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tagamantra · 1 year ago

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ruminating on the leftism that guides much of my thinking. i'm avoiding the very common pitfall of simply applying theory (written by people benefiting from colonialism a few hundred years ago) to living conditions here in the neocolony of america and looking for ways to actually apply historical dialectic into here--it takes a lot of self awareness because as with all things the majority left position in the philippines is based off of joma sison's MLM-ness and the struggle for a national democracy, which has now kind of devolved into a ultranationalist jerk off between colonial intelligentsia and constant protesting and rallying. whenever they are challenged by the state, the main response is that "everything they've been doing is completely legal" and that nothing they've done is wrong. of course, paradoxically, as Mark Fisher writes in capitalist realism, much of this ends up just reifying capitalist reals and borders, and neatly squares away activism into yet another portion of capitalist life. activism (now also commonly romanticized by so many of those in the middle class to the petty bourgeois) is now subsumed into capitalism.

of course, from my point of view, doing something is better than doing nothing. i've participated in the movements of the national democratic mass organizations of the PH (anakbayan, etc.) (and still do, though my capacity has become limited and i'm focusing on supporting the communities closest to me for the time being) but they're increasingly becoming a sort of ideological stepping stone and for the most part i believe they have been completely subsumed into capitalist ideology.

i think the philippines is largely mostly just capitalist now, even with some modes of tenancy in the countryside seeming feudal, it operates entirely within a capitalist mode of view and application.

i don't subscribe to the sort of unilinear evolution of societies espoused by some soviet theorists (the classless -> slave -> feudal -> capitalist -> communist thing)--a lot of classical leftist and marxist theories can be pretty easily seen as sort of eurocentric. that's no bash, that's just the work of limited perspective. future marxists like fanon expand the marxist perspective greatly, though they seem to be largely ignored by the white bourgeois in my experience

i think ph leftism should be a lot more aware of local ideas on society, and use that to sort of influence and shape their leftism. a lot of leftists sort of scoff at "precolonial studies" as sort of cute at best and absolutely ethnocentric backwardism at worst (many ph leftists know jack shit about precolonial ph and/or seasia in general due to the education system of the philippines and the america-centric culture of the metropoles)

if we apply historical materialist dialectic all the way back to pre-hispanic times we get a treasure trove of societies to contrast and synthesize upon. a shared culture and binding connections with the rest of asia. the ideal state is of course international consciousnesses and solidarity--one that doesn't fall into the trap of capitalist reification through nationalism and the enforcement of the cacophony of signifiers that only serves to reinforce capitalist structures (jingles, voting, art that just regurgitates old socialist aesthetic, revolutionary art that doesn't really say anything because these artists lack proper class consciousness and/or perspective [many ph left artists come from the metropoles after all and/or have been subsumed into nationalist agenda through education systems and the need to belong in communities, art ph being one particularly egregious example that reinforces nationalist signifiers while becoming ignorant of the signified).

all in all the philippine left is completely defeated, as a movement. many leftists adopt anarchist tendencies, joyful militancies, try to live outside of the confines of communism through communes or living in the mountains. if we are to have any chance of challenging capitalism the ph left must interrogate its own biases, interrogate nationalism, review its literature, and then look inward, look to fellow tribes and societies, avoid the interventionist failures of soviet societies, and actually fight for a world that won't just degrade into more wage-labor slavery

"that's idealistic!" if you're shooting for the moon you land on the stars. the direction of the movement is more important than the speed. i fully believe ideological recourse is needed in the ph left--some might even say if there is a ph left still. i wouldn't mind abolishing the idea altogether--the left is still a eurocentric categorization after all. perhaps its time for a new revolution that interrogates current structures, even within so-called progressive organizations, with violent indignation, and finds a way to upend capitalism through a firm grasp in pre-capitalist structures and international ties

#waksthoughts #might get redtagged kapag sa fb ko pinost so #or baka awayin ako ng mga kaibigan kong tibak wahaha #also i hate the socialist aesthetic #that all red thing they keep doing #but that's just me as a seasaner probably

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seeyouinthespring · 4 months ago

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new anakbayan bandana yayyyy

