#Parti justicialiste

[almanach-international]

17 octobre : le jour de la fidélité en Argentine

Le Jour de la fidélité ou de la loyauté (Día de la lealtad), chaque 17 octobre, est la date fétiche du mouvement péroniste. Celui-ci est représenté sur l’échiquier politique argentin par le Parti justicialiste, une formation populiste qui depuis le début du XXIe siècle, sous les présidences de Néstor Kirchner, puis Cristina Kirchner et Alberto Fernández, penchait plutôt à gauche. Quand ce parti est au pouvoir la célébration du 17 octobre semble être celle de la nation tout entière. Ce qui correspond à l’idéologie de ce parti pour qui l’État doit faire corps avec le peuple et inversement. Depuis sa défaite électorale de décembre 2023 et l’élection d’un président d’extrême droite à la tête de l’Argentine, Javier Miliei, le mouvement péroniste est dans l’opposition, avec une centaine de députés à l’Assemblée (sur 250), mais il conserve la moitié du Sénat et la moitié des postes de gouverneur de province. Cela donne une dimension particulière à une journée toujours empreinte de nostalgie à l’égard de la figure de Juan Perón et cette année, marquée par la colère face à un président qui est en train de détruire le pays dans la lignée de Bolsonaro ou de Trump dans l’autre Amérique.

La journée commémore le début de la manifestation massive, le 17 octobre 1945, sur la place de mai exigeant la libération de l'officier militaire argentin Juan Perón, emprisonné sur l'île de Martín García. Celui-ci était un ministre du Travail très favorable aux ouvriers. En octobre 1945, des militaires opposés à son influence croissante dans le gouvernement provoquèrent une révolution de palais, contraignirent Perón à la démission, puis le firent mettre en détention le 12 octobre 1945. Apprenant la nouvelle, des milliers de travailleurs et leurs familles se sont rassemblés le 17 octobre dans les rues de Buenos Aires et ont marché vers son centre, la place de Mai (Plaza de Mayo), exigeant la libération de Juan Perón. Celui-ci est libéré le jour même.

Fort de sa popularité, ce leader populiste de gauche deviendra président de l'Argentine, le 4 juin 1946 jusqu’au 21 septembre 1955. Cet anniversaire fêté chaque année comme le jour de la fidélité est aussi celui du mouvement péroniste dont les leaders ont appelé à se mobiliser ce jeudi dans "l'unité" sur toutes les places du pays, en particulier Plaza de Mayo. Ce lundi la CGT, le Courant ouvrier fédéral (CFT) et le Mouvement d'action syndicale argentin (MASA) se mobilisent à 14h00 devant le Monument au travail, sur le Paseo Colón et Independencia à Buenos Aires. Un grand rassemblement est également prévu à 17 heures dans le quartier de Bella Vista avec pour le slogan : Comment industrialiser à nouveau l'Argentine ? Mettant ainsi le doigt sur le grand échec du péronisme dont la gestion populiste pays a précipité le déclin de l’Argentine.

Un article de l'Almanach international des éditions BiblioMonde, 17 octobre 2024

[mashounen1945]

-------------------------

Justicialists talk so much about "The People"... "Peoples never make mistakes", they say, as if "The People" was (yes, in singular) an infallible hive-mind.

It's not true. It never was.

Argentina is and has always been a sloppy gathering of individual wills, each of them going on their own, very reluctantly coexisting in the same territory.

-------------------------

I heard we need to learn to live in society. Such is the key to solving all our problems (yes, all of them), they say.

Sounds real good, fam... Does anyone here have any idea what exactly "living in society" is? I feel like the vast majority no longer know what that means.

-------------------------

Justicialism will never be able to represent anyone again if it doesn't accept that harsh reality: not only that Argentine society is fragmented, but that it always was, and that Justicialists must simply accept it and elaborate their proposals starting from that fact, not force tens of millions of people to unite despite having next to nothing in common with each other.

