barr—father of Attorney General William Barr, whose Justice Department recently began a review of Epstein’s 2007 non-prosecution agreement for the Palm Beach child sexual assault charges. Writers have noted the interesting coincidence. However, Donald Barr resigned in turmoil in February of 1974 (according to the March 14, 1974 issue of The Daltonian) which was seven months before Jeffrey Epstein began teaching there that fall. While it is possible that Donald Barr may have hired Epstein, if he made personnel decisions long in advance, the Dalton School lost four math teachers (according to The Daltonian) prior to the 1974-75 school year. Therefore the school may have hired Epstein, in part, out of an urgent need to fill vacant positions—even though Epstein did not have a college degree.Peter Branch was the acting headmaster after Barr’s departure and he may have hired Epstein. Full verification would require access to Dalton’s personnel records, if they still retain them. I put a Freedom of Information Law (FOIL) request into the State of New York Department of Education and they reported having no teaching license on file for Epstein—this may suggest that he was not planning on a career in teaching. Unlike public schools, it should be noted, a private school like Dalton does not require its teachers to possess a state teaching license or certificate.While at the Dalton School, Epstein was the coach of the math team. In competitions with several local schools, Epstein led the students to victory in one instance and to second place in another. At a February 1976 math meet, the Dalton team competed against Ramaz and the Manhattan Talmudic Academy with “Boss Epstein watching from the sidelines…” (The Daltonian March 5, 1976). At another match up in April 1976, Epstein told his team “a victory would be as easy as Pi.” The paper reported Epstein would be starting a “math-track team” the following year due to his “unique philosophy of integrating physical exercise with spiritual and mathematical stimulation.” The Dalton School students and families are comprised of some of the wealthiest families in the United States—unlike Epstein’s own. But this access may have created an opening for him.As a young man from a working-class neighborhood in Brooklyn (equipped with a deep Brooklyn accent), Jeffrey Epstein at Dalton likely had to be a “quick study” to gracefully flow among the social upper class. Vicky Ward’s 2003 Vanity Fair profile of Epstein deemed him “The Talented Mr. Epstein”—drawing a parallel to Matt Damon’s character in the 1999 film The Talented Mr. Ripley, where Tom Ripley cons his way into the upper class through fraud and misrepresentation (and plenty of piano playing). To wit, the April 1975 issue of The Daltonian covered a Parent-Teacher Association event, “the first parent-faculty musical in recent memory,” noting that “Mr. Epstein proved himself to be the ivory show man on the piano.” Was Epstein wooing and dazzling the parents as a means of gaining access to their rarefied world? It seems to have worked because a parent wondered what he was doing there and put him in touch with the chairman of Bear Stearns, Ace Greenberg (whose children also attended Dalton; Epstein may have tutored them). After the 1975-1976 school year was finished, Epstein informed the school he was not returning and began his career on Wall Street at Bear Stearns.After just four years, on August 1, 1980, Bear Stearns published an advert in The Wall Street Journal listing all the people who had made limited partner, including Jeffrey E. Epstein (along with people such as Larry Kudlow, former CNBC commentator and current director of the National Economic Council). Epstein, it seemed, was on the path, to accumulating the economic riches necessary for entry into the one percent. Obtaining the social graces required for acceptance by the social upper class would come much later with the help of several socialites, but mostly Ghislaine Maxwell.* * *Epstein was permitted to plead guilty to charges of soliciting prostitution in 2008 in the State of Florida. However, his victims were children, and it has been widely pointed out, cannot give consent, and therefore cannot be prostitutes. (Epstein’s lawyers tried to tarnish and humiliate the victims at the time by calling them “prostitutes,” and, as Vanity Fair revealed, Epstein reportedly smeared the underage girls in private as “prostitutes and strippers who’d already been indoctrinated into the sex world.”) Such lax charges in the Florida case, compared to what he is now facing, were hashed out in a deal with Florida State Attorney Barry Krischer, in conjunction with Alexander Acosta (who just stepped down as President Trump's labor secretary over his role in the Epstein saga). The deal was protested by the highly professional Palm Beach police led by Chief Michael Reiter and the late Detective Joseph Recarey. Epstein’s 2019 charges are for crimes committed in New York and Florida between 2002 and 2005. However, there are allegations against Epstein from earlier time periods (such as Maria Farmer’s 2019 sworn affidavit that she and her 15-year old sibling were assaulted by Epstein and Maxwell in various locations in 1996—allegations that were reportedly nixed by an editor from Vicky Ward’s 2003 profile of Epstein). One thing to keep in mind is Epstein was a school teacher and would have had possible access to victims there as well. There are no reports that he did anything at Dalton school, but he was asked about his relations with students in a deposition in 2009 and here is what he said:Deposition His answer about the ages of his students is noteworthy. He replies “Mostly old—mostly 17 and 18.” This tells us that Epstein thinks that the ages of 17 and 18 are “old.” He is asked what subject he was teaching, and he answers truthfully, physics and mathematics. The attorney asks if any of the girls he was teaching were under age 17 at the time, and Epstein answers that he does not know—this sounds genuine. Things take a turn when the attorney asks Epstein if he had any sexual contact with any students at Dalton. Epstein answers the first time with a question, “Again?” He is asked a second time and again answers with a question, “While I was a teacher?” The attorney says yes, let’s start with that question and Epstein gives a solid “no.” The attorney presses “How about after?” and Epstein says “Not that I remember.”In summary, Epstein revealed that he feels high-school students aged 17 to 18 years are “old” and he that he does not remember if he had sexual contact with Dalton students after he was a teacher there. The final time he is asked, he reads from a statement in which he claims that the attorney’s law firm is engaged in fraud and then pleads his Fifth Amendment rights. Questions about sexual contact with Dalton students appear to be sensitive for him. Epstein depositions are extremely difficult to read because he pleads the Fifth to almost every question—as he eventually does here.* * *Julie Brown of the Miami Herald has done a significant amount of research on the Epstein case with her and her colleagues’ award-winning Perversion of Justice series. The extensive reporting in the Miami Herald, The Daily Beast, and by independent journalists like Ed Opperman, Pearse Redmond, William Ramsey and others has likely influenced law enforcement to consider the new evidence uncovered by the press—including possible new locations where recruitment or abuse might have occurred.Related to Epstein’s deposition above, Virginia Roberts Giuffre, who accused Epstein of sexually abusing her as an underage girl and loaning her out to his famous friends, claimed that Epstein “lost interest” as she got older and sent her to Thailand to bring him another victim, at which point she says she escaped from Epstein.Another alarming detail about Epstein is reported in Vicky Ward’s 2003 Vanity Fair article. She noted that Epstein left a paperback copy of the Marquis de Sade’s The Misfortunes of Virtue lying on a table at his 71st Street townhouse. Why would Epstein have left this book out in plain view? This obscene novel (even Napoleon ordered its author jailed) is about a 12-year-old French girl, Justine, who travels alone across France and winds up in a monastery and is forced to become the sex slave of monks where she endures repeated sexual assaults and is ordered to participate in orgies. She escapes but suffers similar abuses and encounters as the story follows her life until the age of 26.Justine may have been a pedophile’s fantasy story in which the victim somehow learns “virtue” from what she endures. Justine almost parallels the life of some of Epstein’s alleged victims. What is even more tragic is that in the course of her reporting, Ward found two of Epstein’s victims and their mother. Ward says they detailed in 2003 how Epstein sexually assaulted them in the mid-1990s—including the time when one was allegedly held captive for 12 hours at mogul Leslie Wexner’s Ohio property after she says Epstein and Maxwell assaulted her. (Wexner has not responded to the allegations.) Perhaps their stories might have been able to deter or expose Epstein earlier, if they had been published when the girls first came forward.We can expect a trove of information about Epstein to continue to emerge now that he is in jail. Indeed, the Miami Herald reports that at least a dozen new victims have come forward since his arrest. Epstein and his accomplices may have seen his victims as little girls—but now they are strong, brave women fighting back today.Thomas Volscho is a sociology professor at the City University of New York, College of Staten Island. He has been researching the case of Jeffrey Epstein for a book he is writing.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