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catdotjpeg · 1 year ago

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24 Feb 2024, Balik EDSA! Continue the Struggle for People Power! march led by Malaya Movement NY and Anakbayan Queens, Queens, NY

From Malaya NY:

For two decades, Filipinos lived under authoritarian rule while Marcos and his allies enriched themselves through ownership of Philippine press and industry outlets and through the siphoning of funds from U.S., World Bank, and International Monetary Fund loans. From February 22 to 25, 1986, hundreds of thousands of Filipinos gathered on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) to protest President Ferdinand Marcos and his claim that he had won re-election over Corazon Aquino. This time, though, Filipinos refused to accept this lie. On February 22, citizens took to the streets on EDSA. On the evening of February 25, the U.S. government facilitated Marcos’s escape to Hawaii. Later that same night, protestors stormed Malacañang Palace, exposing the opulent wealth that the Marcos family had amassed during their time in power. Marcos died in Hawaii in 1989 without returning to the Philippines.

#nico.txt #philippines #antifascism #palestine #anti war #anti imperialism #new york #nyc #queens #id in alt text

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pannaginip · 1 year ago

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Translation + summary:

Anakbayan on Twitter @anakbayan_ph:

"Why is the fight of the jeepney driver also the fight of the commuter? Why should we act and mobilize?

The mass transport crisis will intensify. The government will not be able to compensate for the huge decrease in public transportation units. Tens of thousands of jeeps will no longer be allowed to operate if they do not abide by the program by surrendering their individual franchises + vehicles and joining cooperatives/corporations to replace the traditional jeeps with "modern jeeps." [As of 2 days ago, ~31k jeeps in Metro Manila have yet to consolidate.] Commuters will be faced with even more difficulties if this happens.

Passenger fares will increase. The PUV Modernization program is a business. The gov wants corporations/coops to have collective ownership over the franchises of routes and new units. They will be able to freely increase fares, which are the only way to cover the costs of providing new jeeps. The fares are projected to reach P40-50, while wages everywhere remain stagnant. [For comparison, current jeepney fares are P13-15.]

The long-term effects of the PUV Modernization program on the state of mass transportation in the country will be massive. It is a complete foreign and corporate takeover of the mass transport system. Local manufacturers and industries will be killed off with the influx of imported vehicles.

Our right to quality transportation that is truly for the masses is at stake. There are 3 days left before the consolidation deadline. There is no other time, we must act now."

#no to jeepney phaseout #no to puv phaseout #philippines #idk if there are many eng-only filipinos here but anw hope this helps 🫶#public transportation #translations

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hesitationss · 1 year ago

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i brought some of my own zines to a zine making workshop tonight! hosted by anakbayan! ♡⁠(⁠˃͈⁠ ⁠દ⁠ ⁠˂͈⁠ ⁠༶⁠ ⁠)

#diary

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declaredmissing · 2 years ago

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The contradiction of airplanes in the sky

Whenever I’m in an airplane, I think of the contradiction that experience it embodies, and how it seems to be a metaphor for modern life. There’s so much wonder in flying thousands of miles into the sky, and yet we do it in a cramped, claustrophobic quarters that dilute or negate the magic. That’s what living today is like, is it not?

But of course, despite myself, being in an airplane always makes me feel wine-drunk with awe. When I flew back to Kansas last winter of 2021, I watched the sunset from the JFK airport and thought about the cycles of disappointment in love that I’d gone through that year, and thought about who I used to be, with my naive optimism and defensive arrogance protecting a shaky self image. At that time, I cringed to remember my past self.

But looking back now, I think of how I was just 22 and trying to figure it out. How much I love the boundless naive optimism that I carried with me throughout all the different selves I became, and how natural it seems that I would end up in Anakbayan – and how much that experience changed me. It affirmed my stance of joy as defiance.

There’s a word in tagalog that we use to refer to each other in the movement – “kasama”. It loosely translates to ‘together’, and ‘with you.’ What binds us in the movement is a current that’s deeper than political affinity – it’s shared vision, a shared history of “filipino and not-filipino.” The variable we share in common is that we’re all taking a gamble, staking our lives to a future that remains dark.

When I joined the movement, I was shocked to see people my age quoting Mao, identifying as radical anti-imperialists, and re-enacting guerilla theater of rebels. Up until then, I thought that organized resistance was a dead pipe dream of the 60s. To discover that it was real, even if only in the margins, shifted everything that I thought was possible.