But Justicialists will never do this. It'd imply the much-vaunted "National & Popular Movement" doesn't exist, at least not as the unified body they believe it to be. Therefore, the party would no longer have its raison d'etre either, and the only path left would be to cease to exist: they'd have to divide into multiple smaller parties, each representing some group of the population, in such a way that, within each of them, its members actually have things in common. Namely, a party for unionized workers, a party for non-unionized minimum-wage workers, a party for farmers, a party for Native Americans, a party for women, a party for Queer communities, and so on.

-------------------------

To be fair, maybe the Radical Civic Union also needs to distinguish between all their factions and the particular interests of each of them, then reorganize themselves as multiple political parties based on that distinction.

I have a question that might sound silly, but I'll ask it anyway because it'll allow me to illustrate what I mean (and also because I have nothing to lose):

What is Radicalism?

To defend civil liberties against authoritarian attacks, regardless of whether those authoritarians are left-wing or right-wing?

To defend the workers' interests, continuing the progress made by Hipólito Yrigoyen, even if that implies... agreeing with Justicialists (the Horror!)?

To represent the interests of the provinces in the Argentinean Interior, where Radicals always had a strong presence, even if that means agreeing with the most rancid Conservatism and the Christian Right on social/cultural issues due to the Interior admittedly being overwhelmingly conservative and religious?

To insist on complying with and enforcing the Constitution and that "Only with Democracy, we can eat, heal and teach", even though people are angry with Democracy and the Constitution and have grown tired of enshrining both of them due to all their shortcomings, flaws and limitations?

Both Radicalism and Justicialism are rife with contradictions threatening to shatter their respective parties at all times (despite both parties trying to disguise this as "internal diversity of opinions") and also chronically paralyzing decision-making. It'd be for the best if, one day, each of them separated and reorganized into new political organizations with greater internal coherence; this separation and reorganization should be voluntary and planned, not a side effect of abnormally ferocious infighting. In the case of the Radical Civic Union, at the very least, each provincial party committee should be a party of its own (in some provinces such as Río Negro, it appears this is virtually the case already).

[yourdailyqueer]

Alba Rueda

Gender: Transgender woman

Sexuality: N/A

DOB: 7 April 1976

Ethnicity: White - Argentinian

Occupation: Politician (Justicialist Party - I think), activist

Note: First openly transgender politician in the country to hold a senior governmental position

[famousinuniverse]

We don't lose anything, people are aware of where they are.

It's a saying that "When your intentions are pure, you don't lose people, they lose you."

Here is some real life examples related with this statement.

Don't Cry for Me Argentina

“Don't Cry for Me Argentina” became something of an anthem when it was performed by Madonna in the 1996 musical film Evita. Why did Madonna wrote Don't Cry for Me Argentina?

Madonna as Evita in Evita (1996 film) Chronicling the life and times of Argentina's favourite daughter, Eva Perón, Evita was a dramatisation of the real-life events that happened in Eva Perón's short but impactful life.

Eva Perón, the second wife of Argentine president Juan Perón.

María Eva Duarte de Perón, better known as just Eva Perón or by the nickname Evita, was an Argentine politician, activist, actress, and philanthropist who served as First Lady of Argentina from June 1946 until her death in July 1952, as the wife of Argentine President Juan Domingo Perón

Born: May 7, 1919, Los Toldos, Argentina

Died: July 26, 1952, Buenos Aires, Argentina

Spouse: Juan Perón (m. 1945–1952)

Full name: María Eva Duarte de Perón

Date knighted: 1947

Organizations founded: Eva Perón Foundation, Justicialist Party, Female Peronist Party

The Untold Story Behind the Song "Don't Cry For Me Argentina" It concentrates on the life of Argentine political leader Eva Perón, the second wife of Argentine president Juan Perón. The story follows Evita's early life, rise to power, charity work, and death.

Realizing she is about to die, Eva renounces her pursuit of the vice presidency and swears her eternal love to the people of Argentina ("Eva's Final Broadcast"). Eva's numerous achievements flash before her eyes before she dies ("Montage"), and she asks for forgiveness, contemplating her choice of fame instead of long reign ("Lament"). Evita dies, and embalmers preserve her body forever. Che notes a monument was set to be built for Evita but says "only the pedestal was completed, and Evita's body disappeared for 17 years."