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bloggerofworld · 5 years ago

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Jeffrey Epstein Dodged Questions About Sex With His Dalton Prep-School Students

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orendrasingh · 5 years ago

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hottytoddynews · 7 years ago

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Editor’s Note: This article originally appeared on HottyToddy.com in March 2017.

HottyToddy.com had the pleasure to visit with one of Oxford’s power couples, Rhea and Robyn Tannehill, both Ole Miss graduates. At the time of this interview, Robyn was set to assume the office of mayor of Oxford. Rhea is a successful practicing attorney with the local firm of Tannehill and Carmean.

HottyToddy.com: Rhea, a long-time friend of yours anticipated you would be the politician in your family, having been elected ASB president while at Ole Miss. Was that your plan?

Rhea: I was ASB president in 1991-1992, which was a long time ago! I started dating Robyn during this time. Many of my friends predicted I would have a career in politics, but the time has just not been right. My current job is to support Robyn and help her however I can.

HottyToddy.com: Robyn, you have been active in community affairs for quite some time. How has this prepared you for becoming mayor?

Robyn: I believe the mayor is, first and foremost, a community servant. Since retiring from the business world to raise our children, I have referred to myself as a “professional volunteer.” Spending time volunteering in the schools and performing numerous other roles in the community, as well as serving as alderman, has prepared me for the challenge ahead.

