#Property Loan Calculator Newcastle
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wisebuyinvestment · 4 years ago
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Having the right home loan is what makes all this possible. If you are looking for Home Equity Loans Newcastle then contacting us is the best option. We have professional experts in our team who can guide you related to Equity loans, so contact us immediately! We take the time and hassle out of shopping around for a home loan and guide you through the process to help you make better choices with your finances.
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kempenergy · 2 years ago
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Installing a Solar Panel System in Newcastle
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If you are considering installing a solar system in Newcastle, you will want to choose a company that offers tailor-made solutions. They make sure that their systems are built with the highest quality materials and will last for years to come. HCB Solar is a local company that has been helping people power their homes since 2007. The company only uses trusted products, so you can rest assured that you are getting the best value for money. Quality is more important than price, and they believe that quality should never be compromised.
Maximum system size allowed for a solar panel system in Newcastle
The maximum system size allowed for a solar panel system can vary, depending on your electricity retailer and your local network. Some networks will allow up to 10kW, while others will not. Some networks will count the capacity of your battery inverter as generation, while others will base their limit on the peak capacity of your solar array.
Most solar panels fall within 260 to 310 watts, although there are some premium panels that can reach 360 watts or more. SunPower's X-22 model, for example, has a 360 watt capacity.
Feed-in tariffs for solar panels in Newcastle
If you've been thinking about installing solar panels on your property in Newcastle, you're in luck. Australia is known as a land of extreme sun, and Newcastle receives 5.3 hours of peak sunlight per square meter per day. This is the kind of concentrated sunlight that solar panels need. In Newcastle, a five kW solar system can generate up to 7,330 kWh of electricity per year. The average household in Newcastle only uses about half of this energy, but if you sell any of it back to the grid, you can receive hundreds of dollars in feed-in credits each year.
One of the great things about solar panels is that they can help you reduce your energy costs. Using solar panels will reduce your dependence on mains electric power, which will in turn help the environment. Of course, your savings will vary based on several factors, and a solar system calculator will help you estimate how much you could save.
Cost of solar panels in Newcastle
The cost of solar panels in Newcastle, California depends on many factors, including the cost of electricity in the area, available incentives, and sun angle. If you're planning to go solar in Newcastle, California, a $0-down loan may help you start saving right away. However, the savings you'll make in the long run will be less than if you put down a significant amount of money.
For a more accurate cost estimate, you can use solar comparison sites. You can also call one of the leading solar companies in Newcastle and request a free solar consultation.
HCB Solar is a local solar installation company
HCB Solar is a family-owned, Newcastle-based solar energy solutions company that also offers industrial electrical services and system maintenance. Operating in the area for over 60 years, HCB Solar has a background in solar energy and a passion for local business.
HCB Solar specializes in solar energy solutions for both commercial and residential buildings. They are a leader in solar energy system design and installation in Newcastle, and they also offer repairs and maintenance for existing solar panels.
Charge Around Australia
A team of researchers from the "University of Newcastle" in Australia plans to travel across the coastline of Australia in September with an 18-metre-long solar panel system. The team is hoping to dispel range anxiety about electric vehicles and demonstrate the efficiency of solar technology for car charging. The project will also see scientists visiting 70 schools to teach students about renewable energy technologies.
The team used commercial printers, originally designed for printing wine labels, to create solar panels. The panels are made of lightweight PET plastic laminated together and cost just $10 per square metre. The team hopes to inspire Australians to switch to electric vehicles and they plan to visit at least 70 schools in their 84-day journey.
Optimisers
Optimisers are solar panel components that track and optimize the output of solar panels Newcastle. They are especially useful for homes with complex roofs and small objects that can cause shading. The optimisers track each cell's efficiency and adjust the system to increase output from cells receiving the most sunlight.
These devices are attached to each solar panel and optimise the power output of each module. The power generated by each panel is transmitted at high voltage DC, typically 200-600VDC, through the system. A single string inverter then converts the DC into AC.
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hvsolarau · 2 years ago
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How a Commercial Solar System Can Save You Money and Reduce Your Carbon Footprint
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Whether you have a small business or a large industrial enterprise, a commercial solar system will help you save money and reduce your carbon footprint. To learn more about solar power, call 1300 361 682 to schedule your free solar consultation. During your free consultation, you'll find out the many benefits of solar power and how much it will cost, as well as the potential return on investment.
Benefits
Installing solar panels on a commercial property is a smart investment that pays dividends in the long run. Not only does it reduce your electric bill, but it can also add tax-exempt value to your property. This is true even if you have taken out a loan to purchase the solar panels. The loan payment is normally much smaller than your monthly electricity bill. In addition to saving money on your electricity bills, solar panels can reduce your utility bill by as much as 4.1% on average.
Installing solar panels on a commercial property can increase the value of your property and make it more appealing to potential buyers. A building that is equipped with solar panels is more likely to sell faster and for a higher price. People are increasingly concerned about the environment, so a commercial solar system can help you achieve this goal. By installing a solar panel on your commercial property, you can save money every month on your electricity bill while reducing your carbon footprint.
Cost
The cost of a commercial solar system in Newcastle varies depending on the size and type of system you choose. The basic system costs between $25,000 and $30000. Commercial solar panels can be as large as 30 kW and can generate as much as 127 kWh per day. Larger systems have higher costs but can save you money in the long run.
Commercial solar panels in Newcastle are a great way to reduce your power bills. Not only will they save you money, but they also increase your property value. In addition, they will reduce your carbon footprint.
Inverter
If you're looking to buy an inverter for your commercial solar system in Newcastle, you've come to the right place. This important piece of equipment converts the solar energy you generate into usable electricity. A 20kW system costs $8392, and includes about 55-60 panels. It can produce approximately 85 kWh per day in Newcastle, while a 30kW system contains 82-100 panels and can generate up to 127 kWh daily.
Adding solar panels to your property can also increase its value. The right Newcastle solar panel installer can help you maximize the value of your property. And if you're a business owner, you can benefit from government rebates under the Small-scale Renewable Energy Scheme, which encourages the use of renewable energy.
Return on investment
A commercial solar energy system will not only reduce your energy costs, but it will also increase your property value. The installation of solar panels will help you reduce your dependency on mains electric power, which is expensive these days. You can use a solar system calculator to determine how much you can save from your installation.
On average, a solar system will pay for itself within seven years. It can pay for itself in around four and a half years for a business that uses 25% of its energy from solar energy. Even a 50% solar energy system can pay for itself within three years and three months. A solar energy system will reduce carbon dioxide emissions, which are released into the atmosphere by human activities. These emissions absorb infrared radiation, trapping heat in the atmosphere, and can affect the earth's climate.
Impact on the environment
The installation and operation of a commercial solar energy system may have an impact on the environment in several ways. First, solar facilities require large expanses of land, which can interfere with existing land uses, including wildlife habitat and recreational management areas. Secondly, solar facilities can affect the land through materials exploration, extraction, manufacturing, and disposal. These impacts can be very significant, especially for sensitive species.
Third, the construction and maintenance of solar facilities can cause significant changes in water supplies. Large amounts of water are needed for the cooling of turbine generators and to clean solar collectors. These changes may place a strain on local water supplies and degrade groundwater. Fortunately, solar energy facilities can be designed to minimize or eliminate these effects.
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electorquotes · 5 years ago
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William Coxe, Memoirs of the Administration of the Right Honorable Henry Pelham, 1829
Page 42: Art. XVIII. Certain claims of money, by the king of England, as elector of Hanover, on the crown of Spain; the differences concerning the abbey of St. Hubert, and the boundaries of Hainault; and the courts of justice recently established in the Low Countries, as also the pretensions of the elector-palatine, to be amicably adjusted by commissaries.
Art. XIX. Confirmation of the guaranty of the Protestant Succession of the House of Brunswick, in all its descendants, as fully stipulated in the fifth article of the Quadruple alliance.
Art. XX. All the German territories of the king of England, as elector of Brunswick Lunenburg, guarantied.
Page 49: Motives of Mr. Pelham, for opposing a loan to the Elector of Saxony.
Page 107: Subsidy to the Elector of Bavaria: 22,372. ….. Subsidy to the Elector of Mentz: 8,620.
Page 117: An essential change had also been produced, in the situation of Austria, and in the Germanic system, in general, by the elevation of the Brunswick family to the throne of Great Britain, and by the rapid aggrandizement of the House of Brandenburg. On one side, therefore, the influence of Austria in the empire had been abridged, by that which the king of England acquired as elector of Hanover; and, on the other, its possessions had been curtailed, and its views defeated, by the policy and arms of Frederick, king of Prussia, whose predecessors had quietly filled a subordinate station.
The members of the Germanic body, who had so long recognized one leading principle of union against France, now beheld a second power arise, under the direction of a prince, whose military talents, and increasing resources, rendered him no less efficient as an ally, than formidable as an enemy. Personal antipathy to his nephew, suffice to render George the Second averse to a connection with Prussia; and, as it was impossible to unite two such rivals as Maria Theresa and Frederic, in one common cause, his Majesty adhered to the ancient connection with Austria, without, however, overlooking his own interests and views, as elector of Hanover, increased resources, as king of England.
Page 119: the grand purpose was, to gain eight of the electoral votes, and thereby extort the consent of the king of Prussia, who, it was conjectured, would not venture singly to oppose the election. With this view, the king granted, as elector of Hanover, an annual subsidy of 100,000 florins to the elector of Cologne; but, as he could not subsidize any of the other electors, from his own private resources, it became necessary to appeal to England. Mentz and Treves being considered certain, the duke of Newcastle urged the policy of subsidizing the electors of Bavaria, Palatine, and Saxony; but Mr. Pelham, deeming this scheme subversive of his own plans of economy, refused his consent to any subsidy, excepting that of Bavaria.
Page 120: A negotiation was accordingly opened, with the elector of Bavaria, whose cooperation was purchased, by the promise of an annual payment of £40,000, for the term of six years, of which England was to advance two-thirds, and the Dutch one-third. But the empress queen having signed a declaration, rendering herself responsible for one-fourth, the payment of England was reduced to £20,000, and that of the Dutch to £10,000. This compact was vested with the semblance of a subsidiary treaty, by which the elector agreed to maintain six thousand infantry, at the disposal of the Maritime Powers, with the reservation, that they should not be employed against the emperor or empire; while, in deference to the forms of the Germanic constitution, the real purpose, that he should give his vote to the archduke Joseph, was implied in a general engagement, to support the views of his Britannic Majesty, in promoting the interests of the empire. ….. Footnote: The original term was four years, but the two years were added, in compensation for the claims of the elector to Mirandela and Concordia. See letter from the duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham, dated June 23rd-July 4th, 1750. Illus.. Cortes.
Page 122: Bonn: Footnote; The residence of the elector of Cologne.
…….
The cause of this failure was a farther pecuniary demand, made by the elector of Cologne, for an increase of the former subsidy, paid by the king, as elector of Hanover.
Notwithstanding, however, the defection of the elector of Cologne, and the refusal of Saxony to support the measure, without a subsidy, the duke of Newcastle calculated on the concurrence of the elector Palatine, with whom he had continued his negotiations; and still deemed himself secure of six votes, even should the elector of Cologne persist in his determination. He therefore press the court of Vienna to issue the usual letters of convocation; and the elector of Mentz, to whom, as chancellor of the empire, that office belong, so far entered into the design, as to publish a circular address, on the necessity of assembling the diet.
But, as the elector of Cologne still continue refractory, as the elector Palatin resumed his unreasonable demands, and as the king of Prussia persisted in his opposition, the King of England, on his departure from Hanover, was compiled to leave this favorite project in a state of suspense.
