#New Criminal Codes India
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townpostin · 4 months ago
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First FIR Under New Criminal Code Filed In Ranchi Kotwali Thana
Kotwali Police Station Registers Theft Case Using Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita The incident marks the local implementation of India’s recently enacted criminal justice reforms. RANCHI – Kotwali police station recorded the city’s first First Information Report (FIR) under the newly implemented Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), marking a significant shift in criminal procedure. The case, involving a theft…
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kimskashmir · 4 months ago
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Following IPC Sections have been converted to BNS Sections
The following IPC Sections have been converted to BNS Sections 1. 302 IPC = 103 BNS 2. 304(A) IPC = 106 BNS 3. 304(B) IPC = 80 BNS 4. 306 IPC = 108 BNS 5. 307 IPC = 109 BNS 6. 309 IPC = 226 BNS 7. 286 IPC = 287 BNS 8. 294 IPC = 296 BNS 9. 509 IPC = 79 BNS 10. 323 IPC = 115 BNS 11. R/W 34 IPC = 3(5) BNS 12. R/W 149 = R/W 190 BNS 13. 324 IPC = 118(1) BNS 14. 325 IPC = 118(2) BNS 15. 326 IPC =…
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fatehbaz · 4 months ago
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was thinking about this
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To be in "public", you must be a consumer. Or a laborer.
About control of peoples' movement in space/place. Since the beginning.
"Vagrancy" of 1830s-onward Britain, people criminalized for being outside without being a laborer.
Breaking laws resulted in being sentenced to coerced debtor/convict labor. Coinciding with the 1830-ish climax of the Industrial Revolution and the land enclosure acts, the "Workhouse Act" aka "Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834" forced poor people to work for a minimum number of hours every day. The major expansion of the "Vagrancy Act" of 1838 made "joblessness" a crime and enhanced its punishment. (Coincidentally, the law's date of royal assent was 27 July 1838, just 5 days before the British government was scheduled to allow fuller emancipation of its technical legal abolition of slavery in the British Caribbean on 1 August 1838.)
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"Vagrancy" of 1860s-onward United States, people criminalized for being outside while Black.
Widespread emancipation after slavery abolition in 1865 rapidly followed by the outlawing of loitering which de facto outlawed existing as Black in public. Inability to afford fines results in being sentenced to forced labor by working on chain gangs or prisons farms, some built atop plantations.
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"Vagrancy" of 1870s-onward across empires, people criminalized for being outside while being "foreign" and also being poor generally.
Especially from 1880-ish to 1918-ish, this was an age of widespread mass movement of peoples due to mass poverty and famine induced by global colonial extraction and "market expansion", as agricultural "revolutions" of monoculture/cash crop extraction resulted in ecological degradation. This coincides with and is facilitated by new railroads and telegraphs, leading to imperial implementation or expansion of identity documents, strict work contracts, passports, immigration surveillance, and border checkpoints.
All of this in just a few short years: In 1877, British administrators in India develop what would become the Henry Classification System of taking and keeping fingerprints for use in binding colonial Indians to legal contracts. That same year during the 1877 Great Railroad Strike, and in response to white anxiety about Black residents coming to the city during Great Migration, Chicago's policing institutions exponentially expand surveillance and pioneer "intelligence card" registers for tracking labor union organizing and Black movement, as Chicago's experiments become adopted by US military and expanded nationwide, later used by US forces monitoring dissent in colonial Philippines and Cuba. Japan based its 1880 Penal Code anti-vagrancy statutes on French models, and introduced "koseki" register to track poor/vagrant domestic citizens as Tokyo's Governor Matsuda segregates classes, and the nation introduces "modern police forces". In 1882, the United States passes the Chinese Exclusion Act. In 1884, the Ottoman government enacts major "Passport Nizamnamesi" legislation requiring passports. In 1885, during the "Tacoma riot" or "expulsion", a mob of hundreds of white residents rounded up all of the city's Chinese residents, marched them to the train station, kicked them out of the city, and burned down the Chinese neighborhood, introducing what is called "the Tacoma method".
Punished for being Chinese in San Francisco. Punished for being Korean in Japan. Punished for crossing Ottoman borders without correct paperwork. Arrested for whatever, then sent to do convict labor. A poor person in the Punjab, starving during a catastrophic famine, might be coerced into a work contract by British authorities. They will have to travel, shipped off to build a railroad in British Kenya. But now they have to work. Now they are bound. They will be punished for being Punjabi and trying to walk away from Britain's tea plantations in Assam or Britain's rubber plantations in Malaya.
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"Vagrancy" amidst all of this, people also criminalized for being outside while "unsightly" and merely even superficially appearing to be poor. San Francisco introduced the notorious "ugly law" in 1867, making it illegal for "any person, who is diseased, maimed, mutilated or deformed in any way, so as to be an unsightly or disgusting object, to expose himself or herself to public view". Today, if you walk into a building looking a little "weird" (poor, Black, ill, disabled, etc.) or carrying a small backpack, you are given seething spiteful glares and asked to leave.
"Vagrancy" everywhere in the United States, a combination of all of the above. De facto criminalized for simply going for a stroll without downloading the coffee shop's exclusive menu app. "Vagrancy", since at least early nineteenth century Europe. About the control of movement through and access to space/place. Concretizing and weaponizing caste, corralling people, anchoring them in place (de facto confinement), extracting their wealth/labor.
You are permitted to exist only as a paying customer or an employee.
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girlfriendsofthegalaxy · 6 months ago
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tuesday again 5/21/2024
get a load of this cat
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listening
one of my favorite bands, Joywave, dropped a new album last week! it is not my favorite album of theirs but so it goes. perhaps it needs more time to grow on me. Sleepytime Fantasy kicks off my favorite section of the album. video game enchanted ice cave dream sequence music.