I gained a specific kind of optimism that comes from seeing what revolution looks like in practice. It’s a feeling I haven’t found a language to quite articulate or describe or understand yet, though I think it has to do with resisting the state of psychological domination our culture is paralyzed by.

Of course, this spirit of optimism isn’t a constant. There are times I often look around and think, we really are just a small group of ragtag organizers. When I first joined, there would be times I would question the worth of our work in the larger scheme. It was easier to be a cynic than to dare to hope. Years after joining, I told my kasamas that this felt like the only sane space to me, and they all exchanged incredulous looks. And I understand, because actually, it does seem to feel that you have to be a bit insane to pursue the unrealistic and improbable.

To be radical is to change the parameters of what we can fight for. That was the most critical question in college, that I’ll always carry with me in my heart. What does it mean to be radical? Years later, as I’m writing this, I have an answer. To decide to eliminate the chair itself.

This work – the work of revolutionaries – goes against the dominant culture, which is why it’s so fucking difficult to do in isolation. It isn’t praised, or popular, or funded, or accepted in the mainstream, which makes it easy to question ourselves every step of the way – which can make us doubt ourselves – if we lose an inch of conviction. I admire my kasamas deeply for the courage it takes to ask for more than what’s realistic.

I think part of our optimism comes from – and is part of – the way we feel part of history. We share the understanding that the work we do in our lives goes beyond the brevity of our lifespan. There’s comfort knowing that even if change doesn’t happen in my lifetime, we’re building on the groundwork that generations before us have set, and generations after us will continue to build on, and whatever we accomplish, no matter how small, it won’t have been for nothing.

There are some who compare this kind of faith to the kind you find in organized religion, and that brings with it warnings of the dangers of idealizing any kind of ideology. The fear of being absorbed into an ideology is what made me initially hesitant to join a movement. But I’ve been part of a church before, and to me, there’s a clear distinction between political work and being a christian, even though they’re also familiar. It’s about committing to a value system and world view. The difference is that while I think political ideology offers a way to transform my values into action, by no means do I turn to it for either a blueprint or final answers.

There was a deep, fundamental change in my life finding the movement. I think my stance of optimism has somehow come from the gradual radicalization of my politics, and how that led me to recover hope and the spirit to fight. I found a home for my values, and an alternative to aspirations for material success and personal ambition that wasn’t just protecting my own individual happiness for the time I’m alive.

I think I write about this because I wonder what leads people to a movement. What radicalizes someone. Because I’m interested in what kind of spirit counters the fatalism of capitalist realism. A word for the opposite of loneliness. Because the words kasama and political home didn’t exist in my language a few years ago. For all the ways I’ve changed since accepting ‘revolutionary’. My shifting perceptions of the words “radical” and “revolution”. Paradigms upended. Wondering about the common variable behind the emotions of joy, agency, self-determination, the willingness to struggle, optimism, hope, faith, these supercharged euphorias. Courage and strength, all entertwined with love and rage and compassion and kindness. The seedling of an understanding that if we want a revolution, we have to understand how these emotions all can be transformed and channeled into revolution. Into people power. There’s an answer, somewhere, in the optimism that comes from seeing other people care and believe, just as much, in what used to seem to be an untenable fantasy: revolution. Genuine change within our lifetime. That what we dream of is not to much to ask for. But we have to start with naming what we are fighting against, and what we are dreaming of. James and I joke, without really saying it, that the answer is revolution. What is to be done with this world? Where are we going?

I’ve been thinking about the premise of my conclusion in college – how the word utopia is an ancient Greek pun on “ou-topis”, meaning “no place”, and “eu-topos”, meaning “good place”. It was originally coined by Thomas More, and implies that a perfect political state cannot actually exist. I have no masterplan for saving the world. I don’t have the details of what an ideal world would look like. But we always ask each other, what do you want for your community? What are you fighting for? As if these questions are worth asking, are serious questions to consider, and not frivolous at all. I do think we are entirely capable of asking for a different present, of dreaming for the way that we can live right now.