Page 136: Without having concluded any of the pending negotiations, except the treaty with the elector of Bavaria, the king landed in England, on the 4th of November, when the usual preparations were made, for opening the session of parliament.
Page 151: Accordingly, in the committee of supply, on the 22nd of February, he moved for a grant of £30,000, to make good his Majesty’s engagements with the elector of Bavaria, and supported the proposal, with the most judicious arguments that could be adduced in its favor. …… Journals of the Commons. Ways and Means in the Gent. Mag. vol. xxi, p. 247. We cannot explain Mr. Pelham’s motion for a grant of £30,000; because, had England even paid two thirds of the £40,000, as stipulated by the treaty between the Maritime Powers and the elector of Bavaria, the sum would not have exceeded £27,000; but, as the empress queen had agreed to one fourth, or £10,000, the sum to be paid by England was reduced to £20,000; and we find that, excepting this first year, England only paid annually, £20,000, until the term expired. Possibly the additional £10,000 might be the empress sun’s proportion, which was paid for hr, the first year, by England.
Page 156: It does not indeed, nor could it include an express stipulation, binding the elector of Bavaria to give his vote for the young archduke; for that would have been contrary to the fundamental laws of the empire. But the intent of the treaty is generally known; and no one doubts, I believe, that the elector of Bavaria is resolved to concur with his Majesty in that election, which I hope will take place before our next session; for, to all appearance, a majority is secured, and any existing delay can only arise from the endeavor to obtain unanimity, which may perhaps be successful.
“We have no reason to apprehend, that we shall be led into an increase of expense on this account; for the present aspect of European affairs affords ground to hope, that the election will be speedily accomplished, without opposition. But, whatever may be its result, this treaty, as a preliminary, must be allowed to be wise and necessary. Even if we should be disappointed, the separation of the House of Bavaria from France, and its reunion with Austria, is a change in favor of the common cause of Europe, which might well deserve a higher price than that at which it has been purchased. Without farther observations, therefore, I move, ‘that the sum of £30,000 be granted to his Majesty, to enable him to make good his engagements with the elector of Bavaria, according to treaty.’”
The arguments of Mr. Pelham were first combated by Mr. Martin, an adherent of the prince. To shew the utter inefficiency of all subsidies in time of peace, he alluded to the conduct of the Hessians, the Danes, and even of the deceased emperor, Charles the Seventh, who, after accepting pecuniary aids from England, had deserted, or opposed her cause. “In a new war,” he observed, “princes are guided by their actual interests; and, therefore, instead of exulting, that we have detached Bavaria from France, we ought rather to apprehend, that the elector will take the earliest opportunity of resuming the connection.”
Page 174: In justification of the clause, for prolonging the parliament, he observed, that ever since the Revolution, a dissolution or suspension of government had occurred, during general elections, the contagion of which for a time disunity all connections of friendship, and confounded all notions of right and wrong, so utterly, that an elector, after giving his vote to one candidate, would leave the care of his children and property to the antagonist of that very candidate. He declared, farther, “that the constitution sanctioned that bad spirit of disaffection, which made our enemies lie in wait, until they saw how lichens were likely to terminate.
Page 192: Prosecution of the negotiation for election a King of the Romans. — Subsidiary treaty with the Elector of Saxony. — Attempts made to gain the Elector Palatine. — Indifference of the Austrian Court. —
Page 193: No endeavor was spared to strengthen that interest at the court of Dresden, which had been derived from the marriage of the Dauphin, with the eldest daughter of the king of Poland, elector of Saxony; and even the minor princes of the empire were not overlooked, in the various machinations for consolidating an extensive system of alliance. ……. The king of Prussia, emboldened by their defection, as well as by that of Treves, hastened to publish a counter-memorial, to the circular address, issued by the elector of Mentz, in which he reiterated his former arguments, against the legality and expediency of the election.
Page 194: As it was evident, that he was assured of the support of France, the fear of creating a civil war in the empire induced the court of Vienna and the king of england gain to suspend their design; and consequently the elector of Mentz desist from his intention of convoking an electoral diet. …… Amidst these negotiations, the scheme for the election of a king of the Romans was resumed; and, as soon as the affairs in parliament left the king of England at liberty to attend to foreign transactions, attempts were made to gain the king of Poland, elector of Saxony, by a subsidiary treaty.
Page 195: His concurrence was deemed the more important, because, in conjunction with the elector of Bavaria, as a vicar of the empire, he was entitled to a share of the government, in case of an Interregnum, and consequently his rights would have been affected, by the proposed election of a minor. A collateral negotiation was also opened with the elector Palatine, whose vote would have completed the requisite majority. On theo there hand, the courts of Versailles and Berlin were not idle; and while the king of France still affected to disclaim all interference, he secretly encouraged the king of Prussia, in his open resistance to the election, and favored his intrigues with the minor German powers.
Page 196: Nor were the negotiations with the elector Palatine more successful; for he did not confine himself to the demand of a subsidy, but at the instigation of Prussia and France, reiterated his claims on the Austrian court, for territorial acquisitions, and privileges, and even required compensation from the Maritime Powers, for the ravages committed in the Palatinate, during the war of the Spanish Succession. These obstructions again frustrated the design; the court of Vienna not only declining any contribution to the Saxon subsidy, but peremptorily refusing to gratify the elector Palatine with a grant of the territories and privileges which he required. …… This treaty, like that with the elector of Bavaria, was construed as implying an obligation, to concur in the choice of a king of the Romans.
Page 198: After congratulating both Houses on the national prosperity, resulting from the continuance of peace, the king adverted to the treaty with Bavaria, presented during the last session, as part of a series of measures, to be adopted for the security of the empire, and the promotion of the common cause. He now announced that, in conjunction with the States General, he had concluded a treaty with the king of Poland, elector of Saxony, which he should order to be communicated. In adverting to the death of his son-in-law, the prince of Orange, he observed, that this event and produced no change in the government or disposition of Holland; that, on the contrary, the quiet of the country had been secured, the foundations of its political system preserved, and its connection with England confirmed and strengthened, by the unanimity of the States General.
Page 208: The resolution was finally adopted, by a majority of 58 against 19. Notwithstanding the weakness of Opposition, and the general strength of the ministerial party, Mr. Pelham felt some embarrassment, in proposing the grant, for a subsidy, to the elector of Saxony, conformably to the recent treaty.
When the expedient of purchasing the votes of the German electors was adopted, he had acquiesced with undisguised reluctance, in a proceeding so contrary to his political principles, and to his views as a minister of finance. His consent to the Bavarian subsidy had arisen, solely from the hope, that the election of the Archduke would be accomplished without delay. He therefore witnessed with grief and disappointment, the prosecution of negotiations for purchasing the votes and influence of other electors and princes, particularly of the elector of Saxony. In the cabinet, he remonstrated against this measure; made strong representations on the subject to his bother; and even, in a moment of irritation, expressed to his friend Mr. Walpole, who had delivered to the king a memorial against subsidiary treaties in time of peace, his purpose of seconding the opposition to the proposed subsidy, in the House of Commons.
Page 209: but it must be evident, that to render it secure and indubitable, the concurrence of the whole electoral college must be obtained, or at least the utmost possible majority of votes. Hence it became an object of the first necessity, to gain the elector of Saxony, as not only as one of the most powerful princes, but, in case of an interregnum as one of the two vicars of the empire.
Page 211: I still hope, however, that this will be the last expense, which the nation will have to incur, for securing the tranquility of Germany, and of course our own tranquility, together with the free and undisturbed possession of our trade and settlements, in every part of the world. If advantages so important be procured, at so trifling an expense, I am sure it will not be denied, that we have made a cheap purchase: therefore I shall conclude by moving, ‘That a sum not exceeding £32,000 be granted, to enable his Majesty to make good his engagements with the king of Poland, elector of Saxony, pursuant to treaty.
Page 213: He emphatically recounted the advantages, which would accrue from these engagements with the electors of Bavaria and Saxony, the two most probable candidates for the imperial throne, and the two princes, in whom the vicariate of the empire was vested. He also reminded the Opposition, that by securing those princes, his Majesty had removed the chief objection raised by the king of Prussia. Far from imitating the reserve of his brother, he avowed that six votes must be gained, to secure the election; and that the scheme was yet to be carried to a farther extent.
Page 222: Subsidy to the Elector of Bavaria: 20,000. ….. Subsidy to the Elector of Saxony: 32,000
Page 225: Disputes between the King, as Elector of Hanover, and the King of Prussia, relative to East Friesland. — Continuation of the Negotiations for the election of a King of the Romans. — Demands of the Elector Palatine, and opposition of the Court of Vienna. — Anxiety of the Duke of Newcastle for the attainment of this object. — Conditional treaty adjusted between the King of England, and the Elector Palatine. — Preparations for convoking an Electoral Diet. — Opposition of Prussia and France. — Silent abandonment of the design. — Aversion of Mr. Pelham to the grant of farther Subsidies. — Critical state of Foreign affairs. — The King approves Mr. Pelham’s management of the Revenue. — Revolt of the inquiry relative to the affairs of Scotland.
Page 226: At this period new difficulties had arisen, from a serious dispute between the king, as elector of Hanover, and the king of Prussia, concerning their respective pretensions to East Friesland, which on the extinction of the ducal line in 1744, had been occupied by Prussia, in virtue of an expectative or eventual reversion, granted by Leopold the First, to the House of Brandenburg, in 1694. The king of England, as elector of Hanover, at the same time, claimed the duchy, in consequence of an hereditary union, concluded by the House of Brunswick Luneburg, in the year 1691, with Duke Christian Eberhard. ……. Under such unfavorable auspices, the negotiation with the electoral princes was resumed. As Bavaria, Saxony, and Mentz, were already gained, and as the accession of the elector of Cologne was expected, through the influence of his nephew, the elector of Bavaria, every effort was again tried to secure the elector Palatine; and pressing applications were made to the Courts of France and Prussia. Those courts affected a willingness to acquiesce, provided satisfaction were given, for the demands of the elector Palatine, on their Imperial Majesties, as well as on the Maritime Powers; and the election conducted according to the laws and institutions of the empire. The demands appear to have varied, according to the suggestions of France and Prussia; but at length, in addition to his former claims, for the damages committed by the Austrian troops, during the war of the Spanish Succession, and the reversion of the fief of Ortenau, with the privilege de non appellando, for the duchy of Deux Ponts, the elector required a compensation for the supplies of forage, furnished to the English and Dutch troops, before the battle of Dettingne.
Page 227: After a series of discussions on these points, through the intervention of the Court of Versailles, the French minister affected to leave the question to the decision of the king of England himself; and in this reference, the king of Prussia apparently acquiesced. Accordingly, the pecuniary demands of the elector were reduced from 3 million florins to 1.2 million (£120,000), with the consent of France. Of this sum, England and Holland agreed to pay 500,000 florins; and nothing seemed wanting, to render the election successful, but the acquiescence of the court of Vienna, in the discharge of the remainder, and in the grant of the territorial demands of the elector Palatine. …… The king, resenting this unmerited treatment, declared, that the affair of the election was at an end; that he would instantly recall lord Hyndford, and would not make the slightest pecuniary sacrifice, for the intreats of so unthankful an ally.
The duke of Newcastle, though equally incensed, was unwilling to risk an open breach with the House of Austria. He therefore prevailed on the king to defer the recall of lord Hyndford; and at the same time transmitted to the court of Vienna an ultimatum, which was, that they should contribute 700,000 florins towards the liquidation of the elector Palatine’s claims, and convoke the electoral diet, the refusal of which, he said, would dissolve the union of the Maritime Powers with the House of Austria, and force them to form a connection with France and Prussia.