No perdonen una mierda, la gente es consciente de lo que hace.

[elsolnetworktv]

Alberto Fernández resigns as leader of Argentina's Justicialist Party after being charged

Fernández says he does not want “the media lynching” to which he is “being subjected to hurt this party” Former Argentine President Alberto Fernández has formalized his resignation as national leader of the Argentine Justicialist Party this Wednesday after being formally charged with alleged crimes of “serious injuries doubly aggravated” and “coercive threats” against former first lady Fabiola…

[organisationskoval]

104) Partido Nuevo Triunfo (Partia Nowego Triumfu, New Triumph Party) - małą skrajnie prawicową partią polityczną w Argentynie, zakazaną 17 marca 2009 r. na mocy orzeczenia argentyńskiego Sądu Najwyższego. Partia została założona przez Alejandro Biondiniego w 1990 roku jako Partido Nacionalista de los Trabajadores (Nacjonalistyczna Partia Robotnicza, Nationalist Worker's Party), początkowo jako oderwanie się od Justicialist Party. Lider partii przewidział kryzys gospodarczy w kraju, który jego zdaniem stworzyłby podstawy do przejęcia władzy przez rewolucyjny nacjonalizm. Biondini jest weteranem międzynarodowej sceny neonazistowskiej, który w 1984 roku założył grupę o nazwie Alerta Nacional, którą opisał jako „mała część wielkiego światowego ruchu socjalistycznego”. Ta grupa próbowała tworzyć powiązania między różnymi skrajnie prawicowymi grupami w kraju. Partia została ponownie uruchomiona jako Partia Nowego Triumfu w listopadzie 1997 r., określając się jako „polityczny, bojowy i wyborczy wyraz argentyńskiego narodowego socjalizmu”. W czasach, gdy korzystanie z internetu przez marginalne grupy polityczne było ograniczone, ale zyskiwało na popularności, internetowa publikacja Partii Nowego Triumfu, Libertad de Opinión (Wolność opinii, Freedom of Opinion) otworzyła nowe możliwości w Argentynie, zapewniając regularne forum dla argentyńskiego neonazizmu i anty-semityzmu. Ricardo Brinzoni był krótko związany z grupą, ponieważ członkiem był jego prawnik Juan Enrique Torres Bande. Partia konsekwentnie próbowała uzyskać uznanie prawne, ale została odrzucona. Niemniej jednak w wyborach parlamentarnych w Argentynie w 2005 r. żona i syn Biondiniego, członkowie partii, kandydowali do Acción Ciudadana, grupy kierowanej przez Jorge Colotto, komisarza generalnego Policía Federal Argentina. Partia popiera neonazizm i stara się wykorzystać Argentynę jako nową bazę nazistów. Twierdzono, że Biondini wierzy, że Adolf Hitler zidentyfikował Argentynę jako przyszłość nazizmu. Twierdził, że w ostatnich dniach w swoim bunkrze, Hitler wskazał na mapie Argentynę i stwierdził, że „stamtąd nadejdzie nowy przywódca”. Partia również głośno krytykowała główne partie polityczne i przywódców, potępiając Fernando de la Rúa jako marionetkę syjonistycznego rządu okupacyjnego, co jest teorią spiskową. W ramach tej retoryki podkreśla również swoje zakorzenienie w chrześcijaństwie. Idee partii zostały przez nich podsumowane w deklaracji polityki, która określa pięć celów dla narodu argentyńskiego. Są one wymienione jako:    

Potwierdzenie wartości Argentyny, opartych na Bogu i kraju, ze stanowczym stanowiskiem wobec wszystkich, którzy chcieliby zniszczyć te wartości    

Godność dla argentyńskiego robotnika poprzez ustanowienie korporacyjnego parlamentu    

Obrona suwerenności narodowej za wszelką cenę, z systematycznym programem zbrojeń w celu odzyskania Malwin (Falklandów) i Patagonii    

Ustanowienie czysto argentyńskiego systemu gospodarczego, który wyeliminowałby lichwę i zjednoczył klasy w ramach korporacjonizmu    

Znacznie surowszy kodeks prawny, w tym kary dla tych, którzy jego zdaniem odnieśli korzyści z walk Argentyny.