Hannah Arendt believed, above all, that if we could say, I don’t want to live this way–and that if we projected these longings into the world–we could work to address the lonelinesses we inflict on others; the isolation that drives us to destruction and our desire to dominate. In her biography of Lessing, you can find Lessing’s notion of love threading throughout her work; the kind of love that simply says “I want you to be”. She believed that in order to rebuild cultures from the politics of exclusion and division, ones that make truth and justice meaningful in the world, communication and changes in modes of thought had to happen between two people. She believed we could imagine only by understanding, by living and knowing together.

___________

Somewhere outside the invisible net cradling earth, satellites are spinning in the yawning empty black and the pulse of cities is so far away. People are dying from a pandemic, in the antiseptic halls of hospitals. In future dystopias, a love song waltzes from an underground bunker.

It’s spring now, and I find myself caught in the still warmth of an evening where I have absolutely nowhere to go. The busyness of the day fading to twilight, bright shadows thrown up against the skyscrapers of Manhattan. It’s an alien feeling, the relief to realize I have no obligations. I stand for a moment in Brooklyn as bodies rush past me, looking at the sky, looking at people, a still point in a crowded intersection, feeling for the first time in a long time that I longer have to be anywhere. A breeze on the back of my neck, the air tasting like lemon and sticky asphalt, and no one knows who I am.

On my way to Coney Island, I accidentally dislocate the chain from the gears with my shoulder, and so I stop in the middle of the sidewalk to lock it back in place, wipe the grease from my fingers onto my backpack. Beyond the language of nuclear radiation and retreating shorelines, there’s a place where we go on and survive.

despite how difficult it is, how widespread futility and cynicism are, we are all suffering together and finding joy somehow, and there’s comfort in that.

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catdotjpeg · 9 months ago

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if you live outside of the Philippines, you can also donate through p*yp*l or v*nmo to the following organizations (all of whom I can vouch for) working in coordination w groups on the ground in the PH:

National Alliance for Filipino Concerns (NAFCON)

Kabataan Alliance

Anakbayan USA

the philippines got hit by Typhoon Carina (or known by its international name, Typhoon Gaemi) yesterday and the effects of the nonstop rain put metro manila under a state of calamity as intense flooding hit the capital along with many other areas in luzon

rains have stopped now in most places and water levels are beginning to recede, but since many were evacuated from their homes, lots of people are in need of assistance

here is a running list of donation drives (accepting monetary or in-kind donations) that you can support to help those who were affected by the typhoon

note: all listed drives as of now only accept monetary donations via cash transfer methods that can only be done from within the ph

if youre able to help, it will definitely go a long way. thank you!

#donation post #philippines

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voices-of-resistance · 6 days ago

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On a quiet Friday afternoon over Zoom, I sat down with Olivia Blahuta, an organizer and activist with the International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP). We were later joined by Rei and Hillary from the Canada Philippines Solidarity Organization (CPSO). What unfolded was a deeply insightful conversation about the political, economic, and military systems that shape Filipino communities' lives in Canada and abroad.

This interview is part of Voices of Resistance, an ongoing project exploring how Canadian foreign policy, particularly the Indo-Pacific Strategy and labour migration programs impact Filipino communities.

Let’s begin!

Asia Ruggiero (AR): How did you first get involved in Philippine solidarity work, and what led you to your role within ICHRP?

Olivia Blahuta (OB): I first got involved in Philippine solidarity work in 2020. I was politicized around that time, particularly by the murder of George Floyd and the broader movements against police brutality, labour exploitation, and women's and queer rights. I had already been attending rallies, but during that period, I realized the importance of being part of an organization. A high school friend introduced me to Anakbayan, which led me to connect with organizers and learn more about the Philippines' political situation, especially the labour export policies that force many Filipinos to work abroad. Through this, I began to understand the scale of Filipino migration to Canada and the precarious conditions many migrant workers face here, especially those who are undocumented. One issue that struck me deeply was family separation, the reality that so many parents, particularly mothers, must leave their children behind to earn a living. That felt incredibly unjust, and meeting people directly affected by it made the issue feel very personal. In 2022, I had the opportunity to travel to the Philippines as part of the International Observer Mission for the national elections. We conducted third-party election monitoring at the request of people's movements in the Philippines to assess the legitimacy of the democratic process—especially considering the election of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Rodrigo Duterte's election. The trip was comprehensive: beyond election monitoring, I interviewed people from various sectors—farmers, fisherfolk, teachers, and others—to better understand the conditions they face.Hearing directly from them about what international solidarity should look like, and how we can support and learn from their people’s movement, was transformative. Those two experiences: organizing around migrant issues in Canada and witnessing the struggles and resistance in the Philippines firsthand, were pivotal in shaping my commitment to this work.