Page 231: In the same letter, the duke also mentioned an incident, which equally disconcerted and afflicted him. From the information of baron Münchausen, he found, that his Majesty had objected to the additional sum required for the elector Palatine, with the view of obtaining an annual subsidy of £40,000 in favor of Russia; that he deemed himself secure of the duke’s acquiescence; and hoped that he should cajole and manage Mr. Pelham, and thus obtain his consent. …… It was not to be expected that a negotiation, prosecuted under such circumstances, and obstructed by so many conflicting interests, could ultimately succeed. Farther attempts were indeed made, to gratify the elector Palatine; and at length, in the beginning of October, his demands were reduced into the shape of a treaty, which was regularly concluded, between him and the king of England, and was to be ratified, as soon as the acquiescence of Austria could be obtained.
Page 239: The Session was opened on the 11th of January, by a speech rom the throne. The failure of the negotiation with the elector Palatine, precluded, indeed, the necessity of any specific proposition to parliament; but the purpose of the king to persevere in his system of foreign policy, was indicated by the expression, “that the maintenance of the public peace was the object of all his views and negotiations, and that he was proceeding, and should continue to act, on the principles hitherto pursued.”
Page 281: Notwithstanding this collision of sentiment, George II persisted in his purpose; and hoped, by firmness, to extort the acquiescence of the Austrian cabinet in the terms which had been adjusted, at the close of the preceding year, with the elector Palatine. But all his efforts were ineffectual; for the court of Vienna labored rather to entangle England in alliances against the king of Prussia, than to promote the election, to the accomplishment of which they appeared perfectly indifferent.
Page 300: Subsidy to the Elector of Bavaria: £20,000.
Page 335: “Count Fleming was with me this morning, and talked over his foreign system. He was well instructed, and I endeavored to return his civilities as well as I could, without committing myself or you, in any future transactions. I find, the burthen of his song is, assistance for his own court, the consequence of which he magnifies, placing the House of Saxony in the third degree of the Electors, that is, next to the Queen of Hungary and the King of Prussia. I touched with him gently upon the extravagance of his court, and show him how little benefit any subsidy we could give his master, would be to the elector, whilst twice that sum was thrown away in unnecessary expenses. He allowed the weakness of his court, but, at the same time, claimed some acknowledgment, as due to them by way of dédommagement for their losses, and in consequence of the seventh article of the treaty of Warsaw. You may be assured, I did not dwell long with him upon that subject, but got off as civilly as I could. I believe Villiers is the better with this court, for allowing, as I suppose he does, their construction of the treaty.
Page 338: Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham. Angry with the court of Vienna, for persecuting the Protestants, and for suspecting the sincerity of the Electors of Bavaria and Cologne. Hanover, May 20th-31st, 1750. …… “You will see by the inclosed papers, which I send you from Holland, that the affair of the king of the Romans (which the prince of Orange means but he Grand Bul), is made a kind of sine quá non; and you will see by Keith’s letters, they have some doubts about the electors of Cologne, and Bavaria, which the king is angry with them for, but which, however, must be cleared up.”
Page 339: You have here the opinion and wish of the court of Vienna; and though it is mixed with an ill-grounded suspicion, about the imperial authority which they seem to fear is mean to be abridged, by a new capitulation, upon the election of a new king of the Romans, yet the court of Vienna must be bound down by this to be for it; and it will be more difficult for others to get off from it, if there was any such intention; which, as far as relates to the king, I am persuaded there is not. Sternberg tells me, the elector of Cologne makes no difficulty upon this point.
Page 342: “But, to conceal nothing from you, I send, in the greatest confidence, a paper of the Grosvoigt Munchausen’s upon it. He states all the difficulties, and, I think, great and able as he is, they are not so great as they seem to him. Was he in getter humor, I am persuaded, he would see this thing in a different light; but my good friend, his bother, assures me, mon frère pense comme vous; je le ramenerai. The king has not yet said one word to him, upon this great point, and, I believe, very little, upon the treaty with the elector of Bavaria.
“Haslang is the greatest loiterer that ever was. He is not yet come. His secretary has been here, with his last orders, above this week; and by what he says, all will go well, and I do not perceive by him, that the affair of the king of the Romans will create any difficulty. The security for the payment of the Dutch proportion, will be the material point, and that, I think, we shall get over; so that, if the article about the king of the Romans, goes down, and the elector of Bavaria will previously concur, I look upon that treaty as concluded. By all the appearances here, we shall have the Elector Palatine also. If so, the king of Prussia will not stand out, and then, dear Brother, the collecting and uniting all the different princes and electors, of the empire, in one same system, either actively, or passively, is a great work, deserves to be attended to, and will be a sufficient reward for all he paints that can be taken to bring it about. I am afraid you will be tired with my German politics, and the voluminous papers I send you upon them. I deal fairly with you; I send you all, pro and con. Read what you like, and send them all to my lord Chancellor, who, as he reads everything, may, perhaps, not dislike to read them.
Page 345: The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham. Thinks that the elector of Cologne is sure, and the election certain. — Wishes to gain the electors Palatine and Saxony, but supposes his brother will not approve any farther subsidies. — Affairs in America render it necessary to secure the peace of Germany. Hanover, June 9-20, 1750. …… “As to foreign politics, I really think, things look well everywhere, but in the West Indies. Hassling begins to talk very reasonably; and I believe in a small matter will satisfy his mater, by way of indemnification for Mirandela, Concordia, etc. He desired me last night, that their affair might be concluded first, and not be encumbered with the Palatine, etc. The elector of Cologne is sure, and the scheme of choosing a king of the Romans, is universally known, and generally approved, and I begin to think, we shall find little difficulty in it. …… .When we have the electors in our pay, you say very right, we may, and we will, look and talk big. Do not imagine by this, that I have any new subsidy in view. You know the extent of my wishes; I should be glad of Saxony. They may, I am convinced, be easily and cheaply had; and they may be necessary, to fix, and secure the great object; but the king will not have them, and I do not suppose, you are inclined to it. I have desired Stone, to explain the hint; he has only done it, in general. I shall not take a step, in any pecuniary engagement, without previously consulting you. I know of no new one. Possibly the elector Palatine, but yet, his minister has said nothing of it to me, may ask the remaining part of his demand.
Page 346: I have not yet had one word from Vienna, in answer to my letters, about the king of the Romans, and our negotiation with the elector of Bavaria. I hear they are much out of humor, upon the execution of the decree of the Corps Evangélique. The king of Prussia will blow up this point, as far as he can: but we are much to blame to be watched by that.
Page 348: The two things you seemed to fear when I left England, were, first, that we might make our treaty with Bavaria, without having a sufficient security for his vote. Secondly, that though we had the Bavarian vote, we either might not be desirous, or might not be able, to effect the election of a king of the Romans. As to the first, you must do me the justice to own, that in all that has passed with the elector of Bavaria, and with the court of Vienna, I have declared that our treaty with Bavaria dependent, absolutely, upon our having a sufficient security, that the electoral vote should be given for the king of the Romans, en tout cas et en tout tems; and I did that, not only with a view to those two courts, but also that everybody might see, that without that, the treaty could not be made; and this, I think, fully comes up to what you wished in that respect. As to the second, viz. the inclination and ability to do the thing, the last letters from Vienna, and my answer, I think, in great measure, prove both. There can be no doubt but we shall go about it in earnest. Halong thinks himself sure, that the paper sent to his court will be accepted. And Keith must be mightily mistaken, if the court of Vienna will lose this great object, for a small sum of money. I am sure you will approve my pinning down the court of Vienna to give the money, and insisting that Hop should be authorized to satisfy the elector of Bavaria, as to the regular payment of the Dutch proportion.
Page 351: “P.S. — Since I wrote the long letter which I now send you, I have seen your public dispatch; and do not find anything in Mr. Keith’s, but what your private letter had informed me of before. Indeed, in your letter to lord Holdernesse, you mention the subsidy to the elector of Bavaria to be £40,000, two-thirds of which his Majesty is to pay. I do not remember exactly what it is we pay now, but it will seem odd for us to pay as much for no troops, or at least when we want none, as in the heat of war, when soldiers were a scarce commodity.
Page 356: “I am now to acquaint you, in great confidence (which you will communicate to nobody but my lord Chancellor), that count Haslang has received instructions from his court, to endeavor to get the treaty of subsidy forthwith concluded, upon the foot of the verbal declaration only, transmitted in my letter of the 6th-17th of June, to the duke of Bedford; and leave the obligation of giving the electoral vote, to depend, afterwards, upon the court of Vienna's satisfying the elector, upon his several pretensions.
“Mons. Haslang was with me, to endeavor, pursuant to his instructions, to get the treaty immediately concluded upon that foot. I told him, very plainly, that the electoral vote was a condition sine quá non. That, if the elector, his master, would give the king sufficient security upon that head, I should have his Majesty's orders, to sign the treaty tomorrow; and would give him a Declaration, engaging the king's good offices, for the adjusting all his (the elector’s), pretensions upon the court of Vienna, according to justice and the treaties; but, that it was to no purpose, to be taking up time in negotiation, except the elector would consent, positively, to give his vote; and, that upon this the whole depended.
“Count Haslang has since told me, that he had made such a report of what had passed, to his master, as, he was persuaded, would do the business. And I have reason to think, that he has represented what I said to him so fairly, and so strongly, that his court must now determine, whether they will have the Treaty upon these terms, or not at all.
“M. Haslang endeavored to show me, that, by getting the elector of Bavaria's vote, we should have both that of Cologne, and Palatine; and strongly asserted, that the elector of Cologne had not engaged his vote, and would not do it, without the elector of Bavaria. I answered as strongly, that the king was secure of the elector of Cologne's vote; as major-general Borck, who made the treaty, had assured me. And I send you what his Majesty has thought proper to direct major-general Borck to write to M. de Metternich, the elector of Cologne's minister, in order to clear up this point. * * * *
“I have also the satisfaction to acquaint you, that baron Wrede, the Palatine minister, has opened himself very fully to the king, the Grosvoigt Münchhausen, baron Steinberg, and myself; and has given the strongest reason to hope, that the elector Palatine will concur in this, the king's great object; and, immediately enter into an alliance of friendship with his Majesty, as elector; and, also into an engagement, with regard to the election of a king of the Romans. And I send you a sketch of a treaty, which the Grosvoigt has prepared for that purpose; the substance of which Mons. Wrede has sent to his court, and expects a favorable answer upon
Page 357: “Mons. Wrede has made no mention of subsidies to me; and has been told, both by his Majesty and his ministers, that that is impossible. He has only seemed to wish that those guaranties (relating to the succession of Juliers, and Berg, and the treaty concluded between the present king of Prussia, and the late elector Palatine, for that purpose), which his Majesty may think proper to give, as elector, may afterwards be confirmed by the king, as king; to which, I should imagine, there would be no objection, as they relate only to the performance of engagements already entered into with the king of Prussia, by the Treaty of 1741; and to the securing the rights belonging to the Duke of Deux Ponts, when he should succeed to the elector Palatine. The support of a Protestant elector Palatine, in his just rights, would certainly be very proper in itself, and highly popular, in all Protestant countries. But, nothing can be said particularly, upon these points, till the treaties are seen, and the guaranties desired, in consequence of them, considered.
“Count Stadion, the elector of Mayence's minister, makes no difficulty in answering for the elector, his master. The elector of Treves is too zealous for the common cause, to be at all doubted. So that if these negotiations, now on foot, should as is very probable, all succeed, and that soon, you see there will be seven of the nine electors secured, for the election of a king of the Romans; and that with no farther expense to the public than a subsidy of about twenty-eight thousand pounds per annum to the elector of Bavaria; and, I believe you will think that this is an object of the utmost importance to the peace and tranquillity of Europe, and the maintenance of that system, which alone can be agreeable to the true interests of the Maritime Powers.”