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i must stay true to my own rules for this series (not a rec series, genuinely what i've been into the most this week) and the song that's been on loop all week is a genshin impact character's theme music (punchy wolf-coded ice cop who is the duke of the prison he. runs? administers? don't worry about it). unfortunately a bop. the character music lately has been a lot more modern and experimental than i expected? this one has a police siren drop
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reading
thank you mackintosh.
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i really, really enjoyed Trouble And Her Friends by Melissa Scott (LAMBDA award winner 1995)! @delta-orionis and i frequently ask ourselves "what if neuromancer was good?" and this scratches that itch for me. it is often difficult for me to take neuromancer's protagonist henry seriously, but this book features a pair of extremely practical dykes. it opens on the passing of a new american law criminalizing big swathes of online activity, passed despite a presidential veto. description from amazon
Less than a hundred years from now, the forces of law and order crack down on the world of the computer nets. The hip, noir adventurers who get by on wit, bravado, and drugs, and haunt the virtual worlds of the Shadows of cyberspace, are up against the encroachments of civilization. It's time to adapt or die. India Carless, alias Trouble, got out ahead of the feds and settled down to run a small network for an artist's co-op. Now someone has taken her name and begun to use it for criminal hacking. So Trouble returns. Once the fastest gun on the electronic frontier, she had tried to retire-but has been called out for one last fight. And it's a killer.
this startled me by how fun and competent it is! i tried reading one of the author's books last year (Dreamships) and had a miserable time with the pacing and flow of information. there are echoes of the pacing issues i had with the last book-- this is a nearly four hundred page hardcover, we have a lot of Next Locations to go to, and we are going to take our fucking time getting there. a road trip book, rather than a destination book. Scott has gotten way way better at fleshing out those locations— an artists' co-op has their skylights set to amber to hide the wear and tear on everything in their central hangout space when the feds show up. i also connected with the inciting incident way more-- someone stealing a female hacker’s name and style is instantly relatable. i am riding shotgun with Trouble. i am ready to throw down with her.
it's a very physical book in many ways, bc it has three brief sex scenes, is very concerned with sensuality in both senses of the word, and overall it's like the background in an anime that’s full of dials and buttons and little blinky lights. written in 1994, fascjnating how much concepts of VR and sensory inputs have not changed, but everyone still has the equivalent of an enormous old school desktop and giant CRT monitors set up. everyone is constantly lugging around so much physical tech. the stuff that makes you better at hacking in the net is quick reactions to VR sensations, the only way to get that cutting edge sensation is to get a physical chip or “worm” in your head, and the only people who do that are the core outcasts and freaks of the internet (the gays, the women, the people of color, the all three, presumably the furries as well). from that day to this…
there's an interesting contrast between Trouble and her old partner Cerise stalking the virtual reality bazaars/being queens of the BBS undergrounds, and the danger they feel and face when moving about in the real world. some reviewers are very cranky about how negotiations on and offline feel the same but i did not feel this particular quibble. communication is communication. it is known both on and offline that they're 1) women and 2) lesbians. they're in less physical danger online but slurs can still happen no matter where they are. also, i am well used to the necessity of having to posture and peacock and be kind of a bitch to establish myself in order to get anything done in coding/hardware scenes, which is something i don't think any of the male reviewers of the day ever had to think about.
some cowboy shit goes down at the end that had me hooting and hollering, and Scott handled the hacking scenes in an interesting way-- a sort of abstracted duel? terrific "fight" scenes. very interesting at how she will move things around in order to treat scenes in ways she's good at-- like establishing very grounded locations that feel real, physical sensations, and fight scenes-- instead of just kind of slogging through a very surface level high-overview travelogue like in her last book. ive been stuck on a fic chapter for like four years and this is making me think about doing it the fun way instead of the way i thought it should be done. this may be obvious but i am an amateur and more importantly an idiot.
this was a $6/1 book special last year at one of my favorite thrift stores, a religious shop with the absolute worst vibes in the greater houston area but some of the best stuff
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watching
Five Dolls For An August Moon (1970, dir. Brava). sometimes you see a cool title on kanopy and you don't have a better way to kill an hour and a half. plus it had some guys i know from cowboys. tw for a suicide's body in the first fucking ten seconds of the trailer, which is a weird trailer choice bc u don't actually see most of the murders in the movie.
ive watched a fuck of a lot of spaghetti westerns so i feel i am somewhat qualified to tell you this is one of the worst dubs ive ever seen. the lines actors are quarter-heartedly delivering do not always make a lot of sense and only occasionally match the subtitles. i am assuming this is the original dub, bc kino lorber generally does a pretty okay job restoring things?
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this is not a good movie (extremely troubled production, director swap three days before filming, made on a shoestring budget, the actors mostly wore their own clothes, etc). it is not very good at maintaining tension, because it is a film that first and foremost Looks. beautiful fucking sets, beautifully decorated. the exterior is a matte painting, a sort of frothy dream-bubble of sixties architecture. most of the interiors are apparently a real house. incredible experimental burbling soundtrack full of Weird Sounds.
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sorry about the tubi interface and our old friend the activate windows logo.
there are so many fun directorial flourishes and staging, but it does get a little wrapped up in itself. this made me think of The Secret of NIMH, a beautifully animated talking-animal film that gave me nightmares as a child, where the animation tricks and sparkles and moving parts sort of all get in each other's way to produce something less than the sum of its parts. this sort of happens here. i'm going to yoink this from a review:
Bava’s eye for exquisite compositions is equally evident. One scene in particular stands out in this regard: The filmmaker shoots an otherwise humdrum fistfight through wooden latticework that breaks the action up into an abstracted mosaic effect. The fight culminates with a table being upended, which in turn unleashes a myriad crystal spheres. The camera follows along as the spheres tumble and cascade down a spiral staircase and roll across a tiled floor before plopping like so many bath bubbles into a tub. The scene concludes with the revelation of a recently deceased character caught in what you’d have to call a tableau morte. It’s a dazzlingly orchestrated sequence, easily on par with more famous Bava set pieces.
it's gorgeous! there's also So Much going on. another lovely bit of business: as each person dies they get wrapped in plastic sheeting and put in the walkin freezer. next to slabs of beef. not a subtle film, and i don't mean it as a diss, bc where's the fuckin fun in that?