AR: It’s incredibly powerful to witness things firsthand, especially during such a significant moment. And once you start learning about these issues, it becomes impossible to ignore them.

OB: Exactly

AR: What does it mean to be part of a transnational solidarity network like ICHRP?

OB: Being part of a transnational solidarity network like ICHRP means coming together around a shared commitment to fight oppression and exploitation. It’s a perspective that unites us. Once you become aware of the profound human rights violations happening in the Philippines, particularly against land defenders and poor communities, it’s impossible to look away. What makes these violations even more urgent is that they’re not just caused by local conditions, they are reinforced by the support of foreign powers, including countries like Canada. When you realize that, you feel a strong responsibility to act. What’s also incredibly powerful about being connected to the Philippine struggle is the strength and history of the people’s movement there. The Philippines has endured over 400 years of colonization, and throughout that time, people have continuously resisted. These anti-colonial movements have won significant victories, and that spirit of resistance lives on today through organizations like BAYAN (Bagong Alyansang Makabayan), which unites various sectors of society; women, youth, peasants, fisherfolk, queer people, scientists, and more—around a shared vision for justice.That level of organization is something the international community, including movements here in Canada, can learn from. It shows how struggles against exploitation are interconnected and how solidarity across borders can be a powerful tool for change.

AR: Yeah, absolutely. Thank you for sharing that. It’s so powerful to hear how deeply rooted and organized the movement is, and how those connections across borders really strengthen the work happening here, too. So For someone new to this work, how would you describe the goals of organizations like ICHRP and CPSO?

OB: I’m going to start with the word “liberal.” Canada has a neoliberal relationship with the Philippines, and what that really means is it’s an unequal relationship. Canada benefits economically while ignoring the broader social impacts. For example, Canada profits from extracting natural resources, from cheap migrant labor, and from outsourcing business processes to the Philippines. But there’s no sense of responsibility for what that means in terms of healthcare, education, or the well-being of Filipino communities. That imbalance is really at the core of what organizations like ICHRP and CPSO are trying to address. And with new policies like the Indo-Pacific Strategy, Canada’s presence in the region is only going to grow. That presence is tied to serious human rights concerns—through counterinsurgency efforts, resource extraction, labor exploitation, and violations of workers’ rights. So our work focuses on raising awareness, building solidarity, and pushing back against these forms of systemic injustice.

AR: Thanks for that, I’d like to now dive a bit deeper into some of the specific issues. I have a few questions, starting with labor rights, since that’s something I’m particularly concerned about. What are the most urgent labor rights challenges facing Filipino workers in Canada today; legally, economically, or socially?

OB: One of the most urgent issues is the fundamental right to work. Migration itself often reflects the denial of that right. Whether it's the right to a livelihood or to safe and secure employment.

A good example is a campaign we worked on a few years ago for Danilo De Leon, a migrant worker and cleaner who lost his job and, because he was on a closed work permit, also lost his legal status. That made him undocumented and vulnerable to further exploitation through under-the-table work, with no job security or legal protections. We fought to keep him in Canada on two grounds: first, that his dismissal was unfair, and second, that as an activist and organizer, he faced serious risks if deported back to the Philippines. Both situations highlight how the right to work can be denied here in Canada and in the Philippines. In the Philippines, the economic system is marked by a lack of industrialization, and external economic pressures mean people like Danilo don't have real opportunities for secure work either. On top of that, being a labour activist there can be life-threatening. So, for Filipino migrant workers in Canada, the lack of an inherent right to work and livelihood is at the core of many challenges. This issue also ties into a growing trend of xenophobic labour migration policies, such as increased restrictions on international students, tighter rules around post-graduate work permits, and harsher enforcement of deportations and detentions. These policies increasingly mirror the U.S. model, and we need to pay close attention to how they're impacting migrant workers here.