[the-funtime-autocrat]

We want intelligence to be in the service of a good soul and a strong man. In this we are not inventing anything, we are going back to the Greeks who were able to establish that perfect balance in their men in the most glorious period of its history. So I said that this principle is as old as the culture itself. Unfortunately men have abandoned these roads, but we want them back, because we believe that's the truth and because we believe that is the path that will lead our people to greatness and happiness because they fight.

Juan Peron, 1955.

[elbiotipo]

But the main thing going on right now is that former president Alberto Fernández is accused (and this is pretty much confirmed) of domestic violence against the first lady Fabiola Yáñez. And it's serious, it was during a long period of time, it was in the presidential residence, and it was very violent, she has photos and messages that show he was very violent with her. (This all was also uncovered in a corruption case that seems minor all things considered)

Virtually all of Argentina's political arc has condemned it, but there is a lot going on especially regarding the fact that he is technically stil president of the Justicialist Party

And also deputies of La Libertad Avanza (Milei's party) visited imprisoned military people who were involved in the last dictatorship in crimes against humanity, because they are obsessed with reclaiming them as heroes against the communist (yes the libertarian party supports military dictatorships) but that has taken a backseat to what's going on with Alberto

And the economic crisis continues with the largest destruction of national industry since the apocalyptic 2001 crisis.

But other than that.

Afraid to ask, but what's going on in argentina?

everything everywhere all at once

[simon-eriksson]

What are politics like in Argentina?

they are really personalist. Like they vote the person (or against the person) not the party and the ideals. To have an idea we call each other depending to who you vote or support: kirchneristas (voted and support/ed cristina and nestor kirchner), macrista (voted and support/ed mauricio macri), peronista (voted and supported juan domingo peron) etc etc

kichneristas and peronista generally go hand in hand, they are the justicialist party —> support the working class and the poor people

macristas are basically trump supporters argentinian version

then you have The Partido Obrero that is like ?ultra leftist? idk if that makes sense i don’t know how to talk politics in english

[riodelaplata15]

#10 Artikel Diana Roy dalam Council on Foreign Relations

Dalam artikel ini, Diana Roy membahas sekilas mengenai sejarah ekonomi Argentina, Peronisme, dan pengaruh instabilitas ekonomi Argentina terhadap kondisi politik domestik. Artikel ini menyentuh kejadian-kejadian yang lebih kontemporer, seperti kebijakan-kebijakan administrasi President Mauricio Macri (memerintah dari 2015-2019), yang sempat menstabilkan kondisi perekonomian Argentina, sebelum akhirnya Pandemi COVID-19 dan resesi yang diakibatkannya menyebabkan Argentina sekali lagi gagal membayar hutang luar negerinya pada tahun 2020.

Artikel ini memberi pencerahan mengenai dinamika politik-ekonomi Argentina dan bagaimana kedua faktor tersebut saling memengaruh. Di Argentina, dua partai dan fraksi politik terbesar yang mendominasi adalah Partai Justicialist – sebelumnya Partai Peronist – dan Radical Civic Union (RCU) yang sejak dahulu merupakan oposisi terbesar terhadap Rezim Peronisme, maupun Junta Militer. Partai Justicialist, merupakan partai yang cenderung populis, dan mendukung kebijakan-kebijakan social welfare dan intervensionisme pemerintah. Sementara itu, RCU mendukung fokus mengurangi hutang nasional Argentina, memotong pengeluaran negara, serta legislasi-legislasi progresif dan reformasi judisial. Beberapa tahun belakangan, partai-partai yang lebih kecil, seperti Republican Proposal Party (PRO) menjadi cukup berpengaruh – Presiden Mauricio Macri merupakan pemimpin partai ini. Ketika ia terpilih, Macri mengeluarkan serangkaian kebijakan pro-pasar dan austerity measures (pemotongan pengeluaran) untuk memaksimalkan pendapatan pemerintah dan menekan rasio hutang luar negeri Argentina. Kebijakan ini sangat kontroversial dan tidak populer bagi masyarakat, namun berhasil menjaga stabilitas ekonomi Argentina selama Macri menjadi Presiden. Argentina, bersama negara-negara lain di dunia mengalami resesi parah yang diakibatkan pandemi COVID-19 pada tahun 2020. Resesi ini akhirnya berujung pada kegagalan membayar hutang sebesar $500 miliar pada bulan Maret. Desember pada tahun yang sama, Argentina masih memiliki hutang sebesar $336 miliar; nyaris 90% PDB nasionalnya. $40 miliar dari hutang tersebut adalah pinjaman dari IMF.