Page 362: “You will see, through this whole transaction, that I deal plainly and sincerely with you. I send you all I know; I endeavor to lay the fault (where there is any) where it ought to be; and I keep up, in the strictest manner, to my declarations, and do not suffer myself to be diverted from them; and if you recollect some appearances last winter, and the apprehensions you had from those appearances, you will think there is some merit, in insisting, with the elector of Cologne, that he is obliged to give us his vote, by the fifth article of his treaty, now made; and that no treaty should be made with the elector of Bavaria, without a positive assurance in writing that he will do the same.
Page 363: “I send everything that is fit to be sent, to the duke of Bedford; but, by the by, was there ever an instance, since Adam’s days, as Jacob said, that the Secretary of State has not yet said one single word, upon al these secret confidential communications? To prove my assertion about the court of Vienna, I send you Keith’s private letter to me, wherein it appears, that Vorster is directed, not only to follow, but to ask my advice; and authorized to go all reasonable lengths, in the money asked by the elector of Bavaria, for the equivalent, etc. ….
“This last letter of Haslang’s, however, shows the palatine minister is sincere; and that is a great article. In a long conversation I had with Hassling, I found he thought, the difficulty about the electoral vote, would be got over, by the money to be given for the equivalent for Mirandela, etc. I told him, they must ask a moderate sum; he said he had given his opinion, by which I might see what sum he thought would do; that was, the prolongation of our Treaty for two years longer, which amounted to £80,000; fro I thought it has always been understood, that, as by the last Treaty, the elector of Bavaria received, I think, £60,000 per annum, viz. about £43,000 from us, the rest from Holland, he was to have by this only £40,000 in all, viz. about 27 or £28,000 from us, the rest from Holland. I told Haslang, this would be flinging the load of the equivalent upon us and Holland, which we could never consent to; he said we might settle that with the court of Vienna. I find Hop does not dislike this proposal, and thinks that his masters will come into it, as it engages the elector two years longer. For my part, I think, if the elector of Bavaria will be contented with this, we may find a way to make the court of Vienna pay all, or at least the greatest part, of this additional expense of £80,000, in the course of six years.
Page 368: The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham. Is disappointed at the change of conduct in the electors Palatine and Cologne. — The king blames the court of Vienna, whom the duke of Newcastle justifies. — Will follow his brother’s advice, in suspending his designs against the duke of Bedford. — Explains the motives for his silence respecting lady Yarmouth. Hanover, August 1-12, 1750. “Dear Brother, I wanted the cordial of your letter, to support me, upon the disappointments, that I have had this week. When I wrote last, I thought our affairs in an extreme good way; and till yesterday, had been confirmed in that opinion. I send you little notes, that you may see, my hopes were not ill grounded. Monsieur Wrede, the Palatine minister, not only said, that he had received a letter from their minister, at Munich, that the elector of Bavaria had told him himself, that he had taken the resolution to conform to what we desired, and finish (which letter Munchausen saw), but that the elector Palatine had wrote to him, that he approved all Wrede’s ideas, and that he should have full power to finish what he had begun. Notwithstanding all this, I know, and have seen, a letter from Wachendorf, the elector Palatine’s minister, quite in a different strain, insisting upon great concessions, from the court of Vienna, and a subsidy of £40,000 per annum, at least, from us, in consideration of arrears, due to the House of Palatine, in queen Anne’s war. His Majesty has neither sent this letter to me, nor owned it. On the contrary, he has this morning railed, for the first time, of late, against the court of Vienna; and has pitched upon the present time to blame them, though he was, the other day, so well pleased with them, and they are disposed to do everything, that can be expected from them.
Page 369: You have done your part; the king has made a great effort; and if either the court of Vienna cannot, or will not, come up to the terms of the several electors, it cannot be said we have not done our parts; and, in my conscience, I think you have both abby and honestly shown the respective parties what are their true interests, and given them such an opening to arrive at a good end, as they never will, if now neglected, have offered to them again. Your account of the Austrian minister is a good one, and what he offers is handsome for that court; but give me leave to say, well worth their giving.
Page 373: The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham. Thanks him for his affectionate concern and friendship. — Traces the progress of the negotiation with the court of Vienna, and the electors, and augurs favorably of its success. — The king communicates though lady Yarmouth, his consent for the removal of the duke of Bedford, and for appointing him master of the horse. — Will do nothing without his brother’s approbation.
Page 374: The court of Vienna engage to pay one fourth part, by a declaration signed by their ministers; and the court of Munich not only accepts that fourth part from the empress queen, but discharges, in the most authentic manner, England and Holland from it: and this declaration must be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged, at the same time that I shall exchange the ratification of the treaty with the elector of Bavaria. So that the declaration for the electoral vote, and these other declarations, must all be looked upon as part of the treaty, and will, in effect, be so; as we shall not pay the half of the subsidy, which is our proportion, unless all the conditions are performed by the elector of Bavaria: and the discharge will justify our not paying more than the half of the subsidy. I was determined, never to make us liable for the whole, to the elector of Bavaria; and to have our remedy, afterwards, upon the court of Vienna. No; the court of Bavaria should accept them, as paymasters, and discharge us, as they have done. I hope you will approve this. Everybody here that has yet heart of it, are amazed, how I could bring it about.
Page 375: The Palatine, and Saxon ministers have both renewed their applications, since the conclusion of the treaty of Bavaria; and I have given them both the same flat refusals. They were at first, disappointed, and angry; and my friend Fleming said, I could do it, if I would. He founded some expectation upon the appearance there is, that the long depending dispute between the king, and the letter of Saxony, about the money due to his Majesty, and the proposal for advancing more upon new and better security, was likely to be finished, and settled, to satisfaction. But this will make no alteration. I see no disposition to it, in the king; and however I may privately think upon the subject in general, I should not like the appearance of having refused it before, and of doing it just now, when the other affair is settled to the king’s mind; which however is not yet done; but I believe, it will do. I have talked to them both so roundly, and have showed them the difference between their situation, and their merit, from that of the elector of Bavaria, that I am inclined to think, both the elector of Saxony, and the elector Palatine will concur with us, though we do not give any subsidy. Cologne, I think, is sure: so we shall proceed immediately to the election, as soon as the forms will admit.
“I send you the minute taken at our last meeting, and also a copy of my letter to major general Borch in consequence of it; and I send you also the last letter from Borch; which shows the good disposition, the elector was then in, and from whence I conclude, that when Borch receives my letter, and Königsegg that from Richecourt, and Forster, the elector of Cologne will immediately give his consent.
Page 393: “Since I have ben writing my letter, Haslang’s courier is arrived with the ratifications. He brings great complaints of Haslang, but he brings the ratifications. Haslang is ordered to insist upon my giving a declaration that the king would equally conclude with the elector Palatine upon reasonable terms, which, as it may imply subsidies, I shall certainly not do; and that the king would use his good offices with the court of Vienna, in favor of the elector Palatine’s pretensions. That, if confined to the treaties, and the Austrian ministers agree to it, I may consent to. In short, I will finish, if I can; but be assured I will not suffer a squint at subsidies.
“I send your lordship, inclosed, a minute, which I wrote last night, to the king, giving an account of the present situation of this affair. It is all a paroítre on the part of the elector of Bavaria. He will seem to be very zealous for his cousin the elector Palatine; but he will not lose his own bargain for it.
Page 394: “As to the other parts of your letter, you will have had my thoughts and resolution before this can come to your hands. I must now, dear Brother, thank you most heartily for your kind and cordial expressions of friendship to me. Believe me, mine are as sincere to you, as they can be; and shall continue the same, in whatever situation of life we are. I have had a very obliging letter from count Bentinck; it is too late for me to answer it by this messenger; I must desire you therefore to make him my compliments. I do not know what I wrote, that could deserve the compliments you are pleased to make me: I know I wrote my mind, and that mind has been always the same. If you can carry the election of a king of the Romans, it is worth the subsidy we are to pay the elector of Bavaria; and if you cannot, considering what I know to be the disposition of many people abroad, and some at home, it is a good composition to prevent those measures going farther. Your part in that scheme, I have always approved, and your perseverance in it, deserves my thanks.
Page 395: “Dear Brother, I have very little to add, either of amusement or intelligence, to what I have sent you in my former letters. But, as a messenger goes regularly this day to Hanover, I will not suffer him to depart without most heartily congratulating you upon the finishing your great work, by the actual exchange of the several ratifications. I own I was surprised, as well as you, at the delay of the court of Munich; but when I read the Elector’s letter to Haslang, which you was so kind to send me, I though I then understood the meeting; and never doubt but that it would go as you wished.
Page 398: First, then, as to your foreign affairs; you know how well I think you have done, in everything hitherto transacted by you abroad; I am sensible of the difficulties you have had, and therefore admire more your being able to surmount them. But the last paper of the Elector of Cologne’s is the strangest thing I ever read in my life; does he think the Maritime Powers will, or can come into any of his propositions? He stumbles at the very threshold, which I do not think you are enough away of. England has no treaty with that elector at all, and I hope it is not understood that we have; for it would be a very difficult task to defend that, upon the foot of the Bavarian treaty. I cannot think the court of Munich will suffer him to go off; if they do, they want to get off themselves.
Page 399: “I think you mention in one letter to lord Holdernesse, a proposal for applying the elector of Cologne’s subsidy to the king of Poland, and the Elector Palatine. If the king approves of that, and it is done in the same way as the treaty with the elector of Cologne, I do not se how this country can have any objection to it, because they have nothing to do with it. But I believe those two courts will scarce enter into engagements upon the foot of such a treaty, without England is specifically mentioned. This is all I have to say upon the subjects. You see what I wish to avoid, and, I cut not, will do everything you can, to prevent our being involved in any farther engagements, particularly where money is concerned.
Page 403: The Duke of Newcastle to the Lord Chancellor. Communicates voluminous dispatches on foreign affairs. — Mission of the late Lord Marshal Keith to Paris from Berlin. — On the negotiations with Spain and Saxony. — Calculates on the concurrences of the two Empresses, of six electors, and of Holland, in counteracting the designs of France and Prussia. — Parties in Holland, and weakness of the government. — Maritime Powers interested in supporting the Barrier Treaty. — On the birth of a duke of Burgundy, and the unfavorable changes in the French cabinet. — Good effects of the late changes in the British cabinet. — Is satisfied with the conduct of lords Holdernesse and Albemarle.
Page 407: And, my dear lord, if ever my doctrine and system ought to take place, it is now, when we have so fair a prospect in Spain; for, though this first treaty should not, perhaps, be just what we could wish, yet the knot is broke; the French union and dependency are dissolved; the queen is an Austrian; the queen governs all; and both the ministers are in appearance (and I believe in reality) good Englishmen, that is, well inclined to us, and disposed to shake off the French yoke. What an encouragement is here, to go on, and what a foundation to build upon! I think we may b sure of the concurrence of the two empresses, of six electors, and of the Republic of Holland; and, on the other side of the question, all these powers may b connected, and that at a time when France and Prussia show you what you are to expect from them: either absolute or servile dependence; or opposition, even to the very foundation of our government, whenever their ambition or caprice shall able them to give us disturbance.
Page 413: After sending some warrants for secret service money, to b sign by the king, and expressing his satisfaction at his Majesty’s safe arrival at Hanover, he adds: — “Firmness to the court of Vienna, as you say, comes now absolutely necessary. I may say, their behavior is abominable. I hope it has no other view than a little mean saving, in the satisfaction to be given to the elector Palatine; but I fear it goes farther; and if it does, they will pose themselves and their friends, in a most unaccountable manner. I am sure you will do all you can, to prevent the ill effects of their pride and madness. I know also the king’s views are great and generous. I will dwell no longer on this subject, but wait for farther information.