AR: Okay, that’s interesting. So would you say Canada is adopting a lot of its migrant worker policies from the U.S.?

OB: I think there’s a broader cultural shift happening right now, and we’re already starting to see the effects in Canada’s labor and immigration policies. But I think we’ll see even more changes, especially with the upcoming election and the platforms of some candidates.

The scapegoating of migrants is a major issue. It’s not migrants choosing to work for lower wages, it’s employers and recruiters making those decisions to maximize profit. That’s where the root of the problem lies.

AR: Okay, thank you

OB: I also want to mention a more current campaign: the Tanggol Migrante or Defend Migrants campaign, which is being led by Migrante Ontario, an organization of Filipino migrants here in Canada. It’s a campaign about migrants, by migrants, and for migrants. They’re really at the forefront of defending their rights and exposing what it’s actually like to work here, while pushing back against the myths and misinformation spread by government officials and right-wing narratives. I think it’s important for all of our organizations to support this campaign.

AR: Totally. Thank you for bringing that up. I’ve been really interested in that campaign as well, and I’m hoping to reach out to Migrante about it. I also came across the case involving the recruiter Jeanette Moskito, which really opened my eyes to how serious and repeated recruitment abuses can be. It’s an issue that clearly needs more attention.

OB: Exactly. It’s supposed to be the responsibility of the Philippine consulate to protect overseas workers, but they’ve done very little. Often only taking action when pressured by groups like Migrante Ontario or Migrante BC. Just recently, Migrante BC helped secure a small claims court victory against Promised Land Consultancy, a similar predatory recruiter based in British Columbia. That win is encouraging, but there's still a long way to go.

AR: It’s disturbing that it takes public pressure and shaming just to get a basic response. You’d hope people could turn to their consulate for protection, but that’s often not the case.

OB: One more thing I’ll add from when I was in the Philippines in late 2023. I was deep in the countryside in Mindanao, and even there, on remote coffee plantations, I saw posters advertising work in Canada. They were everywhere. It was shocking to see how far-reaching these recruitment efforts are going to target the most vulnerable, those with the least information about their rights, and in the most desperate conditions. That really stuck with me.

AR: That’s such an important point, especially where those posters are being placed and who they’re targeting. Once people arrive here, many don’t know their rights or who to turn to. And then there’s the added shame of feeling like they can’t return home. It’s a vicious cycle. I didn’t realize the extent of those posters…it’s really eye-opening.

AR: Okay, so let’s talk about Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy. How does ICHRP view Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy in relation to labor exploitation and militarization in the Philippines?

OB: Canada's Indo-Pacific Strategy extends its neoliberal relationship with the Philippines and is part of the broader "Pivot to Asia" led by NATO powers, especially the United States. As Asian economies grow rapidly, Western powers are pursuing two main goals: to secure a share in that economic growth and counter China's increasing influence in a world no longer dominated by a single superpower. Global Affairs Canada has become highly focused on the Indo-Pacific, and the Philippines, Taiwan and South Korea are positioned as key "partners." These are considered "safe" countries for Canadian investment because of their close relationships with ruling elites. However, while the strategy outlines how it will benefit Canadian businesses, it says little about how it will affect people in the region, especially Filipino workers. It makes no mention of the violence linked to extractive industries operated by Canadian corporations or their Philippine subsidiaries. It ignores the lack of labour protections, social support, or human rights safeguards. No mechanisms are in place to hold these partnerships accountable to basic human rights benchmarks. This strategy benefits the political and economic elite: Philippine business dynasties, landlords, and multinational corporations like Dole while exploiting the country's cheap labour and abundant resources. It does nothing to develop local industry or self-sufficiency and instead deepens the cycle of poverty and displacement, pushing more Filipinos to migrate abroad for survival.

AR: I’m also curious about the surveillance aspect of all this. In relation to the Indo-Pacific Strategy, is there an increase in the monitoring or targeting of activists and organizations?

OB: One area where Canada plays a significant role globally is in anti-money laundering legislation and surveillance technology. Through its past collaborations with the Philippine government, Canada has provided tools and training that are now being used to target civil society organizations.

