#Sanandaj

[post-leffert]

Sanandaj, Rojhelat, Iran (Oct 8th 2022)

[nando161mando]

Last night in Sine/Saneh/Sanandaj of Rojhelat/NW Iran,

the people still demand death to the "Supreme" Leader Khamenei.

I merged 3 videos for you.

[tomandjerrytour]

Sanandaj in Irani Kurdistan 🇮🇷 - My bad start

[loneranger0369]

Meanwhile... The Politicians of my "great" Country are so corrupt, that they care about nothing but themselves and their Glory...

Will you do anything regarding this, Modi?

Will the Indian Army do anything?

Everyone in the U.S please reach out to your local representatives ASAP. Call your Congress member’s office, write letters and let them know if they help us today they gain our votes but if you don’t care about human rights and look the other away from the horrible events that are taking place in Iran we will not stand by you! Spread the word, spread the love 💯💯❤️💯💯 @chelseahartisme Thank you for caring, thank you for educating!

[mkn314]

وریشه مرادی(جوانه سنه)، زندانی سیاسی به اعدام محکوم شد

Continue reading وریشه مرادی(جوانه سنه)، زندانی سیاسی به اعدام محکوم شد

[parsabad]

Jameh Mosque/ Sanandaj/ Iran

Photography: amirhossain mirmoini

[estera-shirin]

Ketubbah—Sanandaj, Rojhelat (Iranian Kurdistan) ca. 1920

This GORGEOUS ketubbah is from Sanandaj!

According to the museum: "A most unusual painted Ketubah both in the form of the decoration and the aesthetic form of the text. The brilliant colors and decorative forms are typical of the area of Iranian Kurdistan, particularly the city of Sanandaj."

[humansofnewyork]

(51/54) “It’s coming. In the streets it is silent. But in the homes, where Iran still lives, the drumbeat is building. The anger is building. The impatience is building, and soon it will come out. Iran will come out. Our young women have been leading us. But we cannot let them march one-by-one into the night. Do not pass by silently if a woman is getting harassed in the street. Do not let them be called whores or sluts. Speak! Say this is not right! Your neighbor will hear you, and they will say it too. Until all of us are saying it together. The only way to take the battlefield is together. Those of us in free societies, with the freedom to speak, and write, and protest. Do not sit behind the walls of your castle. Write. Speak. Protest. We don’t need the same chants, or the same slogans. But let us come together. Even if it’s only around our dining room tables, let us come together. We cannot let them face the enemy alone. In Iran they are standing up: the students of Tehran, the truck drivers of Bandar Abbas, the oil workers of Khuzestan, the factory workers of Pooladshahr, the teachers of Sanandaj, the farmers of Isfahan. Everyone has found their own way of saying: ‘This does not work for us.’ Everyone is choosing their own words, but now let us say them all together. If you can’t find the courage to march in the streets, then just open your doors. Stand on your stoop as the protesters pass. That would be enough. If everyone who is against this regime could only do that, we’d fill all of Iran. It will be the end. These enforcers, these soldiers, these policemen, they will realize. They will finally see: that we are together, and they are alone. There is only one battle left. The fight against fear. When we win against the fear in our hearts, we win Iran. And in the words of Ferdowsi: ‘Without fighting, they will flee the scene.’”