Page 414: “In return to what you say of the greatest, I will only beg you would consider from whence the scene I have related to you arises. But, however, I hold my tongue, am patient, and do the best I can. We have a letter from M. Spannenlins, the elector of Treves’s minister, who has filed us here with all the ill notions of Vergenns, that since his return to Treves, in his way, he has quite change his language; says the king of France will not obstruct the election, but rather cooperate in it; hints that he is agreed with the king, that satisfaction must be given to the elector Palatine; and in short we might have had the election two years ago, if w had acted then, as we do now. In that I differ toto caelo. I am amazed we hear noting of this from Albemarle. I do not think his Excellency very alert.”
Page 415: You will have seen, long before this time, that the letters from France are rather more encouraging than w had reason to expect; and, if I am rightly informed, the confusion of their own interior affairs will confirm them in their present peaceable disposition. I do not doubt your address in managing M. Vergennes [Footnote: Afterwards so well known as prime minister of France. He was at this time envoy to the court of Treves; had detached the elector from his connection with the Maritime Powers, and had also persuaded him to withdraw his promise of voting for the election of the archduke Joseph, as king of the Romans. He soon after went to Hanover.], when he comes to you; good words may do a great deal: I am sure they have with the duc de Mirepoix; possibly this gentleman may not be so frank and so honest as his Excellency. Your next letters will probably open that scene a little. I heartily wish you good success; keep but firm with the court of Vienna, and I shall fear nothing.”
Page 418: The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham. Doubts the sincerity of the Elector Palatine. — But still thinks, if the court of Vienna would be reasonable, they might at last do well with France. Hanover, May 13-24, 1752. Dear Brother, …
Page 419: The unaccountable turn taken by St. Contest in supporting the extravagant demands of the elector Palatine, and even those upon England and Holland, does make on fear that they are not so sincere as we did imagine. But still, I think we should do well enough at last with France, if the court of Vienna was disposed to be reasonable; but by a letter which is now deciphering, I think we are to expect nothing material from think, but reproaches for presuming to talk in the strong manner we have done to Forster.
Page 420: “This letter of lord Albemarle’s, which has given you such just satisfaction, we had here near three weeks ago; and you will see in one of my letters, I referred to it, in what I wrote to you; but undoubtedly you judged right of what the court of Prussia would do, by what I fear they have done; for St. Contest adopting the demands of the elector Palatine, certainly comes from thence. I think, however, France will not stand extremities; and if you can get the court of Vienna to do what you think they should do, I am in hopes France will try on her part to lower the demands of the Palatine.
Page 421: As to the court of Vienna, I can say nothing more than what I have suggested in my letter to lord Holdernesse. I think we should let them cool; show as much indifference as they do, about their own interest: and, if we can bring France to act reasonably upon the elector Palatine’s demands, make then one last effort, with the court of Vienna. Perhaps it may not be amiss to make a short strong answer in writing, showing our sense of the manner in which the king is treated; insisting upon the protocol to be the rule, whereby this is expressly declared, that as soon as we are sure of Bavaria and of a majority, measures should be taken for proceeding to the action, and in consequence, again to renew the demand of assembling the diet for that purpose. I think the court of Vienna will still be unwilling to let this affair drop, which it must do, if they do not soon take this step of assembling the diet; and when once that step is taken, France, notwithstanding what they now say, will find some way of making the elector Palatine reasonable. Vergennes says positively, that not one ward passed with St. Contest, to the purport of what we took to be lord Albemarle’s meaning. I have read his letter over and over, and I can make no sense of it, if it does not mean to refer the elector Palatine’s pretensions to the king, and to abide by his Majesty’s determination. I own, I always feared that his lordship had a little misunderstood St. Contest, or made a stronger representation of it, than perhaps my lord Albemarle himself designed; for it was hardly possible to imagine, that so very material a conversation, and formal proposal, should have been made, and the French minister here have no notice of it.
Page 422: “the king, as you may imagine, is, with the highest reason, extremely offended with the court of Vienna, and is for recalling my lord Hyndford immediately, and looks upon the thing as over. But I hope by gaining a little time and showing an indifference, the court of Vienna may still come to their senses. It is pride and vanity that occasions all this behavior. They are unwilling to have the obligation to the king; and are even sorry to se, that his Majesty can help them with France, when they cannot help themselves. This I am persuaded is at the bottom. Some fear of giving something to the elector Palatine may also have its share. But if that had been all, they would have talked in a different manner, and had themselves recourse to the protocol, where it was agreed to proved to the election with six voices; or, if they would not have done that, thy would in all events, have turned their answers in a different manner.
Page 423: “Hassling asked me last night, how things went? I told him, I hope all would end well; some rubs there were; but if his master, and the other electors, stood to their promises, as I did not doubt but they would, our great affair must end well. He said, does France continue to act well? I said, I hope they would, but France, like other powers, was sometimes obliged to talk the language of their allies, but in the end their allies must come to them. I hope you approve what I said. I am always afraid of saying too much; and by that means appear a little mysterious, when I do not mean to be so. He agreed with me in what I said; which, I believe, is generally the method of ministers, from inferior courts. I hope I have not third you; I was willing you should know all I had said or thought.
Page 424: “It will be hard for the court of Vienna to avoid agreeing to the assembling the diet, after what they have themselves declared about the Protocol, where it is so expressly said, that as soon as we shall be sure of Bavaria, and a majority, w shall proceed to the election, etc. And how my friend Stadion will go from his own act, because we do not give new subsidies, I have no notion. So that upon the whole, I think we shall bring it about. And the perseverance of France, and the Elector Plataine, in the extravagant demands, may enable the court of Vienna to do the business without giving anything. Though I am apt to believe, when once the Requisitorial Letters are issued, and the day fixed for the assembling of the diet, France and the Elector Palatine will become reasonable, and we shall again endeavor to do something for them. For, after all that has passed, and what you will continue to see from the extracts, it is clear that we can have no open opposition; grumbling, protesting, and perhaps menacing for the future, in order to obtain some immediate advantage from the court of Vienna, may very probably happen. But that will end in noting, at last, at present; and time will set it all right. If future disturbances arise, it will be from other causes, and not from this.
Page 427: As to what you propose, I shall tell the minister of the court of Vienna, I have done it with great truth — I am not sure with so much management; for injured people cannot always keep their temper. I have stated to him what we have done for their sakes; how unusually we have given subsidies in time of peace; and I have in strong terms declared to him, if they would not do their part (that is, if they would neither convoke the Diet, and depend upon their eminent majority; or give a little, a very little, to the Elector Palatine, to procure the unanimous consent of France, and all the electors) then the election was at an end; and the present system with the House of Austria, dissolved.
Page 428: After the extraordinary answers given by the court of Vienna, and before I took the measure of proposing the assembly of the Diet, and depending thereby (if prudent) in all events, upon our majorité eminente, I did consider what effect that might have had in France. I thought, and do think, it would be the most probable way of bringing in the Elector Palatine, when he sees we can and will proceed without him. St. Contest could never reproach us, when they had adopted the demands of the Elector Palatine, which were not comprehended in our negotiation with them; and which we had always since declared were inadmissible; and when he, St. Contest, had departed from the reference which he had himself proposed to the king's decision. But, if the convocation of the Diet should displease them, the part I have taken since, to send Wrede's papers to Vienna, and so strongly to insist upon their enabling us to make some proposal to the Elector Palatine, is returning to the negotiation with them (notwithstanding all the inconsistency on their part) the moment I saw any appearance of reducing the Palatine's demands to what was, or could be thought by us, reasonable and admissible. And I think, if the court of Vienna will do anything, they will combine these two objects together; and if they assemble the Diet, they will make something like an offer to the ElectorPalatine.
“You say very right, the king of Prussia will take his advantage of this behavior in the court of Vienna; but at present, he will be contented if he can effectually prevent the election; and therefore, I am of an opinion, if we can carry it through, his Prussian Majesty will be quiet. The extracts of this day, are very bad. Podewilz's letter to Wrede, and Wachendorf's, tend to encourage Wrede to stand out; and Vergennes has told the Grosvoight this day, that nothing but terres would satisfy the Elector Palatine; notwithstanding the same Vergennes told me the other day, that if the Elector Palatine would be satisfied with Pleissen only, they should be contented. The king of Prussia has certainly engaged France to insist upon the satisfaction for the Elector Palatine, and is now endeavouing to make that satisfaction as impracticable as is possible.
“We must wait for our answers from Vienna. I own I do not despair; I think I have puzzled Bartenstein. He cannot well get off the Protocol; and if that Protocol takes place, for their own sakes they will endeavor to satisfy the Elector Palatine, that they may have nothing to fear, when the election is made, and when they see they cannot avoid coming to it. I own, in the present distress, I did think this was a happy thought; I must repeat it, I think it answers both objects at once; it secures the election, and it makes it necessary for the court of Vienna to try to gain the Elector Palatine, and advisable for the Elector to take what he can get; since without it, he may have the fine words and promises of Prussia and France; but his Highness will get by that, neither land or money.
Page 430: The Duke of Newcastle to the Lord Chancellor. Anxiety of the duke of Newcastle to promote the success of the election, and to procure the consent of the Chancellor and his brother, to the subsidy for the Elector Palatine. — Ill consequences to be apprehended should the negotiation be discontinued. Hanover, June 18-29, 1752. My Lord, As I am afraid the subject of this letter will not be quite agreeable to my brother, I address it to your lordship, though ti is for the consideration of you both. I have deferred as long as I could, the mentioning anything of this kind; and have endeavored, by all the means which I could suggest to myself, to engage the court of Vienna to give that satisfaction to the Elector Palatine, which might procure the concurrence of France to the election; and I have never given the Palatine minister the least reason to think, that we could, or would contribute anything towards this satisfaction; as you will particularly see by the copy of a letter from M. Wachtendonck to M. de Wrede. But I own, I cannot now in conscience avoid laying the state of this question before your lordship and my brother, for your consideration; and I can assure you that the king does not, or shall not know one word of my writing to you.
Page 431: “The only way, therefore, to avoid all this, and corn the king’s measures with success, and I hope with universal applause, would be, to get such satisfaction for the Elector Palatine, as should be approved by France. You see, in my letter to my lord Albemarle, of this day, I have endeavored to find out what would do. I am sure nothing can be invented to induce the court of Vienna to do this, more than I have done. But it would be deceiving you, if I did not give it as my opinion, that it will not be practicable to bring them up to what will satisfy the Elector Palatine, and France. And this, you’re lordship may remember, I saw, before I went out of England. And I did venture to talk to the Princess Royal at the Hague, upon this supposition, though I never mentioned it, lest it might be thought, that I would not do my best with the court of Vienna. …… And to say the truth, a considerable fief as Pleissen is (to which the Elector Palatine has no more right than I have) with fifty or sixty thousand pounds out of their pocket, is as much as any one of us could ever have thought they would do, or indeed as was reasonable to ask. For as to the Elector Palatine’s pretensions upon the court of Vienna, I will be bold to say, they are not better founded than those upon England and Holland. The least which I can ever get the Elector Palatine to accept, is Pleissen, and one million of florins; about £112,000 sterling. The question therefore is, shall the election be lost, or shall we carry it with our eminent majority, and risk the consequences, for the sake of fifty or sixty thousand pounds?
Page 432: “I send by this messenger a load of papers from baron Wrede. I have not so much as given him the satisfaction to think, that I would even take so much notice of them as to transmit them to England. If your lordship any my brother are of opinion, that in the last extremity, and in order to secure the unanimity of the election, and the concurrence of France, fifty or threescore thousand pounds may be given, there are two way of doing that, either by asking to of the parliament, or by applying the sum, out of the king’s civil list, which was intended for the elector of Cologne, for that purpose; and sure, it is as reasonable, and much more useful, to pay that sum out of the civil list, for securing the election (and that unanimously), than it was before the first uncertain step that was taken towards it; but, however, I can say nothing to that. To be sure that is the most to be wished, but that may be the most difficult to be obtained.