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playing
i have not been doing much of anything here except listen to podcasts and work toward the two-thousand-fish-caught achievement in genshin. impatiently waiting for Clorinde to be released in several weeks. that one button needs a raise. it is So funny to see genshin characters with fucking guns. very sword and pike based societies so far
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making
every time i have tried to make one of these samplers for Me it's gone horribly wrong or been somehow destroyed so i'm making this one for my brother's upcoming birthday, bc he will have off-campus housing next academic year, in an attempt to peacefully do some fucking cross stitch and get something out at the end of it. pattern here on etsy
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mariacallous · 5 months ago
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India is in the middle of a 44-day exercise to elect its next government, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi tipped to return his Bharatiya Janata Party to power for a third consecutive term. Modi, who aims to win nearly three-quarters of the country’s 543 parliamentary seats, has surprised many observers by using dehumanizing anti-Muslim language on the campaign trail—rhetoric that is more direct than that of his past speeches.
So far, the BJP campaign has focused on creating an irrational fear among India’s Hindu majority that if Modi doesn’t return as prime minister, a share of their private wealth and affirmative action job quotas will be given to Indian Muslims. Modi and his party have doubled down on this narrative at a moment when reports suggest that their quest for a supermajority is unlikely to succeed. The brazen continuation of such anti-Muslim rhetoric differentiates this campaign from the two others that have put Modi in the prime minister’s office.
Hate speech is a criminal offense in India, and it is specifically barred during an election campaign. However, Modi chose the three leaders of India’s Election Commission, the agency charged with conducting free and fair polls, and it has ignored his flagrant violations of the election code. As a result, as the campaign continues through the end of May, so too will Modi’s anti-Muslim tirades. India is expected to announce its election results on June 4.
If the BJP wins and Modi is once again crowned prime minister, his Islamophobic rhetoric will not simply disappear. Many political leaders campaign in poetry and govern in prose, but hateful rhetoric has real-life consequences. Modi’s campaign speeches have put a target on Indian Muslims’ backs, redirecting the anger of poor and marginalized Hindu communities away from crony capitalists and the privileged upper castes. It underscores an attempt to make members of the Muslim minority second-class citizens in a de facto Hindu Rashtra, or state.
These social schisms need only a small spark to burst into communal violence, which would damage India’s global status and growth. Furthermore, Modi’s campaign rhetoric is matched by the BJP’s choice to not put up candidates in Muslim-majority Kashmir, reducing its stake in ensuring robust democracy in a region that New Delhi has ruled directly since 2019. His language will also have a direct bearing on India’s fraught ties with its neighbor Pakistan. Finally, the state-backed ill treatment will likely not be limited to Indian Muslims—meaning that other religious minorities, such as Christians and Sikhs, will also be affected.
Around 200 million Muslims live in India—the second-largest Muslim population in the world, after that of Indonesia. Few mainstream Indian political leaders have plummeted to such depths in castigating these citizens. Modi’s campaign rhetoric makes clear that if he is elected to a third consecutive term, the nation’s Muslims will stand politically disempowered, economically marginalized, and deprived of their constitutional rights.
Modi’s political rise came in the wake of significant violence against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, when he was the state’s chief minister. Due to his role in the violence, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States all temporarily barred his entry. Leading the party’s campaign to victory in the state assembly in the same year, his campaign speeches were full of crude language against Muslims. But the BJP’s electoral success in Gujarat—winning the next two assembly elections before the launch of Modi’s national campaign—ultimately gave Modi political credibility within an extreme fringe of the party.
By 2011, Modi had started reinventing himself as a business-friendly leader with an eye on a national role. By the time he became prime minister three years later, the narrative of a so-called Gujarat model of economic development concealed his anti-Muslim ideological moorings. Modi’s mask slipped occasionally, but he often spoke with a dog whistle. Mostly, the prime minister reiterated an imagination of India as a Hindu nation. In a post-9/11 world, Modi presented an alternative model of battling Islamic terrorism and consolidated a Hindu majoritarian voter base—delivering a stunning election victory in 2019 after an attempted airstrike against an alleged terrorist training camp inside Pakistan.
This year, Modi has not campaigned on his track record of the past decade or on the party manifesto for the next five years as often as he has attempted to further polarize Hindus and Muslims. In a speech given on April 21, Modi suggested that the opposition Indian National Congress party, if elected, would redistribute property to Muslims. The party would “calculate the gold with [Hindu] mothers and sisters” and transfer it “among those who are infiltrators and have more children,” he said—using terms by which his supporters regularly describe Muslims.
Elsewhere, Modi alleged that Congress was helping Muslims in a plot to take over India: “The opposition is asking Muslims to launch vote jihad,” he said in March. Speaking at a rally in Madhya Pradesh in early May, Modi said that voters would have to choose between “vote jihad” and “Ram Rajya,” the latter being a term referring to a mythical, idealized society that purportedly existed during the rule of Lord Rama, the hero of the famous Hindu epic Ramayana.
The prime minister’s economic advisory council soon released a paper that sought to stoke anxieties about a decline in the proportion of Hindus in India; during the period it covered—1950 to 2015—India’s population actually increased by five Hindus for every one Muslim citizen, but BJP leaders soon deployed the report to further demonize Indian Muslims.