 خیابان‌ها آرام‌اند. اما درون خانه‌ها، جایی که ایران هنوز زنده است، بانگ کوس‌ها رساتر می‌شود. خشم‌ها پدیدار می‌شوند. ایران رخ می‌نماید. زنان جوان‌مان رهبری را بر عهده گرفته‌اند. نگذاریم یکایک در تاریکی شب ناپدید شوند. تنها راه پیروزی در میدان نبرد همبستگی‌ست. ما که در جامعه‌های آزاد زندگی می‌کنیم و آزادی سخن گفتن، آزادی نوشتن، آزادی گرد هم آمدن داریم. پشت دیوارها‌تان نمانید. بنویسید! سخن بگویید! خود را نشان دهید! نیازی نیست که شعارها‌مان، اعتراض‌ها‌مان یا سرودهای‌مان یکسان باشند. بیایید با هم باشیم. حتا اگر پیرامون سفره‌‌مان باشد. بیایید با هم باشیم. نگذاریم به تنهایی با دشمن روبرو شوند! در ایران همه به پا خاسته‌اند. دانش‌آموزان تهران. رانندگان کامیون‌های بندرعباس. کارگران صنعت نفت خوزستان. کارگران کارخانه‌ی پولادشهر. آموزگاران سنندج. کشاورزان اصفهان. هر کدام راه خود را پیدا کرده‌اند تا بگویند: "دیگر این برای ما کارآمد نیست.” هر کسی واژگان خود را برمی‌گزیند، بیایید هم‌آوا و همراه آنرا فریاد بزنیم. خاموش نمانید. بی‌اراده از کنار زنی که در خیابان آزار می‌شود، نگذرید. نگذاریم آنها را فاحشه یا هرزه بنامند. سخنی بگویید! بگویید که این کارتان درست نیست! دست از زشت‌کاری‌هایتان بردارید! همسایه‌تان می‌شنود و او نیز با شما همصدا خواهد شد. تا زمانی که همه‌ی ما همصدا آنرا تکرار کنیم. بیایید با هم باشیم. اگر شجاعت پیوستن به راهپیمایی‌های خیابانی را ندارید، درِ خانه‌‌هایتان را بگشایید. جلو در بایستید و تماشاگر حرکت پهلوانان‌تان باشید. اگر این کار را انجام دهیم، همه‌ی ایران را پُر خواهیم کرد. این نبرد پایانی ماست: نبرد با ترس. هنگامی که بر آن پیروز شویم، ایران از آن ما خواهد شد. هنگامی که ایران بُرون آید، به معنای راستین بُرون آید، به پایان شوربختی‌ها می‌رسیم. سرکوب‌گران، پاسدارها، نیروهای انتظامی، همه خواهند دید و خواهند فهمید که ما با‌همیم و آنها تنها. همانگونه که فردوسی می‌گوید: همه جنگ ناکرده، بگریختند / همه دشت، تیر و کمان ریختند

[mariacallous]

As Iranians head to a run-off presidential election this week to replace the late leader Ebrahim Raisi, one key—and unusual—electoral issue continues to grip the country.

While previous elections focused largely on the issues of civil liberties, women’s rights, and fraught relations with the West, immigration has also featured prominently in this year’s debate. Almost every candidate in the tightly controlled showdown touched upon the influx of asylum-seekers from Afghanistan and the socioeconomic ripple effect that it has created in Iran.

Discrimination and racial prejudice against Afghans have recently been on the rise in Iran, especially as economic hardships take a toll on citizens squeezed by corruption and poor governance at home and the burden of international sanctions from abroad.

According to the country’s latest census in 2016, more than 1.58 million Afghan nationals lived in Iran—making up roughly 90 percent of the country’s migrant population. Following the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, the latest United Nations figures now put the number of Afghan refugees living in Iran at 3.7 million.

In its 2023 country report on Iran, Amnesty International cited “barriers to education, housing, employment, health care, banking services and freedom of movement” as the major cases of discrimination against Afghans. Roughly half of the country’s 31 provinces are regions that Afghan nationals aren’t allowed in by executive mandate. These include either the more economically advantaged provinces or those at the heart of acute ethnic fault lines in Iran.

Afghanistan is one of the only three Persian-speaking countries, meaning that there is no major language barrier between Afghans and Iranians. In religious terms, Islamic practices have tied the two nations for centuries. Culturally, commonalities are manifold and the two peoples’ admiration for such relics of a shared past as the Nowruz festival or the poetry of Rumi and Ferdowsi remains ironclad.

Against this backdrop, it’s shocking that the public discourse among Iranians about Afghans fleeing the Taliban’s tyranny has become so toxic. In preserving its imagined sociopolitical boundaries, Iran’s clerical establishment has reproduced negative clichés about a vulnerable community, making it more convenient for disgruntled masses to blame them for their country’s mishaps.

A succession of hate crimes and violent acts targeting Afghan migrants, often provoked by the irresponsible rhetoric of politicians and state media, testifies to an overtly unwelcoming and intimidating environment for the desperate asylum-seekers. Security forces mistreating Afghan nationals at ports of entry and public venues through physical abuse, verbal aggression and other forms of humiliating behavior has become routine.