“As to the other, I make no doubt but an agreement now made with the elector Palatine, for fifty or threescore thousand pounds (which money should not be asked of the parliament, until the election was actually over), would not only be agreed to in parliament but most highly applauded. And though I hold quite a different language to the court of Mannheim, and to the court of France, I do think there is a very good pretense for it, upon the foot of their demand, when everybody will se that the election is the real object.
Page 437: You see by my stat of the case, I am greatly afraid of a partial election. I own I am; the conduct of the court of Vienna has made that a much more dangerous measure than it would have been, had they acted otherwise. The little regard they have shown to the king, in trusting their interest into his Majesty’s hands, and the difficulties they have thrown, in the way of all accommodations, have in my poor opinion, thrown France back into the arms of Prussia, and will enable the king of Prussia to start new difficulties, and new claims with some of the other electors, in case you shall be able, by your own address and management, to procure some reasonable satisfaction for the elector Palatine; your own, I say, because I do not see that you have the least assistance from any court abroad, and by my observation I as little se any considerable assistance you are likely to have from an great genius at home.
Page 438: “You will say, supposing you are in the right, what is to be done? I will venture to throw out to you my bolt, perhaps a walk one. Tell the court of Vienna, if they will satisfy the elector Palatine, and enable the king immediately to negotiate with France for that purpose, you will undertake it; but if they will not do that, it is in vain for Great Britain alone to undertake the support of the House of Austria, in their present possessions, and also without their assistance, and in appearance against their will, to secure the succession in the Emperor’s House. The king has done a great deal; the nation has done more; but there must and will be an end some time or other.
Page 441: “The unsatisfactory answer, which was expected from Vienna, came last Friday; and agreeably to the declaration, which the king's ministers were directed to make to the emperor, and the empress queen, I gave the answer to baron Vorster. As I send all those papers, and my letters, to lord Holdernesse, you will there see what we have done, and our reasons for it. I am sure you will approve; for the whole is upon your plan, contained in your long letter. What will be the final end of this affair, I cannot pretend to say. Did I not fear that the court of Vienna did not really wish the conclusion of the election, at this time, for reasons which I have often mentioned, I should think with many here, that this firmness in the king would produce an immediate offer to the elector Palatine. But, as I have my suspicions, as to their real inclinations, I am apt to fear, that they will lay hold of any pretext, to avoid the election. The Bavarian ministers have acted a shameful part, and count Haslang, not a very good one; but, as the elector is an honest man, I think he will go through with us, in spite of his ministers, his confessor, and his ladies, who are all against us, except the empress dowager, his mother, and the electress, his wife.
“The king has talked, very strongly, to the Cologne minister, M. d’Asseburgh, and in most parts of it very well. I really think the whole depends, now, upon a satisfaction for the elector Palatine.
Page 442: Mr. Pelham to the Duke of Newcastle. Thinks that the court of Vienna will only make an insidious offer to the elector Palatine, and that the king has acted right in the affair of the election. July 28, 1752. After acknowledging the receipt of his kind letter of the 22nd, O.S., and making some observations respecting the duchess of Newcastle’s illness, he continues: — “I wrote you a pretty long letter from Warminghurst, which will shorten this. I have read your several letters, which came by the messenger last week, and think in my poor opinion, everything right. I do not apprehend the court of Vienna will make any offer to the elector Palatine farther than they have done; if they do, I fear it will be an insidious on, to draw us on, but not an effectual one, to do the business. I heartily wish they may do right; you have undoubtedly given them an opportunity; and be it as it will, the king cannot have finished his affair on his side, better than he has done. We must expect that miscarriages, in what the people were led to expect, will occasion some ill humor; but when the whole story comes to be told, no individual in this country can be blamed justly.
Page 443: The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Keith. Instructions for treating with the Austrian court, on measures relative to the arrangement with the elector Palatine. Hanover, Aug. 20-31, 1752. “Dear Sir, I am almost afraid to write to you, as I shall now do; but I think, I may depend upon your making no ill use of the extraordinary confidence I place in you; and without it you may want those lights, where are necessary for your conduct and success in your present negotiation.
“You have now one last trial to make, after many, for concluding this great affair of the election, in the most honorable manner for the king, and his allies, and thereby establishing the present system with the House of Austria; for fancy what they will, if the election now miscarries, there will be so many reproaches on both sides, and such resentment in England, for the ingratitude of the court of Vienna, that that resentment will naturally in a short time produce an alteration of system, and an union with France and Prussia. There is no way now of carrying the election, but by immediately agreeing to the Paper of Points in the form in which I send it to you. The court of Vienna may thank themselves, if the demands of the elector Palatine are now too high, and if they are obliged to agree to them. “I have often observed to you, that the only motive which induced France to acquiesce in the election, on condition of satisfaction to the elector Palatine, was the notion they had, that we could carry the election without them, and that we were determined to try it. The moment they found that the court of Vienna was the first to declare against that, and to engage the other electors to oppose it also, France had the game in their own hands; and they knew we could not come at the election without them, and therefore whatever conditions they would insist upon for the elector Palatine, we must either grant them, or have no election. That being the state of the case, I had nothing to do but to make those conditions as easy as possible, and to work upon Wrede, the Palatine minister, by showing him, and having it dinned in his ears, that whatever France and Prussia might gain, the elector Palatine, his master, would be the sacrifice to their views, and never at any time get one single farthing. This reasoning prevailed upon Wrede to wish the thing, and if he wished the thing, he must be tolerably reasonable in his demands; and that has produced the present ultimatum; not moderate in itself, but, considering the circumstances, not otherwise, and the circumstance in particular, that if we do not now accept them, we shall have no election, and if we have no election, France and Prussia will dictate to all the world, and perhaps have England on their side. The great article of all, and upon which I am almost afraid to write, is that of the 1,200,000 florins, of which we Have at present only 500,000.
Page 445: The Lord Chancellor to the Duke of Newcastle. The regency agree to the proposed payment to the Elector Palatine. Paris, Powis House, Aug. 27, 1752. …… the detail of the German particulars was not entered into; and I presume, was not expected. In this, however, I think, we all agreed; that the court of Vienna will never give their consent to some of them; and that if they should be adhered to, it will be a clear proof of the insincerity of France, and the Elector Palatinate himself will be the dupe of it.
Mr. Pelham to the Duke of Newcastle. Congratulates him on the success of his negotiation. — Inquiries concerning the mode of paying the sum demanded by the Elector Palatine.
Page 447: The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham. The king disapproves the additional payment to the Elector Palatine, and even seems no longer to favor the election. — Condemns the insincerity of France and Prussia, and the equivocal conduct of the court of Vienna.
Page 448: I showed him that the article about the money was exactly agreeable to the paragraph in your letter, which I read over to him; that, as to the object, I believed one of that importance had never been so cheaply purchased. I observed, that the time expired at the end of the four weeks; and then he had recourse to M. de St. Contest, who, he said, did not think that time sufficient. In short, so altered a man was never seen. Nothing was right. His steadiness had done wonders; the emperor might pay the whole, and the Elector Palatine would accept less. The whole calculated for delay. So that this object is to be risk, in order to give his Majesty some pretense to do so unpopular a thing as to leave his kingdom in the month of March, and not to return to them till the month of December, and that just before the choice of a new parliament, and when he sees opposition stirring from every quarter of the kingdom. This is the whole secret; this lady Yarmouth has confirmed to me, as I said, and for this will he risk everything.
Page 449: P.S. Hanover, Sept. 20, 1752. — Mentions a most mortifying letter received this day from Mr. Keith, from which he finds: — “that we must not expect a satisfactory answer on the material articles relating to the court of Vienna. Mr. Keith gives some faint hopes, that they may be brought to give some more money, which is, however, the less material, as that might have been supplied elsewhere. But he says positively, that the article of non appellando, and the equivalent for the fief of Orteanu will never be granted; and if this should be the final result, I am afraid there is an end of the whole, unless the money which they may give, over and brave their 500,000 florins, may be applied as an equivalent to the elector Palatine for those demands.”
The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham. Is apprehensive that the perverse conduct of the court of Vienna will frustrate the election. — Thinks the king will proceed to England in October. — Postscript: Conference with baron Forster on the pending negotiation. Hanover, Sep. 28 1752. “Dear Brothers, …… I have, however, not altogether lost my labor; for you will see by the inclosed copy of Wrede’s letter, which I received yesterday, that there is the most ample approbation, and confirmation, from the elector Palatine, that we could wish; and M. Wrede’s offer to sign the necessary declaration, shows that he thinks himself sure of the consent of Cologne, Prussia, and France, for without that he would not have been so explicit.
Page 450: “The whole will now depend upon this expectative for the elector Palatine; and to show how reasonable it is for the court of Vienna to refuse it, his Majesty puts it in their power to say, ‘if we give it the elector Palatine, everybody else will expect it.’ The king of England, who asks if for the elector Palatine, makes use of that very demand to ask the same for himself. But what I most fear, is, they will refuse the elector Palatine, disappoint by the the election, and give the king distant hopes of doing it for him, and imagine by that to make his Majesty easy with the miscarriage of the election; and in what condition are we then, for these things always come out at last! It is a most terrible consideration; and I own makes me quite uneasy. However, I think it is an honor to me, not to have been trusted with the secret. ……. I told Forster, that I knew nothing of it; which I did, in my own justification, that the court of Vienna should not imagine, that I was a party to such a transaction. Forster said, he believed his court would do all the could to please the king in it, but that I saw, however, that this demand of the elector Palatine had produced them two solicitors; viz., the king, and the elector Palatine, already. My dear Brother, to commit oneself so to such a court, and to a court that we do not love, and are always railing at! I conceal nothing from you; I write you the whole; I am sure you pity me; but give me leave to say, that this proves how little they will trust to me any view, which is inconsistent with, or may be interpreted a clog upon the measures of England; and there again is, and has ever been, my pride. Everybody that has been at Hanover has not acted upon the same foot, and the same principles which I have done.
Page 451: P.S. Hanover, Sep. 29th, 1752. — “This evening M. Forster has been with me, and acquainted me that he had received the answer of his court, though he had orders not to produce it, till the elector Palatine had given his, upon the ultimatum. He, however, gave me leave to take down minutes of the answer upon every article, which, I own, is infinitely better than I expected, but very different rom what poor Keith thought it would be.
Page 452: Mr. Pelham to the Duke of Newcastle. Is of opinion it would be imprudent to break off the negotiation with the elector Palatine. — Complaint of the countenance likely to be given to the duke of Bedford.
Page 456: Mr. Pelham to the Duke of Newcastle. Hopes that his brother will not leave the king alone at Hanover. — Farther remarks on the negotiation with the court of Vienna, and the Elector Palatine. — On the conversation of St. Contest with lord Albemarle. — Thinks he shows too strong an attachment to Austria. …….. “I hope, by the letters which came in last night, that your affair of the election, will at last end well. The exchange of fiefs, I do not understand; but something is offered by the court of Vienna, in lieu of Ortenau, which it is plain, by all the papers, France and the Elector Palatine knew the emperor could not, or would not grant. The 100,000 florins makes up the first payment complete, which will make our engaging for the remainder, more easy; but I hope you will never think of placing that additional sum to the account of the equivalent for Ortenau. That will immediately be seen through, and make what we are to pray, more subservient to the particular convince of the Imperial Court, than I could wish it.