The party’s official messaging has echoed Modi’s rhetoric. A now-deleted video posted on the Instagram account for the BJP’s Karnataka branch this month said, “If you are a non-Muslim, Congress will snatch your wealth and distribute it to Muslims. Narendra Modi knows of this evil plan. Only he has the strength to stop it.” It was followed by an animated clip depicting Congress leader Rahul Gandhi hatching a plan to benefit Muslims at the expense of Hindu groups.
Other Indian democratic institutions have done no better. Despite formal complaints from opposition parties and civil society groups, the election commission has neither punished nor restrained Modi. A petition in the Delhi High Court seeking immediate action against Modi for his “communally divisive speeches” was dismissed, with the judges arguing that it was “without merit” because the commission was already looking into the matter. “We can’t presume that they won’t do anything,” one judge said. But as the elections near the finish line, that is precisely what has happened.
Some observers are likely to dismiss Modi’s recent language as par for the course during an election campaign, when tempers run high. However, most surveys and polls have predicted an easy victory for the prime minister and the BJP; he has no need to resort to pandering to base emotions with toxic rhetoric. In an interview, Modi denied that he had uttered a word against Indian Muslims; he was proved wrong by fact-checkers and video evidence. India’s top political scientist said that through his denials in interviews, Modi is trying to influence the naive chroniclers while he continues with his anti-Muslim speeches for the masses and his supporters. Modi’s No. 2, Amit Shah, insists that the party will continue with this anti-Muslim campaign. By persisting with hateful speech, the BJP leadership is fueling a narrative that is likely to intensify discrimination against Indian Muslims during Modi’s rule.
As prime minister, Modi has spearheaded a project for the political disempowerment of Indian Muslims. For the first time in the history of independent India, the ruling party does not have a single Muslim member of parliament. In the current election, the party has put up just one Muslim candidate—on a list of 440—who is running for an unwinnable seat in Kerala. More broadly, religious polarization has made it difficult for Muslim candidates to win seats in areas without an overwhelming Muslim majority. During recent elections, there have been complaints of authorities barring voters in Muslim-majority localities in BJP-ruled states. Modi’s message to Indian Muslims is unequivocal: You do not matter politically.
India’s Muslims are economically disadvantaged, too. A 2006 committee under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s Congress government found that the Muslim community faced high levels of poverty and poor outcomes on almost all socioeconomic indicators. India’s opposition parties have promised a new socioeconomic survey that could inform future policy without a focus on religion. Modi’s government, by contrast, opted to not conduct even the regular census in 2021—the first such instance in 140 years—due to COVID-19; it has not been conducted since.
Rather than relying on data, Modi and his supporters prefer an emotional response that pitches poor and marginalized Hindus against Muslims. India is a highly unequal country: About 90 percent of the population earns less than the average income of $2,800 per year. This gap has widened under Modi, with the richest 1 percent now owning 40 percent of India’s wealth. By othering Muslims, Modi puts them at risk of becoming the object of other deprived groups’ ire, which could lead to further communal violence. A Muslim man was allegedly lynched in Gujarat during the current election campaign, without making national  headlines.
Islamophobia is at the core of the project to make India a Hindu state. Modi and the BJP frequently weaponize terrorism discourse to delegitimize critics and political opposition. In Kashmir, where the BJP is not running candidates this election, this tactic has fueled anger and hostility. The high turnout in the region seems to be an expression of rage against Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke its semi-autonomous status. When the ruling party leaders conflate Islam with terrorism, there is little chance of extending any hand of peace toward Pakistan, either. Modi and his ministers have vowed to take back Pakistan-administered Kashmir by force if necessary—no matter the grave risk of conflict between two nuclear-armed countries.
Finally, Modi’s rhetoric does not bode well for other religious minorities in India. In the border state of Manipur, the largely Christian Kuki community has suffered state-backed majoritarian violence for more than a year. In Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated state, Christian priests and worshippers are being jailed, beaten, and threatened by both Hindu majoritarian groups and state police. Meanwhile, the BJP has demonized the Sikh farmers who led protests against agricultural laws in 2020 and 2021, labeling them as separatist Khalistani terrorists. (Last year, Modi’s government was accused of involvement in the killing of a Sikh separatist leader in Canada as well as in an attempted assassination in New York.)
Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians are India’s biggest religious minorities; they make up nearly one-fifth of the country’s population. To disempower these groups would spell the end of the historical bond between India and ideas of universal justice, human rights, and democracy. A majoritarian Indian state—a Hindu Rashtra—would instead make a covenant with bigotry, discrimination, and violence. The bipartisan U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom has repeatedly asked Washington to blacklist Modi’s government for its suppression of religious freedom, but the Biden administration has refused to act so far.
However, the evidence is there for all to see—and Modi has further substantiated the charge of bigotry with his campaign speeches targeting Indian Muslims. No matter if the BJP achieves its supermajority, this rhetoric will have significant consequences for India. Modi is serving a warning. The world should take note before it is too late.
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sataniccapitalist · 4 months ago
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comicsart3 · 2 months ago
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Vooda Jungle Princess is interesting due to her tangled history as much as her status as a memorable “jungle girl” heroine. She actually originated as Alani, the featuring character in a story called South Seas Girl that appeared in the nautically-themed Seven Seas Comics in 1946-47. Unfortunately for Alani, she was revived to feature in the horror comic book Voodoo Comics just as the changes required by the new Comics Code, shut the title down in 1954. However, some fancy footwork by publisher Robert Farrell and Ajax Comics, renamed both the comic book’s title, which took on a jungle theme, and its South Seas heroine, to Vooda. However, the Comics Code Authority were not fooled. Alani, illustrated by the wonderful Matt Baker, had been considered too sexualised anyway, so Vooda Jungle Princess only lasted three issues (#20 - #22) before being withdrawn.