One example is the Cordillera Peoples Alliance, an Indigenous-led organization in Northern Luzon that defends ancestral lands rich in natural resources. These communities have long maintained their cultural practices and territorial autonomy, but their efforts to resist mining and resource exploitation have made them a target. Despite being in a recognized autonomous region, they've been accused of financial crimes under anti-money laundering frameworks, which are politically motivated claims. This kind of targeting is part of the Philippine government's "Whole-of-Nation Approach," which allows all branches of government to participate in a nationwide counterinsurgency campaign. Even local governments that support people's movements must comply with national mandates to suppress them. These efforts are reinforced by the Anti-Terror Law, which grants sweeping powers to silence dissent. Canada's involvement doesn't stop with surveillance. It's now expanding into militarization. One major step was formally recognizing the Balikatan joint military exercises which are war games involving the Philippines, the U.S., France, Australia, and others. These exercises occur in the West Philippine Sea, a contested region with China, and include live-fire drills like sinking ships to demonstrate military strength. Canada's endorsement of these exercises gives them legitimacy and signals support for a militarized regional presence. The next step has been the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, a memorandum of understanding between Canada and the Philippines, the details of which have not been made public despite repeated information requests. In addition, Canada has recently completed negotiations for a Status of Visiting Forces Agreement, modeled directly after the U.S. version, which would allow Canadian military personnel to be stationed in the Philippines. We've seen the consequences of these kinds of agreements before. The U.S. military presence in the Philippines has led to widespread social issues; violence against women, abandoned children, and abuse of local communities near bases. Despite public resistance, these deals keep getting signed. Now, Canada is following the same path, seeking to put boots on the ground, which increases the risk of gender-based violence, war escalation, and turning the Philippines into a proxy battleground between Western powers and China.

AR: This is so upsetting, Hearing how deeply these systems are interconnected—and how directly they harm communities. It’s hard to take in.

OB: Yes, it’s incredibly upsetting.

AR: Are there connections ICHRP sees between Canada’s labor migration policies and the systemic issues facing Filipino workers in Canada and abroad?

OB: This is also an excellent question for Migrante since they focus directly on migrant organizing. However, from ICHRP’s standpoint, one of the most significant connections is the lack of national industrialization in the Philippines.

For example, the country has abundant natural resources like iron ore and a large labour force but no essential steel production. Without that foundational industry, the Philippines depends on foreign businesses for industrial development. This lack of self-sustaining jobs creates massive pressure for people to seek work abroad. With a population of over 110 million, many Filipinos have no choice.At the same time, because of currency differences, even a tiny amount of money sent home from abroad can significantly impact a family’s ability to access education, healthcare, or even a burial. For many, that’s the difference between sending their kids to a struggling public school or not at all and being able to afford private school where there might be food and shelter. Remittances comprise around 10% of the Philippine economy, and the rest is mainly agrarian, meaning people survive on farming and food production, which often doesn’t meet other essential needs. So you have these push factors: economic instability, lack of opportunity, and failing infrastructure, and then there are pull factors. Many wealthier countries build their economies on cheap labour. They pay workers far below market value while selling goods at full price, which inflates their profits and strengthens their economies and currencies. It’s a global system that depends on inequality. During the pandemic, Canada relied on migrant workers to keep the economy afloat. But now we’re seeing a political shift. There’s growing rhetoric that frames migrants as a burden, blaming them for inflation, housing shortages, and high rent. This scapegoating feeds into campaigns that encourage migrants to leave, ignoring the fact that Canada actively benefits from their labour.

AR: That’s all I wanted to cover in terms of policy. For my last question, I’d like to shift the focus towards action. What can students and artists in Canada do to support human rights and labor justice in the Philippines?

OB: Art is such a powerful tool for education and connection. It allows people to relate emotionally and humanely to struggles that might otherwise feel distant. Artists can use their practice to uplift the stories of Filipino communities, especially those actively fighting for justice. That might mean collaborating with migrant workers here, organizing performances or exhibits, travelling to the Philippines on a learning tour and creating work based on that experience. Fundraisers are another meaningful way to contribute. Artists could sell prints, host events, or perform, with proceeds supporting grassroots organizations. These efforts not only raise money but also build community and awareness. And to emphasize, all art is political. Whether or not you see your work that way, it reinforces or challenges existing systems. Your work now, sharing stories and building connections, is a perfect example of solidarity through creativity.