Page 457: “St. Contest’s conversation with lord Albemarle is mended; but there is still a loophole and a reserve. Why is not the friendly communication made to the king of Prussia, and the Elector of Cologne? That is easily done, and words cost nothing; but I fear, if it is not done soon, it will at best be cause of delay. Your secret letter to Keith is very natural, and very just; perhaps I think you show too much personal regard for a foreign power, and perhaps your attachment too strongly, for a minister of this country. But laying down that foundation, your reasonings are all right; and if I thought great princes were, or should be, made like private men, it might to good; but I fear when they have no gratitude for one another, they will scarce think of that duty for a private man.
Page 460: Wrede cannot come, until he has been assured from me, that there is no essential alteration in the answer of the court of Vienna, from the last ultimatum. I have written him a strong letter, upon this indecent refusal; and have told him, in terms, that if he does not come, the king will think no more of this negotiation, in favor of the elector Palatine. I know, to a demonstration, that this idea comes from France, which verifies what your lordship suspected; though, at the same time, I know, that France, Prussia, Cologne, and Palatine, have all approved and consented to the ultimatum, and yet, possibly, we are as far as ever from concluding.
Page 463: “I am might glad to hear your reception, on your return to the Göhrde, was to your satisfaction; and shall be excessively pleased, if the affair you have had at heart so much, shall be finished according to your expectations. I have more hopes of it than I have entertained of late, though I do not like one paragraph in your letter, wherein you say, ‘France, we see, will do all they can to delay it.’ If that be so, I doubt they have it but too much in their power; for if France does not approve of the satisfaction offered to the Elector Palatine, in the German affairs, that Elector dares not be contented with the pecuniary ones. I hope, however, the desire of peace, will carry even France to an acquiescence.
Page 486: The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Pelham. Unfavorable answers relative to Prussia and Dunkirk. — Difficulty of arranging the disputes with Prussia, by the mediation of France. — Conference with the duke de Mirepaiz on that subject, and his attempt to compromise the affair. — Spirited behavior of the British Cabinet. — On a proposal respecting the negotiation with the Elector Palatine.
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biofunmy · 5 years ago
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$95,000 to Fix Up a Studio Apartment, but It Was All a Scam, Officials Say
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When a contractor was hired in 2012 to renovate nine rent-regulated apartments at a prewar, six-story building in the Washington Heights neighborhood of Manhattan, the renovations were identical across all of the units — new hardwood floors, new countertops, new appliances — but the prices were not.
The real estate firm that hired the contractor calculated how much was needed to spend on improvements to push the rent beyond the threshold to deregulate the apartments, instead of budgeting for the true costs of the renovations. For example, the firm paid the contractor $95,000 in labor costs to gut-renovate a studio apartment, while paying only $14,500 to do similar renovations on a one-bedroom.
It was all part of a real estate scheme designed to jack up rents and illegally lift hundreds of apartments out of rent regulation in New York City, according to a lawsuit filed by the state attorney’s general office on Thursday.
Landlords can deregulate apartments when the rent passes a certain threshold — currently $2,744.77 a month.
Employees of Newcastle Realty Services, a Manhattan real estate investment firm, made up prices for renovations, lied about specific repairs, and forged documents, abusing a provision in state law that enables landlords to raise rents when they renovate rent-regulated apartments, the suit said.
Along the way, contractors paid more than $1.2 million in kickbacks to two employees at the firm, including cash and checks to cover splashy expenses like country club dues and a loan on a Porsche.
The goal was to systematically push the rents of regulated apartments in Manhattan and Brooklyn past the threshold that deregulates the apartments, thrusting them into the more lucrative free market.
“Engaging in fraud with respect to renovations is a decades-old, devious practice designed to take advantage of tenants throughout New York,” Letitia James, the attorney general, said in a statement. “Knocking hundreds of rent-stabilized apartments off the market by illegal schemes is immoral and unacceptable.”
In the past few decades, New York has lost tens of thousands of rent-regulated apartments, the city’s largest stock of affordable housing, for which monthly rents increase by only a small percentage each year.
Abuses are rarely exposed, but advocates say they are rampant — claiming that unscrupulous landlords routinely game the system in an attempt to deregulate apartments and raise rents. The issue will be front and center when New York state’s rent laws expire next month; lawmakers are poised to make tenant-friendly reforms, and legislators are considering eliminating the exact provision that the lawsuit claims was abused by Newcastle employees.
The suit accused David Drumheller, the former head of operations at Newcastle Realty Services, of engaging in a price-fixing scheme to deregulate hundreds of apartments managed by the firm from 2012 until 2016.
Contractors who benefited from the renovations paid kickbacks to Mr. Drumheller and another unnamed employee, according to the suit.
“We intend to fight this lawsuit and prove that all actions taken were lawful and appropriate.” said Roger Stavis, a lawyer for Mr. Drumheller, who is currently the director of operations at GFB Management, a real estate operator that also manages affordable housing, according to his LinkedIn profile.
Newcastle Realty Services, which the lawsuit said manages about 2,500 apartments in the city, is not a defendant, but the lawsuit detailed how other employees at the company were also involved in the ploy.
“Newcastle has been cooperating with the attorney general for over a year,” Ronn Torossian, a spokesman for Newcastle Realty Services, said. “Mr. Drumheller was terminated by Newcastle years ago for inappropriate conduct unrelated to this matter.”
He said the unnamed employee was fired after the attorney general’s office disclosed the wrongdoing.
A landlord is allowed to renovate an apartment and pass on a portion of the costs in the form of a rent increase under a provision known as Individual Apartment Improvements, or I.A.I.s.
Building owners have said that I.A.I.s are one of the few incentives they have to make repairs and keep their apartments in livable conditions, and that abolishing the provision would deteriorate the conditions of the city’s housing stock.
But the lawsuit offered a detailed look at how landlords can recklessly exploit a system known for its lax oversight to turn a profit and circumvent regulations meant to keep apartments affordable.
The suit said Newcastle Realty Services is among the investors that “make it a business practice to target rent-stabilized properties with low rents” and deregulate the units to collect higher rents or sell the buildings for a profit.
Newcastle Realty Services used just a handful of contractors, and Mr. Drumheller would work out how much the company needed to spend on renovations to push the rent beyond the threshold to deregulate the apartment, instead of budgeting for the true costs of the renovations, the suit said.
Mr. Drumheller and other employees would dictate to contractors the prices the company was going to pay for renovations “without any competitive bidding or relation to the actual cost of the labor,” the suit said.
In August 2012, Mr. Drumheller claimed the labor cost to renovate a one-bedroom apartment in Crown Heights, Brooklyn was to be $52,500. Newcastle gave the job to a contractor that in reality needed significantly less to cover its expenses for the job, the suit said.
But the contractor took the money and the inflated renovation costs helped to successfully push the apartment’s rent to $2,512.01 — about $12 above the deregulation threshold at the time, the suit said.
To legitimize the phony numbers, Newcastle employees often prepared invoices and job proposals on behalf of contractors using contractor letterhead, and Mr. Drumheller submitted these to regulatory agencies, the lawsuit said.
According to the suit, contractors paid kickbacks in exchange for being awarded the lucrative renovation jobs. Two contractors, OVQ Consolidated and KKA Consolidated, paid Mr. Drumheller at least $527,000 in kickbacks between 2014 and 2017, the suit said.
The unnamed employee regularly met with a window contractor at his van outside Newcastle’s offices to receive cash payments, the suit said; the contractor also paid the employee’s thousands of dollars in dues at the Elmwood Country Club in Westchester County.
In November 2015, one contractor wrote a check for more than $20,000 to Porsche Financial Services to pay off the unnamed employee’s loan on a sports car, according to court documents.
Mr. Drumheller, the suit said, worked to conceal the kickback portion of the scheme from Newcastle Realty Services. His former employer, however, has been on the state attorney general office’s radar before.
Several years ago, Newcastle tried to improperly convert an Upper West Side rental building into a condominium and illegally induced tenants to leave the building through buyout agreements, the office found in 2015.
As a result, Newcastle was forced to pay more than $1.5 million in fines and legal fees, and agreed to waive two years of rent for the 11 tenants who stayed put.
The lawsuit against Mr. Drumheller seeks, in part, to prohibit him from engaging in any business related to rent-stabilized apartments and to compensate tenants who were affected.
Ms. James said her office will work to re-regulate lost units. Tenants who believe they were overcharged can file a complaint with the state.
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jackpwrightuk · 7 years ago
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Universal credit in new crisis as some claimants are denied mortgages
Locked out of a mortgage offer … and locked into a digital benefits system. Photograph: Alamy
Universal credit
Universal credit in new crisis as some claimants are denied mortgages
A standoff between banks and the government means that loan applicants could be rejected if they receive the new payment. We speak to a buyer caught in the middle
Thousands – perhaps even millions – of people could have trouble obtaining a mortgage because of problems with the way the government’s universal credit system and banks and building societies “talk” to each other.
A Guardian Money investigation into the difficulties experienced by a homebuyer living in one of the areas chosen to test the new benefit has revealed that some recipients could be at risk of being turned down for a mortgage. Some lenders are saying they will not accept universal credit at all when calculating how much they will lend, while others have apparently not amended their IT systems to deal with it – leading to problems and delays. On its published list of acceptable income types, Halifax’s website simply gives a blunt “no”.
Many lenders do accept it in some situations, but a key problem is that the most up-to-date version of universal credit is fully online and paperwork-free. Many banks and building societies, however, still insist on an official “hard copy” letter detailing how much benefit someone is getting. In essence, it’s an “old tech v new tech” clash.
Quick Guide
What is universal credit and what are the problems?
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What is universal credit?
Universal credit is the supposed flagship reform of the benefits system, rolling together six benefits (including unemployment benefit, tax credits and housing benefit) into one, online-only system. The theoretical aim, for which there was general support across the political spectrum, was to simplify the benefits system and increase the incentives for people to work, rather than stay on benefits.
How long has it been around?
The project was legislated for in 2011 under the auspices of its most vocal champion, Iain Duncan Smith. The plan was to roll it out by 2017. However, a series of management failures, expensive IT blunders and design faults have seen it fall at least five years behind schedule.
What is the biggest problem?
The original design set out  a minimum 42-day wait for a first payment to claimants when they moved to universal credit (in practice this is often up to 60 days). After sustained pressure, the government announced in the autumn 2017 budget that the wait would be reduced to 35 days from February 2018. This will partially mitigate the impact on many claimants of having no income for six weeks. The wait has led to rent arrears (and in some cases to eviction), hunger (food banks in universal credit areas report notable increases in referrals), use of expensive credit and mental distress. 
Ministers have expanded the availability of hardship loans (now repayable over a year) to help new claimants while they wait for payment. And housing benefit will now continue for an extra two weeks after the start of a universal credit claim. However, critics say the five-week waiting time is not enough and want it reduced to two or three weeks.
Are there other problems?
Plenty.  Multibillion-pound cuts to work allowances imposed by the former chancellor George Osborne mean universal credit is far less generous than originally envisaged. According to the Resolution Foundation thinktank, about 2.5m low-income working households will be more than £1,000 a year worse off when they move on to universal credit, reducing work incentives. Landlords are worried that the level of rent arrears racked up by tenants on universal credit could lead to a rise in evictions. It’s also not very user-friendly: claimants complain the system is complex, unreliable and difficult to manage, particularly if you have no internet access.
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Thank you for your feedback.
At the moment there are a relatively small number of people on this so-called “full service” digital version of the new benefit. However, the roll-out is being ramped up dramatically. By 2022 an estimated 7 million people are expected to claim universal credit, which incorporates six different benefits and tax credits (including child tax credit and working tax credit) into one (see below).
The mortgage problem came to light after Julie Broughton* contacted Money to say that she was worried she could lose the mortgage that had been agreed in principle by NatWest. She said the bank had slashed the amount it was willing to lend her from £103,000 to just £59,000 because she wasn’t able to provide it with a written letter from the Department for Work and Pensions detailing the breakdown of her payment.