The title was interesting in that it was set in the South Seas rather than the usual non-specific African country and Vooda was clad in sarong rather than animal skin shorts or tunic. The stories however depicted a South Seas virtually indistinguishable from postwar colonial Africa or India, and trod familiar themes of native peace and harmony being threatened by exploitative white criminals or foreign agents. Vooda foils all the dastardly plots, sometimes quite ingeniously, and despite the allegedly tropical paradise setting, Alani/Vooda tends to subscribe to the eye-for-an-eye ethos of jungle justice and the bad guys often did not survive their encounter with her. The Seven Seas history was retained in that Vooda’s brief series of adventures often took place at sea, and Matt Baker continued to illustrate the heroine, albeit less scantily clad. In the event Vooda was not given the chance to evolve. Even if her run had not been terminated by the moral panic concerning Golden Age comic books, the “jungle woman” genre had run its course by the late 1950s, so the title would have been unlikely to survive in any event.
The page featured is from Vooda Jungle Princess #20 (August 1955) and the story Echoes of an A- Bomb!
Sources: Comicbookplus and Pappy’s Golden Age Comics Blogzine
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theopulenthq · 5 months ago
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The Accused - Mini Plot Drop 2
With the interrogations underway and weeks counting down until The Tribunal begins, an official dossier of the criminals accused has been released to the public. Up until this point, the criminals at hand had yet to be linked to their specific crimes. However, through the determination of litigators for the upcoming Tribunal, the below information has been uncovered:
Duke Gabriel Cuvelier (from France) - Age 62, former advisor to the French King, accused of ordering the hits against The King of Ethiopia & both Scottish rulers (and personally funding the assassinations). Refuses to give any information other than the simple statement - “It is not yet over.”
Duchess Adele Cuvelier (from France) - Age 59, wife to Duke Gabriel, Close comrade and confidante of Prime Minister Nicolette.  suspected of being the lead organizer of the reckoning attack at lal qila. May be responsible for a number of ordered hits.
Apolline Lefrancois (from France/now Florence) - Age 30, former lady-in-waiting to the Queen of France until marrying years ago & moving to Florence, suspected of being the assassin responsible for the death of the Dowager Queen of Ethiopia. Her husband cannot be located & their Florence residency seems abandoned, though signs show that the King of Norway (oldenburg) may have been held there for a time.
Sabino Montez (from unknown/believed to be Spain) - Age 55, a new cook for the royal Ortiz court, arrested upon arrival in Brazil. Accused of the poisoning & murder of Queen Martina Bonaparte, evidence of correspondence with both French & German rebellion leaders, and evidence of involvement in the reckoning. Is a known loyalist of the Ortiz reign and has been suggested to have ties with the French rebellion leaders.
Takuda Toshiko (from Japan/Hong Kong) - Age 32, distant cousin to Emperor Kaito, suspected of involvement in the assassination of the former German King (pre-Elias reign), believed to be the assassin. Former resident of Hong Kong and known dinner guest of the Viceregal. Evidence points to a spy in the Japanese court still working for Takuda due to recent correspondence written in extensive code from the Toshiko court.
Madhavan Parkash (from India) - Age 40, former financial advisor to the Empresses of India, evidence romantically links them  to 1 or more of the Empress’ lovers, suspected to have been behind the poisoning of the Sharma line. Possible involvement in the attack on Thailand’s heirs based on correspondence with Madagascar.
Rishabh Sundar (from India) - Age 29, evidence found to associate them with Takuda Toshiko, believed they are in a relationship. Suspected involvement in the attacks on Germany, may have been involved in the German Tribunal tampering with evidence.
Peter Herrmann (from Germany and/or Scotland) - Age 51, former groundskeeper for the Stuart's in Scotland, had been working in Germany once more before the attack on the Scottish rulers, evidence suggests they were largely involved in the reckoning. Likely to  have been involved in both Scotland’s & Germany’s tragedies. 
Lao Patalung  (From Thailand/now Madagascar possibly): Age 62, former governess to the Thai King & sibling as children. New evidence places them as the last person to visit the deceased heir’s nursery before their untimely passing. Recent ledgers show payments from the Rakotoson’s accounts into their personal accounts, and evidence supports their residency in Madagascar for the last year. 
Pascal Rakotoson  (From Madagascar): Age 43, Former royal advisor to King Mendrika & the Ratsifi family until banished for the misuse of the royal bank. Since their banishment, Pascal was sighted in both Thailand and Japan courts at the time of attack on their royal families, and is believed to be involved in both.
Kaiden Nelson (From Cardiff): Age 22, soldier for the Scottish army and trained under Commander Cailean for a time. Has since  turned into the “golden boy” of the Scottish rebellion. Evidence found of large sums paid to foreign mercenaries, tied directly to the death of the King and Queen of Scotland. 
Meryem Aydin (From Turkey/now China): Age 68, Long-time mistress to the former Sultan of Turkey (pre-Rahmi’s reign) and figurehead of Turkish court. Disappeared shortly after Rahmi’s trial began, only to reinvent herself under a false name in Chinese court. Confessed to falsifying evidence against Shah Khan of Persia to spearhead the order of his death. However, her confession appears too convenient to be trusted. 
While some mysteries remain, including why they had gathered in Russia & what they were planning there, the information in the report is generally considered to be believed, though some may know that not all accusations are true…
OOC INFO
Feel free to headcanon connections your characters have to the npcs, but please just let the admin team know of any significant connection so it be used for future drops!
If you want to be included in a larger plot, have any ideas for the npcs, or want to discuss ideas on mini plot drops related to new, member-driven information, reach out and let’s talk! 
If your character has a secret related to the reckoning you want to play with or have revealed, please reach out so we can link an npc to your character. We are very open to suggestions for progression if you have ideas!