In the absence of accountability for the state, ordinary Iranians have also become complicit in a pattern of villainizing and mistreating Afghans. Last April, an upscale shopping center in Tehran banned Afghans from entering the mall for four days. In October, a video circulated online showing a group of men in the city of Sanandaj beating a young Afghan refugee. And last December, following the killing of a 17-year-old Iranian from the city of Meybod, an angry mob attacked a housing estate hosting Afghan refugees, setting several apartments on fire.

The teenager was reportedly killed in a street fight that implicated an Afghan migrant, and his death reignited anti-Afghan sentiments that erupt in Iran from time to time. The second-largest city of the province of Yazd, Meybod hosts nearly 12,000 Afghans; after the incident, local authorities said that they would enforce restrictions on the living conditions of the “alien residents,” including walling their housing complexes off from the rest of the city.

Iranians are economically frustrated, seeing the government as unable to address their basic needs. In a petroleum-rich and relatively wealthy country, the World Bank has reported that 28 percent of the population is living under the poverty threshold and a further 40 percent is on the verge of falling into poverty. The youth unemployment rate stands above 22 percent, and the inflation rate is over 37 percent—higher than that of war-torn Yemen, for example.

The proliferation of anti-Afghan sentiment in the public domain was reinforced by the hostile rhetoric of the Raisi administration, which weaponized a mix of nationalism and religious zeal to rally a base of conservative loyalists around an anti-immigration platform. A hashtag in Persian that reads “expulsion of Afghans is a national demand,” now trending nationally, has been promoted by hardline sympathizers of the government, who have spoken ill of Afghan migrants as manipulating Iran’s demographic makeup and usurping job opportunities.

“I think Iranians have a long history of Persian chauvinism toward Afghans, Arabs, and other regional neighbors,” said Sahar Razavi, director of the Iranian and Middle Eastern Studies Center at California State University in Sacramento. “The chauvinism obscures, for so many Iranians, those shared cultural, linguistic, and historical aspects between Afghan and Iranian societies.”

While mirroring the predispositions of far-right European parties and the U.S. Republican Party in their aversion to so-called out-groups, Iran’s hard-liners have not been shy about their denigration of Afghans as an inferior racial identity.

In last week’s presidential debate, former U.S. President Donald Trump made the demonization of migrants to the United States his key talking point. A similar dynamic can be seen playing out in Iran.

On Persian-language social media, stereotyping of Afghans as drug addicts, smugglers, violent criminals, and sexual predators is prevalent. In September 2021, when Iran’s state television aired a series called The Neighbor, the show’s producers received criticism for detailing the plight of Afghan migrants and humanizing their stories.

Spurred by lingering economic woes, the Islamic Republic insists it doesn’t have the resources to host more Afghans. According to a report published by the Danish Refugee Council, Iranian authorities have deported more than 1 million Afghan refugees since 2022. Some deportees have complained about facing maltreatment at the hands of law enforcement officers. Newer Afghan arrivals are likely to face an uphill battle as well.

“Despite their claims of liberal-mindedness and cosmopolitanism, many Iranians exhibit popular prejudice and condescending attitudes not only toward immigrants but also minority ethnic groups such as Kurds, Arabs, and Azeris,” said Mehrzad Boroujerdi, an Iran expert and Dean of College of Arts, Sciences, and Education at Missouri University of Science and Technology.

Still, Boroujerdi says there are other factors that fuel anti-Afghan hostility, such as a perception that the Iranian government recruits impoverished Afghans into militia groups in exchange for economic and social rights for them when they settle.

As in other host societies receiving large numbers of asylum-seekers, the fear of vanishing jobs or declining social mobility because of new border arrivals continues to animate anti-immigrant stereotypes. What is idiosyncratic is that in a homogenous country reeling from chronic isolation, and where the plurality of the citizens may spend their lives interacting only with other Iranians, accommodating Afghans as the only external presence has become such a daunting task.

In the absence of prudent leaders to bring reason to the debate, the Iranian public—often self-assured about its progressivism—is negating its self-styled image of hospitality and displaying the unseen contours of its racial tolerance.

[goshminherz]

Ирано-иракская война шла 8 лет (с 1980 по 1988) и велась с крайним ожесточением. Было испробовано все, от мясных штурмов и ковровых бомбардироволк городов до газа табун. Ирак потерял 250000 солдат, Иран - в 2 раза больше. Примирить стороны казалось невозможным. Но война быстро закончилась, когда стороны взялись за систематическое уничтожение нефтяных структур друг друга.