Roy, D. (2022). Argentina: A South American Power Struggles for Stability. Retrieved from Council on Foreign Relations: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/argentina-south-american-power-struggles-stability

[bestweb20sitelist]

Ex-F1 driver Reutemann dies, aged 79

New Post has been published on https://uspost.xyz/uncategorized/ex-f1-driver-reutemann-dies-aged-79/

https://uspost.xyz/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Ex-F1-driver-Reutemann-dies-aged-79.jpg

Ex-F1 driver Reutemann dies, aged 79

Reutemann drove for Brabham, Ferrari, Lotus and Williams.

Carlos Reutemann, a leading Formula 1 driver in the 1970s and 1980s and later a senior politician in Argentina for three decades, has died aged 79.

As a racing driver he won 12 Grands Prix, came close to the world championship with Williams in 1981.

He was known for his huge talent but enigmatic character.

Upon retiring abruptly in 1982, Reutemann went into politics and had two terms as governor of his native Santa Fe province.

He was a senator for the Justicialist Party from 2003 until his death.

Reutemann rose to prominence as a racing driver, entering Formula 1 in 1972 at the relatively late age of 29 and remaining among the top names in the sport throughout his decade of involvement.

He drove 146 races for the Brabham, Lotus, Ferrari and Williams teams and was regarded as one of the fastest drivers of his day.

He added six pole positions and a total of 45 podium finishes to his 12 wins. He finished runner-up in the 1981 championship and third in 1975 with Brabham, 1978 for Ferrari and 1980 at Williams.

The FIA tweeted: “He was a big part of our sport for many years and was a fighter to the end. He will be greatly missed”.

Reutemann, whose film-star looks helped him to become one of the most charismatic figures of his era, was as known for his mysterious personality as for his skills behind the wheel.

He could be brilliant and untouchable one day and anonymous the next, a reputation that followed him throughout his career and which was never more obvious than in the final race of the 1981 season.

Reutemann, driving for Williams, had been engaged in a season-long battle with the Brazilian Brabham driver Nelson Piquet.

They went to the final race in Las Vegas with Reutemann leading by a point and needing only to beat Piquet to win the title.

But after qualifying on pole position, Reutemann slumped in the race, down to fourth by the first corner and finishing eighth, lapped by his team-mate Alan Jones, who won.

Piquet had been there for the taking. Badly affected by the heat and suffering from exhaustion, the Brazilian’s head was lolling around in the cockpit, but he managed to bring the Brabham home fifth to clinch the title.

Reutemann driving for Ferrari at the Spanish Grand Prix in 1978.

Reutemann’s performance that day remains clouded in mystery – he complained of gearbox trouble, but after the race Williams could not find a single thing wrong with the car.

The team’s co-founder and technical director Patrick Head told BBC Sport: “The chief mechanic went and drove the car back in and said he couldn’t feel anything wrong with it. And when we took it apart there was not a single damaged (gear) dog; everything was in immaculate condition. So it was very difficult to understand, quite honestly.”

Reutemann returned to Argentina after the end of the season and had to be persuaded by team owner Frank Williams to return in 1982 alongside a new team-mate, Keke Rosberg, who went on to become world champion that year.

But Reutemann drove only two races before announcing his retirement.

Head believes the looming war between Britain and Argentina in over the Falkland Islands, combined with his desire to leave motorsport behind, was what persuaded him to leave.