As always, these mini plot drops are entirely designed to be interacted with at your own pace! If your character is not politically inclined nor following closely the tribunal, that is perfectly fine! This is purely to provide character building & contextual information for those who enjoy this type of gameplay.
Enjoy!
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mostlysignssomeportents · 1 year ago
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This day in history
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This Saturday (May 20), I’ll be at the GAITHERSBURG Book Festival with my novel Red Team Blues; then on May 22, I’m keynoting Public Knowledge’s Emerging Tech conference in DC.
On May 23, I’ll be in TORONTO for a book launch that’s part of WEPFest, a benefit for the West End Phoenix, onstage with Dave Bidini (The Rheostatics), Ron Diebert (Citizen Lab) and the whistleblower Dr Nancy Olivieri.
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#10yrsago Top UK government officials tamper with inquest into Brit assassinated by Russian spies in London, suppress evidence https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/may/17/alexander-litvinenko-widow-slams-william-hague
#10yrsago Associated Press quietly nukes its absurd DRM-for-news system https://www.techdirt.com/2013/05/17/aps-attempt-drming-news-shuts-down/
#10yrsago Black Code: how spies, cops and crims are making cyberspace unfit for human habitation https://memex.craphound.com/2013/05/18/black-code-how-spies-cops-and-crims-are-making-cyberspace-unfit-for-human-habitation/
#10yrsago India’s OMICS Publishing Group threatens scholarly critic with $1 billion lawsuit, jail time https://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/2013/05/blogger-writes-about-predatory-publishing-is-threatened-with-1b-suit/
#5yrsago People don’t care about “Net Neutrality”: they care about “internet freedom” which is the same as “freedom” https://www.wired.com/story/net-neutrality-is-just-a-gateway-to-the-real-issue-internet-freedom/
#5yrsago After his viral racist rant, Aaron Schlossberg’s law office lost its lease https://nypost.com/2018/05/17/racist-lawyer-kicked-out-of-his-office-space/
#5yrsago Serial racist: for years, New Yorkers have been videoing their encounters with ranting racist lawyer Aaron Schlossberg https://www.cnn.com/2018/05/17/us/aaron-schlossberg-attorney-racist-rant/index.html
#5yrsago War criminal Henry Kissinger: “AI is the end of the Enlightenment” https://memex.craphound.com/2018/05/18/war-criminal-henry-kissinger-ai-is-the-end-of-the-enlightenment/
#5yrsago Congress wants to extend the copyright on some sound recordings to 144 years https://www.wired.com/story/congress-latest-move-to-extend-copyright-protection-is-misguided/
#1yrago A(nother) way in which Facebook is the 21st Century’s tobacco industry https://pluralistic.net/2022/05/18/turfed/#zuckpuppet
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Catch me on tour with Red Team Blues in Toronto, DC, Gaithersburg, Oxford, Hay, Manchester, Nottingham, London, and Berlin!
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labbaik-ya-hussain-as · 2 years ago
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*U.S.A. Supreme Court ruling: Covid vaccines are not vaccines*
*This judgement may have its effects on INDIA too*
Hardly anyone noticed that Robert F. Kennedy Jr. won the case against all the pharmaceutical lobbyists. Covid vaccines are not vaccines. In its ruling, the Supreme Court confirms that the damage caused by Covid's mRNA gene therapies is irreparable. Since the Supreme Court is the highest court in the United States, there are no further appeals and the appeal possibilities have been exhausted.  Robert F. Kennedy emphasised in a first statement that this was a success that was only possible thanks to the international cooperation of a large number of lawyers and scientists. Of course, this judgement opens something internationally, especially here in Switzerland this judgement should make waves, because Switzerland has a special position here with its federal constitution.  For one thing, the Nuremberg Code is in the constitution with Article 118b, and the misuse of genetic engineering on humans is prohibited in Switzerland under Article 119 of the Federal Constitution.  This is supplemented by Article 230bis of the Criminal Code, ... The perpetrators thus face up to 10 years in prison.  However, this ruling should also make the rest of the world sit up and take notice, because the Nuremberg Code has international validity and is also included in Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In the case of criminal charges, reference must be made in the declaration to the thalidomide scandal in order to lend special weight to the significance of this charge. So politics is in for a hot autumn. One should also know that the German lawyer Dr. Rainer Füllmich and more than 100 other German lawyers were involved in these trials.
https://www.foxnews.com/us/new-york-supreme-court-reinstates-all-employees-fired-being-unvaccinated-orders-backpay
No media is talking about it, neither in Switzerland nor in Europe.
Unfortunately, this only comes with a time delay again.
So forward the resolution to your family members, friends & acquaintances."
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legal-help-wale · 17 days ago
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Civil Law/Criminal Lawyers in Noida
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The Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 (CPC), is the cornerstone of Indian legal practice, laying down the rules for civil litigation in India. While criminal lawyers, including criminal lawyers in Noida, primarily deal with criminal law, it is important to understand the CPC for comprehensive legal knowledge.
What is the civil Code of procedure 1908?
Indian civil law refers to the body of legal principles and rules that govern private disputes and relationships between individuals or entities in India. It is a part of the broader legal system in India, which also includes criminal law and constitutional law. Civil law in India encompasses a wide range of matters, including contracts, property, family law, torts, and more.
Key features of Indian civil law include:
Codification: Much of Indian civil law is codified, meaning that it is set out in statutes or codes. For example, the Indian Contract Act, 1872, and the Transfer of Property Act, 1882, are important pieces of legislation that govern contracts and property transactions, respectively.
Judicial Precedents: In addition to statutory law, judicial decisions play a crucial role in shaping and interpreting civil law in India. Courts often rely on precedents (past decisions) to decide current cases.
Personal Laws: India has a diverse population with different religious communities, and personal laws in matters like marriage, divorce, and succession are often governed by religious laws specific to each community. For example, Hindu law, Muslim law, and Christian law are sources of personal laws for individuals belonging to these communities.