В 1986 году добыча нефти в Иране снизилась на 5 процентов, а экспорт — на 8. Казалось бы, 5 и 8 процентов - это какие-то пустяки. Но Иран, который собирался воевать до победного конца, неожиданно начал задумываться.

27 февраля 1988 ВВС Ирака осуществили успешную бомбардировку нефтеперерабатывающего завода в Тегеране, а в марте того же года в результате авиаудара тяжёлых бомбардировщиков по острову Харк были потоплены два иранских супертанкера (Anaj и Sanandaj). Летом этого года иракские самолёты бомбардировали объекты иранской нефтепромышленности и недостроенную АЭС Бушер.

6 августа Иран согласился на мирные переговоры. В тот же день Саддам Хусейн объявил о победе в войне и вступлении в силу перемирия. 7 августа его условия были согласованы с Ираном. Перемирие вступило в силу с 20 августа 1988 года, и ирано-иракская война завершилась.

МОРАЛЬ

Если ведешь войну с нефтяной державой, то единственная возможность склонить её к миру - это систематическая работа с нефтянкой. Нефтяная отрасль в��сьма уязвима в силу своей инфраструктуры и тем, что перерабатывает горючие вещества. Ещё раз оцените 5 и 8 процентов.

[humanrightsupdates]

Iran: New President Should End Abuse of Border Couriers

(Beirut) – Iranian authorities under the new president should halt their use of excessive and lethal force at the Iran-Iraq border against predominantly Kurdish kulbars (border couriers), who come from marginalized communities, Human Rights Watch and the Centre for Supporters of Human Rights (CSHR) said today.

Masoud Pezeshkian, the newly elected president of Iran, said during his presidential campaign in Sanandaj in June 2024: “It is shameful that our youth have to engage in kulbari [transporting goods across border] for a piece of bread. We must establish a border that facilitates trade, not kulbari.” Just three days after Pezeshkian’s election, five border couriers were shot at the border in Nowsud, in Kermanshah province, which led to the death of one of them, according to Kurdistan Human Rights Network.

“Marginalized Kurdish communities often turn to bringing goods over the border, legally or not, for lack of other economic opportunities,” said Nahid Naghshbandi, acting Iran researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Incoming President Pezeshkian should prioritize improving the state’s treatment of minorities, including the Kurdish border communities.”

On July 8, 2024, Human Rights Watch released an investigation into Iranian authorities’ serious violations against border couriers. On the same day, CSHR released a report that investigated the socioeconomic, legal, and human rights factors that shape the lives of Kurdish border couriers.

The research by CSHR and Human Rights Watch illustrates how Kurdish border couriers reflect broader systemic government failures in Iran’s underdeveloped border regions, the groups said. Driven by poverty, border couriers confront constant dangers from harsh terrain and lethal force used by Iranian security forces.

In June 2023, a member of the Iranian parliament’s National Security Commission announced the completion of a review of pending legislation, with proposed amendments that not only would broaden security forces’ ability to use firearms against border couriers but also the conditions under which they can do so. If passed into law, the amendments would put border couriers at even greater risk.

[post-leffert]

Sanandaj, Rojhelat, Iran (Oct 8th 2022)

[nando161mando]

"Another day of countrywide protest against starvation pensions and for decent conditions for pensioners under the Iran-regime, this time with particular focus on retired teachers.

Here's two arbitrary videos from an event in Saneh/Sine/Sanandaj of Rojhelat/NW Iran, out of several others."

[ritchiepage2001newaccount]

CorpMedia #Oligarchs #MegaBanks vs #Union #Occupy #NoDAPL #BLM #SDF #DACA #MeToo #Humanity #FeelTheBern

JinJiyanAzadi #BijiRojava US-backed forces seize parts of 'IS' capital Raqqa [UPDATES]

An alliance of Kurdish and Arab forces have made significant gains in their offensive to liberate the Syrian city. Human rights groups have warned of the challenges presented by 160,000 civilians still living in Raqqa…

RELATED UPDATE: U.S. troops begin pulling out of Syria, leaving Kurds without support

RELATED UPDATE: Arabs Across Syria Join the Kurdish-Led Syrian Democratic Forces

RELATED UPDATE: Exclusive: Kurdish-led Syria force vows to meet tribal demands after clash

https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/kurdish-led-syria-force-vows-meet-tribal-demands-after-clash-2023-09-07/