AR: Thank you. I’ve been thinking about how artists and collectives might organize fundraisers or donate a portion of sales. Can you speak a bit more about how fundraising works within ICHRP or CPSO?

OB: Generally, both ICHRP and CPSO don’t fundraise for internal costs because our work is volunteer-led and grassroots. Most of our fundraising efforts are either to lower barriers to participation (like covering costs for people to attend exposure trips or conferences) or to support specific campaigns. For example, ICHRP recently hosted an event on climate justice and militarization in the Philippines and raised funds for UMA, the Agricultural Workers Union. That fundraiser was in direct response to a request from UMA, and it aligned with the theme of our event. We often call this “people-to-people fundraising.”

Hillary (CPSO): Right now, CPSO is supporting Friends of the Filipino People in Struggle (FFPS) and encouraging folks to become monthly sustainers, which helps fund their political advocacy work throughout the year. One important date coming up is April 26, a Global Day of Action in support of the Filipino people’s fight for a just and lasting peace. There’s also a counter-action against NATO planned for June, and CPSO is mobilizing folks to attend CANSEC, Canada’s largest weapons expo, in Ottawa this May.

Rei (CPSO): We also organize cultural fundraising events tied to urgent campaigns. For example, during a recent typhoon relief effort led by Migrante, we held a community event with performances, tabling, and even bake sales. Many of the artists and bakers weren’t formally involved with an organization they just wanted to contribute. If artists or collectives are interested in participating, we are open to collaboration. They could donate prints, stickers, or other works for sale, event table. And if a collective sees themselves as politically engaged, they can also consider joining FFPS directly or becoming an affiliated group.

AR: Thank you Rei and Hillary for your insight, I believe that there are many members of the artist community that would be supportive of your cause and have a lot of fun with fundraising.

AR: Are there specific campaigns or actions that ICHRP is leading that people can plug into?

OB: Yes! ICHRP is focusing on three major campaigns right now. Justice for Duterte's Victims – Calling for the arrest and conviction of Rodrigo Duterte through the International Criminal Court. This is a major victory for the victims of the drug war and for the international solidarity movement. But it needs continued pressure to move forward.

Opposing the Status of Visiting Forces Agreement – This agreement would allow Canadian troops to be stationed in the Philippines and mirrors a similar, deeply harmful agreement with the U.S. that has led to widespread violence and abuse. We're calling for this agreement to be stopped. And supporting the Peace Talks – In the context of the civil war, peace talks offer a chance to address the root causes of violence. They’re grounded in a proposed Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER), which speaks to many of the systemic issues we’ve discussed today: landlessness, poverty, and exploitation.These campaigns relate to both external pressures, like U.S. and Canadian militarization and internal counterinsurgency efforts by the Philippine government. Supporting these campaigns means standing against violence and standing for long-term, structural change.

AR: It’s especially important for people here in Canada to understand the role our government plays and how we can help push for accountability and justice, whether that’s through solidarity, raising awareness, or just showing up. What message do you hope young people take away from this work, and how can they stay involved long-term?

OB: The most important thing you can do is join an organization. It doesn’t have to be overwhelming. There are different levels of involvement. But when you’re part of a collective, figuring out how to respond to these massive issues doesn’t fall entirely on your shoulders. You’re in it together. ICHRP and FFPS are trusted coalitions doing this work for a long time. We can support you whether you want to start your own group, join as an individual, or help your organization plug into a broader network. And if you’re not ready to organize just yet, you can still come to action, stay informed, make art, raise funds, or help spread the word. And if you ever have the chance visit the Philippines on a learning tour. Not a vacation, although it’s beautiful there, but a real opportunity to understand the movement firsthand. It’s life-changing.

AR: That was incredibly comprehensive, thank you so much Olivia! This conversation really meant a lot to me. I’ve learned so much, and I’m leaving with a deeper understanding of these issues and how they connect. Thank you as well to Rei and Hillary for being here, your insights were so appreciated.

OB: I’m glad I could share my knowledge and I’m excited to see where you take this work.

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