Courts: Civil disputes in India are adjudicated by civil courts at various levels, including district courts, high courts, and the Supreme Court. The jurisdiction of these courts is determined based on factors such as the nature of the dispute and the amount involved.
Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR): In recent years, there has been a growing emphasis on alternative dispute resolution mechanisms such as mediation and arbitration to resolve civil disputes more efficiently and outside the traditional court system.
It’s important to note that Indian civil law is continually evolving, with amendments and new legislation being introduced to address emerging issues and concerns. Legal practitioners and scholars engage with this dynamic legal framework to ensure justice and fairness in civil matters.
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townpostin · 3 months ago
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New Criminal Laws Unveiled at DLSA Jamshedpur Seminar
Legal experts educate attendees on India’s updated justice system DLSA Jamshedpur hosts seminar to explain new criminal laws replacing IPC, CrPC, and Evidence Act. JAMSHEDPUR – A legal awareness program and seminar were conducted by the District Legal Services Authority (DLSA) of Jamshedpur at Co-operative College. The program concentrated on the recently enacted criminal laws of India. The…
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samacharapp · 25 days ago
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MP High Court: The person who said 'Pakistan Zindabad' got bail on a unique condition, will have to say 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai' 21 times every month
MP High Court: This condition has been put by Justice Dinesh Kumar Paliwal. He said that this condition of saluting the flag at Bhopal's Misrod Police Station will continue till the case is over.
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The Madhya Pradesh High Court has granted bail to an accused on a unique condition. This condition is to say 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai' 21 times. Actually, this person has been granted bail on the charge of raising anti-India slogans, but a unique condition has also been attached to it. Faizal alias Faizan was released on Tuesday on the condition that he will salute the national flag 21 times twice every month and chant "Bharat Mata Ki Jai". This order has been given as a bail condition so that the accused can awaken the feeling of patriotism and responsibility.
This unique condition of patriotism for bail
has been put by Justice Dinesh Kumar Paliwal. He said that this condition of saluting the flag at Bhopal's Misrod Police Station will continue till the trial is over. The court order states, "He will mark his presence at Misrod Police Station on the first and fourth Tuesday of every month between 10 am and 12 noon and salute the flag 21 times, as well as chant 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai'."
Justice Paliwal believes that this unique bail condition may perhaps save the accused from future legal complications. Along with this, Faizal was also directed to deposit a bond of ₹ 50,000, and warned that the bail order will automatically expire if the conditions are violated.
The slogan that landed Faizan in trouble
The case is related to an incident in which Faizal was accused of raising slogans of "Pakistan Zindabad, Hindustan Murdabad". Following which a case was registered under Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code. The state lawyer, while opposing the bail plea, also said that Faizal is a habitual offender and 14 other cases are also registered against him.
Faizal argued that the incident had been exaggerated, but he also admitted that the man seen raising slogans in the video was Faizal.
While Faizal's lawyer argued that he had been falsely implicated, the court, without commenting on the merits of the case, granted bail considering Faizal's criminal history and previous charges, but attached a condition of patriotism to it.
News is originally taken from: https://bit.ly/40fhnT4
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rajwillwrite · 1 month ago
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Deadlock over Article -370 : Election finale
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Photo Credit: GQ
The first phase of J-K elections held on September 18 saw 61 % voter turnout. The final phase of polling will be held on October 1. The votes will be counted on October 8.
After six years of central rule, Jammu and Kashmir is holding its first assembly elections since 2014 to democratically elect its first state government after the abrogation of Article 370. 16 - foreign delegates from various countries visited Kashmir to observe the conduct of the electoral process.
Key point to note is the second phase of election in Kashmir saw lower voter in comparison to assembly polls held 2014. With katra having the highest voter turnout at 79.95% while Srinagar having the lowest at 29.24%.
While the election enters it's last phase, the Politics is at its pinnacle in the UT. Endless debate over the statehood of Jammu and Kashmir has Charged the atmosphere with the anticipation over fate of the UT after the elections.
Although Here, we discuss the dead-end over the interpretation of Article 367 of the Indian Constitution, which is going to play crucial role if Congress or other such parties who have promised to restore special provisions of Article 370 to the valley if elected to power.
Maharaja Hari Singh's dilemma amidst coveting tension between India and Pakistan in 1947, led to decision which gave rise to the Instrument of Accession giving India control over certain matters of J-K including defence.
Later the interim government of J-K in 1949, negotiated the special status by joining the Indian Constituent Assembly which provide them their own flag, constitution and criminal code.
Now, about the controversy around the abrogation of special status to J-K. Firstly, what was found to be shady was how the dissolution of constituent assembly of Jammu and Kashmir was dealt with, if it was handled properly there would have been a smooth integration of the state into the Republic of India.
But Nonetheless the catch here is with multiple interpretation and new addition to Article 367.
The new clause added stated that term 'constituent assembly' should be understood as 'legislative assembly' by adding in Article 370 (3). But at that moment of judgement, J-K was under the rule of Article - 356, meant which the legislative assembly and governor of the state, Shall be replaced by Union Parliament and President rule. Therefore, giving the BJP-led parliament pass the resolution from both the houses and amend the article 370 via Constitutional order 272 power granted under the newly constituted article - 370(3) by the President of India discarding the special status to the state.
Interestingly, Article 35A was also affected by the 2019 SC judgement, which defined the erstwhile state's permanent residents. The law curtailed the rights of non-residents in terms of equal opportunity of state employment, acquiring property and settle in Jammu and Kashmir.