Head remembers him as “an absolute gent – I wouldn’t say sophisticated, but quite an educated person for a racing driver.

“Carlos was incredibly quick, if he wanted to be. But if his psychology wasn’t with it, he would not be that way, so he was a very difficult… he was not like your normal driver; he was a very unusual person.

“He disappeared after Las Vegas and Frank talked to him a couple of times down in Argentina. And then the war happened at the beginning of 1982.

“Frank persuaded Carlos to come back and do a couple of races and I think Carlos thought Keke was a bit on the quick side. I don’t think he was frightened of him, I think he just thought he was going to have to work a bit hard.

“I think he had fallen out of love with it and the war gave him a… I think it would have been rather difficult with his country and England at war, driving for an English team, so I can understand him while the war was going on not driving. But I think also having a spaniel snapping at his heels was a second persuader or something.”

A move into politics

In 2003, Reutemann was offered the chance to run for the Argentine presidency

After leaving motorsport, Reutemann returned to his farm in Argentina and his popularity led the ‘Justicialista’ Party to persuade him to run for governor.

He won in 1991, serving a four-year term, and after a hiatus because the province’s constitution does not allow for re-election, ran again four years later and served from 1999-2003.

Reutemann’s profile grew in Argentina and he was for many years expected to make a run for the presidency, but declined on several occasions, despite considerable pressure to do so.

In 2017, he was diagnosed with liver cancer and his health had been declining in recent weeks.

He died on 7 July, his daughter Cora saying he “left in peace and dignity after fighting like a champion with a strong and noble heart that accompanied him to the end”.

F1 said in a statement: “We are all deeply saddened to hear that Carlos Reutemann has passed away. He was a big part of our sport for many years and was a fighter to the end. He will be greatly missed.”

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[mashounen1945]

-------------------------

-------------------------

I'm fully aware that complaining on the Internet and talking to a brick wall about my personal political ideas (which the Terminally Online Left here on Tumblr loves to do so much) contributes nothing to constructive political discourse or the defence of Democracy and Human Rights. But for many people, that's the only thing vaguely resembling "political activism" that they know, or the only option even available to them.

Justicialist "grassroots units/offices" and the like no longer exist. Local HQs of political parties open their doors only when they feel like it, and they're not a good environment to exchange ideas anyway: just like in any social gathering, if you say something slightly different from the majority opinion (even if the difference is surface-level and you agree with your comrades about everything else), they start looking at you badly, or they just ignore you and that's it.

What other option is left? Going out and protesting? Ending up one-eyed due to a rubber bullet (or something even worse)? And what do I gain from that? Being a lost voice in the crowd (a crowd that will achieve nothing at the end of the day)? No, thanks. I have better things to do with the time I have left in this world.

You only have two viable options left: either online bickering (which is useful to vent and nothing else after a while)... or giving up, not talking about it, fully dedicating yourself to studying or working, trying to go on with your life in whatever way you can.

Furthermore, political action requires that you trust your peers. That you trust people in general, trust them to use reason and critical thinking, trust that they'll at the very least selfishly vote for whatever is most convenient for each of them individually. Such trust is no longer possible.

You share with your neighbour your concerns and everything that is at stake in an election. Your neighbour says they agree with you on everything. Then they vote to backstab you: it turns out they still enjoy seeing you suffer, even if it requires them to suffer along with you.

You appear one day and start campaigning 24/7 for better living conditions for workers, you present a non-perfect but pretty decent government plan, you mobilize crowds like only a select few did in the past... And then your people vote for the far-right libertarian Trump wannabee with the genocide-denialist girlboss vice-president and the same former president and former ministers who made the country go broke twice in very recent history. And all those people voted for that because they got up on the wrong side of the bed on election day or some other dumb s***; either that, or they do agree with your ideas at a fundamental level but still "don't like you a lot" and followed you only because "they had to suck it up once again", and for having had to tolerate you for months, they take revenge on you on election day.

-------------------------

Some say that we can get out of this only if we become a society that "sees the other as a peer, not as an enemy"; if we work together, keep solidarity alive and continue giving a hand to those who suffer...