“Because I can’t provide them with that one bit of paper, they have removed that income from the total … this is going to affect so many people who may now not be able to obtain a mortgage,” she claimed.
Broughton, who lives in north-east England, is among the first tranche of people to be moved to the fully digital service. At the moment around 600,000 people are on universal credit, though most of these are on the slightly less hi-tech “live service”.
Broughton is a divorced single parent who works for a charity and is currently selling the former marital home and buying a smaller property. Her income – from work, maintenance from her ex-husband, and universal credit – plus the equity she already has in the property, means she can afford a mortgage in her own right.
An “award letter” from the DWP can be a useful way of officially proving entitlement to a benefit, but it is understood that these are no longer being posted out. Some individuals applying for a home loan are submitting a print-out or screen-grab from their universal credit online account – as Broughton did – but this is being rejected as unacceptable.
Another problem is that while universal credit incorporates lots of existing benefits, many lenders only accept some of these when totting up an income. If the individual is unable to provide a clear breakdown of their benefits, the lender may decide not to take any of the payment into account.
All of these could mean a big cut in how much someone is able to borrow – which could be disastrous. Broughton’s case could therefore be the tip of the iceberg.
While Halifax says a flat “no”, it adds that it does accept some of the components of the benefit as income, including working tax credit and child tax credit. By contrast, Leeds building society says it will consider working tax credit but not child tax credit.
Catherine McKinnell is Labour MP for Newcastle upon Tyne North, and Broughton is one of her constituents. She told Money that “it cannot be right that the very system that is supposed to be a safety net is standing in the way of finding a home, and is clearly going to affect many others if it is not urgently addressed”.
She adds: “It is yet another example of how the implications of an entirely online benefit simply haven’t been thought through.” She has raised the issue directly with the DWP and asked it to come up with a solution.
David Hollingworth at broker London & Country says that when he asked mortgage advisers at the firm about their experiences, one reported a case of a client who was in receipt of universal credit and was seeking a mortgage from a leading lender. In that instance, the lender wasn’t able to confirm the split between the different components of the benefit, only some of which it would accept. As a result the lender decided it wouldn’t take any of the client’s payment into account.
The good news for Broughton is that NatWest later agreed to approve her application. But she says it “remains firm that without the paper statement, it will not include universal credit in its calculations. Though the outcome for me has been positive, it seems unlikely that future applicants will be as successful”.
Money contacted the DWP about these issues. It told us that universal credit is modernising the welfare system and gives people 24-hour access to information about their claim, in the same way that many people bank online.
It adds: “Everyone’s claimant statement shows the breakdown of their payment. People can show this via their online account or print out their statement. A lender should accept this as evidence, but if they refuse people can speak with their work coaches.”
NatWest, however, confirms that it still requires “written proof”. “We need to fully understand the breakdown … we haven’t been told that situation has changed. The reason is that these online print-outs don’t include the breakdown required”.
* Not her real name
Latest on universal credit
In Wednesday’s budget the chancellor, Philip Hammond, announced some concessions on universal credit, the main one being that claimants will only have to wait five instead of six weeks for their first payments. The government will also allow housing benefit to continue for an extra two weeks after the start of a universal credit claim. The benefit is due to be rolled out to all jobcentres by December 2018.
Those who receive any of the existing benefits don’t need to do anything until the Department for Work and Pensions gets in touch, unless they have a change in circumstances.
Usually, you have to be 18 or over to get universal credit, but some 16- and 17-year-olds and full-time students are eligible. A payment is made up of a standard allowance and any extra amounts that apply.
• For more information go to www.gov.uk/universal-credit
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The post Universal credit in new crisis as some claimants are denied <b>mortgages</b> appeared first on Trusted Mortgage Brokers - Find A Local Mortgage Adviser Today.
from https://www.trustedmortgagebrokers.co.uk/universal-credit-in-new-crisis-as-some-claimants-are-denied-mortgages/
from Trusted Mortgages Brokers - Blog http://trustedmortgagebrokers.weebly.com/blog/universal-credit-in-new-crisis-as-some-claimants-are-denied-mortgages
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trustedmortgagebrokers · 7 years ago
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Universal credit in new crisis as some claimants are denied mortgages
Locked out of a mortgage offer … and locked into a digital benefits system. Photograph: Alamy
Universal credit
Universal credit in new crisis as some claimants are denied mortgages
A standoff between banks and the government means that loan applicants could be rejected if they receive the new payment. We speak to a buyer caught in the middle
Thousands – perhaps even millions – of people could have trouble obtaining a mortgage because of problems with the way the government’s universal credit system and banks and building societies “talk” to each other.
A Guardian Money investigation into the difficulties experienced by a homebuyer living in one of the areas chosen to test the new benefit has revealed that some recipients could be at risk of being turned down for a mortgage. Some lenders are saying they will not accept universal credit at all when calculating how much they will lend, while others have apparently not amended their IT systems to deal with it – leading to problems and delays. On its published list of acceptable income types, Halifax’s website simply gives a blunt “no”.
Many lenders do accept it in some situations, but a key problem is that the most up-to-date version of universal credit is fully online and paperwork-free. Many banks and building societies, however, still insist on an official “hard copy” letter detailing how much benefit someone is getting. In essence, it’s an “old tech v new tech” clash.
Quick Guide
What is universal credit and what are the problems?
Show Hide
What is universal credit?
Universal credit is the supposed flagship reform of the benefits system, rolling together six benefits (including unemployment benefit, tax credits and housing benefit) into one, online-only system. The theoretical aim, for which there was general support across the political spectrum, was to simplify the benefits system and increase the incentives for people to work, rather than stay on benefits.
How long has it been around?
The project was legislated for in 2011 under the auspices of its most vocal champion, Iain Duncan Smith. The plan was to roll it out by 2017. However, a series of management failures, expensive IT blunders and design faults have seen it fall at least five years behind schedule.
What is the biggest problem?
The original design set out  a minimum 42-day wait for a first payment to claimants when they moved to universal credit (in practice this is often up to 60 days). After sustained pressure, the government announced in the autumn 2017 budget that the wait would be reduced to 35 days from February 2018. This will partially mitigate the impact on many claimants of having no income for six weeks. The wait has led to rent arrears (and in some cases to eviction), hunger (food banks in universal credit areas report notable increases in referrals), use of expensive credit and mental distress. 
Ministers have expanded the availability of hardship loans (now repayable over a year) to help new claimants while they wait for payment. And housing benefit will now continue for an extra two weeks after the start of a universal credit claim. However, critics say the five-week waiting time is not enough and want it reduced to two or three weeks.
Are there other problems?
Plenty.  Multibillion-pound cuts to work allowances imposed by the former chancellor George Osborne mean universal credit is far less generous than originally envisaged. According to the Resolution Foundation thinktank, about 2.5m low-income working households will be more than £1,000 a year worse off when they move on to universal credit, reducing work incentives. Landlords are worried that the level of rent arrears racked up by tenants on universal credit could lead to a rise in evictions. It’s also not very user-friendly: claimants complain the system is complex, unreliable and difficult to manage, particularly if you have no internet access.
Was this helpful?
Thank you for your feedback.
At the moment there are a relatively small number of people on this so-called “full service” digital version of the new benefit. However, the roll-out is being ramped up dramatically. By 2022 an estimated 7 million people are expected to claim universal credit, which incorporates six different benefits and tax credits (including child tax credit and working tax credit) into one (see below).
The mortgage problem came to light after Julie Broughton* contacted Money to say that she was worried she could lose the mortgage that had been agreed in principle by NatWest. She said the bank had slashed the amount it was willing to lend her from £103,000 to just £59,000 because she wasn’t able to provide it with a written letter from the Department for Work and Pensions detailing the breakdown of her payment.
“Because I can’t provide them with that one bit of paper, they have removed that income from the total … this is going to affect so many people who may now not be able to obtain a mortgage,” she claimed.
Broughton, who lives in north-east England, is among the first tranche of people to be moved to the fully digital service. At the moment around 600,000 people are on universal credit, though most of these are on the slightly less hi-tech “live service”.
Broughton is a divorced single parent who works for a charity and is currently selling the former marital home and buying a smaller property. Her income – from work, maintenance from her ex-husband, and universal credit – plus the equity she already has in the property, means she can afford a mortgage in her own right.
An “award letter” from the DWP can be a useful way of officially proving entitlement to a benefit, but it is understood that these are no longer being posted out. Some individuals applying for a home loan are submitting a print-out or screen-grab from their universal credit online account – as Broughton did – but this is being rejected as unacceptable.
Another problem is that while universal credit incorporates lots of existing benefits, many lenders only accept some of these when totting up an income. If the individual is unable to provide a clear breakdown of their benefits, the lender may decide not to take any of the payment into account.
All of these could mean a big cut in how much someone is able to borrow – which could be disastrous. Broughton’s case could therefore be the tip of the iceberg.
While Halifax says a flat “no”, it adds that it does accept some of the components of the benefit as income, including working tax credit and child tax credit. By contrast, Leeds building society says it will consider working tax credit but not child tax credit.
Catherine McKinnell is Labour MP for Newcastle upon Tyne North, and Broughton is one of her constituents. She told Money that “it cannot be right that the very system that is supposed to be a safety net is standing in the way of finding a home, and is clearly going to affect many others if it is not urgently addressed”.
She adds: “It is yet another example of how the implications of an entirely online benefit simply haven’t been thought through.” She has raised the issue directly with the DWP and asked it to come up with a solution.
David Hollingworth at broker London & Country says that when he asked mortgage advisers at the firm about their experiences, one reported a case of a client who was in receipt of universal credit and was seeking a mortgage from a leading lender. In that instance, the lender wasn’t able to confirm the split between the different components of the benefit, only some of which it would accept. As a result the lender decided it wouldn’t take any of the client’s payment into account.
The good news for Broughton is that NatWest later agreed to approve her application. But she says it “remains firm that without the paper statement, it will not include universal credit in its calculations. Though the outcome for me has been positive, it seems unlikely that future applicants will be as successful”.
Money contacted the DWP about these issues. It told us that universal credit is modernising the welfare system and gives people 24-hour access to information about their claim, in the same way that many people bank online.
It adds: “Everyone’s claimant statement shows the breakdown of their payment. People can show this via their online account or print out their statement. A lender should accept this as evidence, but if they refuse people can speak with their work coaches.”
NatWest, however, confirms that it still requires “written proof”. “We need to fully understand the breakdown … we haven’t been told that situation has changed. The reason is that these online print-outs don’t include the breakdown required”.
* Not her real name
Latest on universal credit
In Wednesday’s budget the chancellor, Philip Hammond, announced some concessions on universal credit, the main one being that claimants will only have to wait five instead of six weeks for their first payments. The government will also allow housing benefit to continue for an extra two weeks after the start of a universal credit claim. The benefit is due to be rolled out to all jobcentres by December 2018.
Those who receive any of the existing benefits don’t need to do anything until the Department for Work and Pensions gets in touch, unless they have a change in circumstances.
Usually, you have to be 18 or over to get universal credit, but some 16- and 17-year-olds and full-time students are eligible. A payment is made up of a standard allowance and any extra amounts that apply.
• For more information go to www.gov.uk/universal-credit
Go to Source
The post Universal credit in new crisis as some claimants are denied <b>mortgages</b> appeared first on Trusted Mortgage Brokers - Find A Local Mortgage Adviser Today.
from Trusted Mortgage Brokers – Find A Local Mortgage Adviser Today https://www.trustedmortgagebrokers.co.uk/universal-credit-in-new-crisis-as-some-claimants-are-denied-mortgages/
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