HottyToddy.com: Rhea, because of all your family and business activities, how and when do you and Robyn have time to relax?

Rhea: Relax? What’s that? Being in the National Guard consumes at least one weekend per month for me. Most of our free time is focused on family and our three children. Two of our kids are engaged in travel sports. We are blessed that our teenagers will still hang out with us! We make it a goal to eat dinner together most every weeknight, regardless of the hour.

HottyToddy.com: Living in Oxford after both of you graduated from Ole Miss … Was this a dream come true or something that just happened?

Robyn: It is something that just happened. Rhea graduated from law school in 1996 while I was serving as executive director of the Oxford Tourism Council. Things simply fell into place. We’ve always felt like God’s plan was for us to be in Oxford.

HottyToddy.com: Robyn, looking at the next several years for Oxford, what is our greatest challenge aside from infrastructure keeping pace?

Robyn: Growing pains do bring challenges. However, communities that are not experiencing growth have even greater challenges. Preserving the things we treasure about Oxford, including the “sense of community,” are equally important to infrastructure issues. Providing affordable housing for our workforce will be a top priority, as will creative solutions and partnerships with developers. This is an important component of our Land Development Code and a concern as we explore future annexation.

HottyToddy.com: Rhea, tell our readers about your law practice and what you specialize in?

Rhea: Personal injury and criminal defense. My firm also is active in loan closings and collection work as we represent a number of local physicians. I have been practicing 20 years and have four other attorneys working in our firm. Our office is located at 829 N. Lamar.

HottyToddy.com: Robyn, did you ever envision years ago that Double Decker would evolve into Mississippi’s stellar event?

Robyn: In 1995 (when I proposed the idea), I was hoping for a successful first festival in hopes of securing a second. Double Decker was a success 20 years ago because it celebrated, then and now, what Oxford does best: music, food and art. The quality of music, food and art seems to increase each year along with the crowds.

HottyToddy.com: Do you envision any ways that the City of Oxford could exert influence over Ole Miss for the betterment of the community at large?

Robyn and Rhea: Unfortunately, the university does not have complete control over its growth. Working with the university has never been better than it is now. Chancellor Vitter is a great partner to the City of Oxford. Frequent communications between the city, university and Lafayette County have improved relations and helped us all facilitate growth and joint projects. We all understand the importance of the right hand knowing what the left hand is doing.

HottyToddy.com: Robyn, can the residents of Oxford expect future tax increases, or will the city be able to provide needed services with the current budget projections?

Robyn: Our new board … will be facing some very difficult decisions. The cost of addressing city services and infrastructure – expanding the sewer system, as one example – to accommodate growth is significant. We would like to accomplish all of this without raising taxes, but this may not be realistic. Providing services to 40,000 people with a tax base of 20,000 is demanding. The city currently employs about 452 individuals.

HottyToddy.com: Is Oxford growing too fast, and if so, does the city need to take measures to slow this somewhat?

Robyn: I don’t think there is any way to put the brakes on. As city leaders, we must work faster to be proactive instead of reacting to the growth. We have slowed down the process of site plan approvals, giving our planning department more time to review and request changes so that we aren’t missing things with the high volume of building permits being requested.

HottyToddy.com: Robyn, Oxford is now attracting new residents from all across the nation, including individuals with no ties to either Ole Miss or Mississippi. This has to make you proud.

Robyn: The secret is out. Oxford is a beautiful, unique town that offers a quality of life that can’t be found many other places. In 1995, as director of the Oxford Tourism Council, I used our advertising budget to pay travel expenses for travel writers from major publications across the nation to come to Oxford. I knew if they saw it and experienced it, they would have to tell our story. These stories are still being told.

HottyToddy.com: Rhea, you will soon become Oxford’s “first man.” Are you prepared for all the questions and suggestions that are inevitable in being Oxford’s first family?

Rhea: It is already happening. I fully understand that this is part of the total package. I can deal with it because I know this is Robyn’s passion. She truly loves doing her job.

Steve Vassallo is a HottyToddy.com contributor. Steve writes on Ole Miss athletics, Oxford business, politics and other subjects. He is an Ole Miss grad and former radio announcer for the basketball team. Currently, Steve is a highly successful leader in the real estate business who lives in Oxford with his wife Rosie. You can contact Steve at [email protected] or call him at 985-852-7745.

Follow HottyToddy.com on Instagram, Twitter and Snapchat @hottytoddynews. Like its Facebook page: If You Love Oxford and Ole Miss…

The post Top Stories of 2017: Up Close and Personal with Robyn and Rhea Tannehill appeared first on HottyToddy.com.

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