Does anyone here still feel like doing that? Most likely for nothing?

Some talk about how we must avoid being carried away by hatred, that nothing good or lasting can come from hatred, that "love defeats hatred", and so on...

Such advice would have come in handy a decade ago. Now hatred is the only thing we have left.

It's as if a "reverse Pandora's Box" had been opened: all the evils in the world were unleashed, but what remained at the bottom of the box was hatred instead of hope.

The only thing we can control now is how to use that hatred: to direct it against each other, or to direct it all at the new libertarian far-right government. Whatever option is chosen, when this is all over, what emerges next in Argentina will not be a brand-new, mildly functional society; only hatred will remain, but then there'll be nobody and nothing else to redirect it towards.

[yourdailyqueer]

Mariela Muñoz (deceased)

Gender: Transgender woman

Sexuality: N/A

DOB: 24 December 1943 

RIP: 5 May 2017

Ethnicity: White - Argentinian

Occupation: Activist, political candidate (Justicialist Party), tarot reader

Note: Raised twenty-three children (and 30 grandchildren) over the course of her life. In 1997, she became the first trans woman to be officially recognized by the government of Argentina.

[historygreatest]

Carlos Saúl Menem

Carlos Saul Menem was born on July 2, 1930 – February 14, 2021, he was an Argentine politician who was President of Argentina from July 8, 1989, to December 10 1999. He was also a Senator for La Rioja Province from December 10, 2005, until his death. Ideologically, he identified as a Peronist and pursued economically liberal policies, serving as President of the Justicialist Party from 1990 to…

[mapsontheweb]

Results of the 2017 Argentine legislative election showing seats won by each party per province.

Yilku1:

Results from the legislative election from October 22 showing seats won by each party per province. Seats are allocated using the d'Hondt method. Cambiemos won the most seats, even winning in poor and Peronist provinces like Chaco, La Rioja, Salta and Jujuy. This election is a sign that the people support the new pro-business reforms by President Macri and that people don't believe what the Peronist say about Macri hating the poors.

Maps created by /u/RileyRichard, modified by me.

Kirchnerist/Peronist parties:

Unidad Ciudadana (Citizen's Unity): Coalition created by the ex President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner because she didn't want to run with the Justicialist Party. Centre left populist.

Frente Cívico por Santiago (Civic Front for Santiago): Provincial party of Santiago del Estero. Centre left. Union of members from the Justicialist Party and Radical Civic Union. Governing the province since 2005.

Frente Renovador de la Concordia (Renewal Front of the Concord): Provincial party of Misiones Governing the province since 2003.

Non-Kirchnerist/Peronist parties:

Partido Justicialista (Justicialist Party): Classical party, from the center right to centre left, campaigning for worker's rights

1País (1Country): Coalition of various parties. From the United for a New Alternative (centre right) to Generación para un Encuentro Nacional and Freemen of the South Movement (Social democrats).

Unión por Córdoba (Union for Córdoba): Provincial coalition of Córdoba. Centre right. Including the Justicialist Party and the Christian Democratic Party. Governing the province since 1999.

Chubut para Todos (Chubut for Everyone): Provincial party of Chubut. Centre.

Movimiento Popular Neuquino (Neuquén People's Movement): Provincial party of Neuquén. Third Position. Governing the province since 1962.

Non-Peronist parties:

Cambiemos (Let's Change): Coalition of various parties. From the Republican Proposal (centre right) to the Radical Civic Union and Civic Coalition ARI (Social democrats).

Frente de Izquierda y de los Trabajadores (Workers' Left Front): Trotskyist far left coalition.

Evolución: A centre left party from Buenos Aires City led by Martín Lousteau.

Frente Progresista, Civico y Social (Progressive, Civic and Social Front): Coalition from Santa Fe province led by the Socialist Party and some members of the Radical Civic Union, governing the province since 2007.

Partido Intransigente (Intransigent Party): The most unexpected party to win. The last time they won a seat was in 1985. They are led José Luis Ramón, leader of a NGO against the rise the fuel gas price used for heating in Mendoza province. They tried to found their own party, but because they didn't get enough signatures to become a party they used the name of the Partido Intransigente.