RELATED UPDATE: Report on Government Militarization in Kurdistan on the 'Jin, Jiyan, Azadi' Movement Anniversary

RELATED UPDATE: 27t, October 2023; The anniversary of the state murder of Eight Kurdish citizens the martyrs of the revolutionary uprising of Jin, Jiyan, Azadi in Sanandaj, Mahabad, Baneh and Tehran

RELATED UPDATE: Another Kurdish ‘Jin Jiyan Azadi’ protester sentenced to death in Iran

RELATED UPDATE: Turkish UCAV attacks claim the lives of three Syriac Military Council fighters in Derik

RELATED UPDATE: SDF liberates citizen, kidnapped in Raqqa city

FURTHER READING:

[lephenixkurde]

Liberté pour Varisheh Moradi, militante kurde des droits des femmes, condamnée à mort en Iran

IRAN : Les avocats de Varisheh Moradi, une militante politique kurde et défenseure des droits des femmes, ont appris le dimanche 10 novembre que leur cliente a été condamnée à mort par le pouvoir judiciaire iranien pour des accusations de "rébellion".

Membre de la Société des femmes libres du Kurdistan oriental, Mme Moradi a été arrêtée par des agents des services de renseignement iraniens dans la banlieue de Sanandaj le 31 juillet 2023 et transférée à Téhéran. En janvier 2024, après la fin de son interrogatoire et de nombreux actes de torture à son encontre, elle a été transférée du quartier 209 de la prison d’Evin au quartier des femmes où elle est détenue pour "baghi ​" (terme utilisé par la justice iranienne pour désigner une personne qui s’oppose aux dirigeants islamiques et prend position contre eux) en raison de son appartenance supposée à l’un des partis d’opposition au régime, en l'occurrence, le Parti pour une vie libre au Kurdistan (PJAK).

Le 10 octobre 2024, journée mondiale pour l'abolition de la peine de mort, elle avait entamé une grève de la faim pour protester contre cette peine régulièrement prononcée et exécutée en Iran, mais aussi contre sa détention prolongée, l’incertitude de sa situation, ainsi que contre le fait qu’elle soit privée de visites de sa famille et de son avocat depuis mai 2024. La détérioration de son état de santé l'avait contrainte à arrêter cette grève de la faim au bout de 20 jours.

[farzadmehdinia]

About

Farzad Mehdi Nia is a Kurdish world musical artist, singer and songwriter.

He started his professional work since 2013. He became famous after he participated in the competition program Kurd Idol 2017.

He quickly became one of the favorite contestants in the show with high rate of the public votes at the semi-final and ended up as the runner-up

Farzad plays the instrument Saz *Tar and tries to renew five thousand years old music from Hawraman and renew the songs to be played with music instruments, create notes for them and has tried to sing a Hawrami song with orchestra٫

Before Fame

He came in first place at the 9th music festival in Borujen and the big gold medal in the Borujen-Iran 2015 festival.

Discography

• Hawaroo Sani (2021)

This album was his first album, it’s music was arranged by Rebaz Sadeq

• Haralle single (2022)

The music was arranged by Fazel Nick Raftar

• Hawaroo Yara (2022)

This was his second album and the music was arranged by several musicians from the cities Mahabad and Sanandaj:

Kawa Faqih Zachery the Dirigent of Mahabad orchestra, Xalil Abdulla, Kasra Kawa, Fazel Nick Raftar, Poria Warziri and some help by Adnan Karim

Family life

Farzad Mehdi Nia was born June 1, 1987 in a village named Zhivar located in Hawraman in Kurdistan / Iran.

He spend his early life in the village and moved to Tehran in age 18.

The year 2019, he moved to Sweden and he is living in Stockholm science then.

Other cultural works and engagements

* He has worked to collect works by Hawraman artists like Professor Hassan-e Khavar.

* He has been a member of the board of the Besarani Literary Cultural Association.

* He has been with the publication of the poems of Mullah Vahab Ariyan, through that publication he held Hawrami language courses in the deprived villages and districts of Kurdistan

* He was instrumental in establishing the first library of all Hawrami in Hawraman City. In four years he was a member of the Hawraman Qalam Institute, which conducts cultural events.

* He was one of the founders of the company to prevent the closure of the water dam in the village of Belbar. Closing the dam would cause severe damage to the environment and its natural texture.