[elbiotipo]

Do you really believe peronism offers progress? I’m not a libertarian (im left-leaning), but since peronism was created the country has only impoverished. They don’t take money from the filthy rich, they steal it from the working middle class and make other people believe they’re “””the rich””” while the real rich ppl stay the same. They did good things like women’s vote and derechos laborales but those things were already present or were going to come either way

Yes, I do believe Peronism offers progress. It is, in fact, the Argentine party that has done the most social progress in this nation, by far.

It was the party that gave rights to millions that were voiceless and treated as little more than serfs. It was the party that gave us free higher education, public health, workers rights from freedom of assembly to vacations, it was the party that brought Argentina back from the misery it was in after the Great Depression and the Década Infame (and no, it wasn’t a “first world country” before Peronism, at least not for most people. A country can be “rich” while having its wealth concentrated in few people, which was exactly the case. And it wasn’t a democracy by any means either).

Even now, it’s the largest party that is commited to the rights of minorities and women, scientific advancement, the development of national industry, and friendship with our fellow Latin American nations.

Sure, that is my personal belief, but I have plenty of evidence to back it up. And there are plenty of things that Peronism has done wrong in its near 80 years of history; we can talk about it. But let me talk about your other points.

A lot is talked about the “70 years of impoverishment”. And you say women’s vote and worker’s rights would have come anyways, or were already “present” (not true, or else, there would be no need for Peronism). Let me retort both points.

You know what came after Peronism?

The Revolución “”““Libertadora”“““. A dictatorship with the sole purpose of reverting every achievement of Peronism. Forget about women’s vote; there was no vote for anyone. The largest democratic party of Argentina was persecuted, even saying the name of Perón was banned (so much for liberty). The 1949 Constitution, as flawed as it was, was explicitly repealed because it enshrined worker’s rights on it. It was reactionary blodshed that started with the only air attack Buenos Aires ever experienced: by our own airforce, over civilian protesters.

And it happened again, and again. Every time Argentine democracy and workers tried to breath again, a coup choked it. Ask Frondizi, ask Illia. They weren’t couped by evil Peronists, let me tell you. The repression and violence, the supression of the will of the people, the endless attacks against the reforms that gave dignity to so many -remember, Onganía tried to privatize public education, and every military goverment did its best to undermine state institutions-, gave way to the cycle of violence* that ended in the coup of 1976.

I don’t think I need to tell you what happened then.

So, you say those rights would have come anyways. They wouldn’t, at least with no blodshed. What Perón achieved with his reforms was nothing short of a revolution (despite his famous “Sangre y Tiempo” saying) for the lower and middle classes that had lived under a oligarchy until then. The counterrevolution was not only expected, it was repeated and bloody. They wouldn’t have given away the rights you say “would have happened anyways”, they actively and violently worked to destroy them.

You want to see the true architects of Argentine misery? The true 70 years of decay? It was thanks to the military butchers, backed by the great oligarchs and the silent cooperation of conservative people, that sunk our country in an endless cycle of coups and countercoups for decades.

(Now, this is entirely my speculation, but take Argentina in the 30s and 40s. With the growing inequality and violence in those times, a revolution of some sort was almost inevitable. It could have happened democratically, as Peronism did, or it could have happened, much, much differently. And bloodier. And in such a case, our latest 80 years would have looked like an utopia from that perspective)

And also define “steal”; that’s quite a word. Because if you mean corruption, there has been no Argentine party free of corruption (and don’t think the militares weren’t corrupt either), and if you mean taxes, that’s literally how every state since the Sumerians has worked. Taxes in Argentina have a lot of problems, and some of the spending I disagree with. But I see them as absolutely necessary to maintaining our society.

*What happened in those years with Peronism itself was a bloody mess, in the most literal sense of the word and much of it can be blamed on Perón himself, which was far from the man he was in his first goverments. And that’s why, as much as I admire Perón’s achievements, I consider myself a “Justicialist” rather than a “Peronist”. I support the ideology, not the man. But it’s a semantic difference in this point of history.