Supreme Court with the 5-judge bench had a mixed opinion over the interpretation of article 367. Some agreed the Article 370 was a transitory and temporary provision that should have been dissolved earlier but was not due to the loop-holes in the asymmeteric federal structure of Jammu and Kashmir in 1953 with confusion over its constitent Assembly and legislative Assembly situation. Some concurred with panel saying amendment through back-door should not be permissible. With petitioners challenging the order of 2019 arguing on the basis of Article - 370(1)(a) which has its own inherent intricacies as far as it goes. Thus, the Supreme Court upheld the abrogation and order the Union Government to restore state-hood to Jammu and Kashmir by conducting elections by 30th September, 2024.
The blessed one in the whole event was Ladakh with introduction of Jammu and Kashmir reorganization Act, 2019. The act passed by the Indian Parliament on Aug 5, 2019, allowing the state to be divided into two Union Territories - Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh. From a very long time there was a agitation among people of Ladakh demanding it to be a UT as they were neglected and out on a limb as the funds were not available most being diverted to J-K and development being the least priorites with respect to Ladakh people.
Kashmir has been the epicenter of militancy sinces decades which is not a hidden fact due to constant interference in its Politics by Pakistan on its majority population. But since the revocation of article 370 it was made an easy task for Union Government to boast the economy of Kashmir striking a balance in the valley by creating opportunities for general youth to access easy education and job opportunity with good infrastructure and promotion tourism in the valley itself which in turn curbed the militancy.
While it's is still a challenge for the government to rehabilitate the Kashmiri Pandit population there, which were once the heart of the valley.
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craigawalt · 2 months ago
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Meet your (Chinese) Facebook censors
By 
Sohrab Ahmari
Published Oct. 20, 2020
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China is one of the most censorious societies on Earth. So what better place for ­Facebook to recruit social media censors?
There are at least half a dozen “Chinese nationals who are working on censorship,” a former Facebook insider told me last week. “So at some point, they [Facebook bosses] thought, ‘Hey, we’re going to get them H-1B visas so they can do this work.’ ”
The insider shared an internal directory of the team that does much of this work. It’s called Hate-Speech Engineering (George Orwell, call your office), and most of its members are based at Facebook’s offices in Seattle. Many have Ph.D.s, and their work is extremely complex, involving machine learning — teaching “computers how to learn and act without being explicitly programmed,” as the techy website DeepAI.org puts it.
When it comes to censorship on social media, that means “teaching” the Facebook code so certain content ends up at the top of your newsfeed, a feat that earns the firm’s software wizards discretionary bonuses, per the ex-insider. It also means making sure other content “shows up dead-last.”
Like, say, a New York Post report on the Biden dynasty’s dealings with Chinese companies.
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To illustrate the mechanics, the insider took me as his typical Facebook user: “They take what Sohrab sees, and then they throw the newsfeed list into a machine-learning algorithm and neural networks that determine the ranking of the items.”
Facebook engineers test hundreds of different iterations of the rankings to shape an optimal outcome — and root out what bosses call “borderline content.”
It all makes for perhaps the most chillingly sophisticated censorship mechanism in human history. “What they don’t do is ban a specific pro-Trump hashtag,” says the ex-insider. Instead, “content that is a little too conservative, they will down-rank. You can’t tell it’s censored.”
I won’t share the names of the Facebook employees in question. The point isn’t to spotlight individuals, but to show how foreign nationals from a state that still bans Facebook have their hands on the levers of social media censorship here in America.
The Hate-Speech Engineering team’s staff includes a research scientist based at the Seattle office who earned his master’s degree in computer engineering from the Chinese Academy of Sciences in Beijing, according to his LinkedIn profile.
see also
Facebook workers ‘ashamed’ by tech giant’s censorship of Post’s Hunter Files reporting
Another member of the team, a software engineer for machine learning based in Seattle, earned his bachelor’s and master’s degrees in computer science from Jilin University in northeast China. Still another, an engineering manager, earned his bachelor’s in computer science at Nanjing University in eastern China.
Another software engineer previously worked for the Communist-backed conglomerate Huawei, as well as the Beijing National Railway & Design Institute of Signal and Communication. I reached out to all six employees; two replied to confirm that they are Chinese nationals but refused to comment further; the rest didn’t reply.
Plenty of Big Tech firms, of course, recruit their foreign specialists from China, India and elsewhere, and many of these workers hope to resettle in the United States permanently and share the American Dream.
But some may not, and the trouble is that the society they might return to ­already deploys one of the most comprehensive and fine-tuned intellectual control mechanisms on its own population. What’s to stop Facebook’s Chinese engineers from delivering their Facebook expertise to Xi Jinping? Globalists thought that engaging with China would make that country more open; I fear it’s making us more restrictive.
A Facebook spokesperson denied that these employees influence broader policies. “We are a stronger company because our employees come from all over the world. Our standards and policies are public, including about our third-party fact-checking program, and designed to apply equally to content across the political spectrum. With over 35,000 people working on safety and security issues at Facebook, the insinuation that these employees have an outsized influence on our broader policies or technology is absurd.”
Yet, as Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) put it in an email to me, these revelations are yet “another indication that Big Tech is no longer deserving” of statutory protections that render it immune to a publisher’s liabilities. Big Tech critic Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.), meanwhile, said “this is all the more reason for the Senate to demand that Mark Zuckerberg — under oath and before the election — give an account of what Facebook has been up to.”
Sohrab Ahmari is The Post’s op-ed editor. This is his second column based on conversations with a Facebook insider.
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mariacallous · 9 months ago
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Last week, the Indian state of Uttarakhand passed a bill to adopt a controversial Uniform Civil Code (UCC), which will bring an end to religious or personal laws governing marriage, divorce, adoption, and inheritance, among other issues. The change will bring all communities together under a common law to regulate those practices. The new legislation has already faced pushback from Muslim leaders and other members of India’s political class.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) hope that Uttarakhand will serve as a model for the introduction of a UCC across India, or at least across BJP-ruled states. Some of these states, including Assam and Modi’s home state of Gujarat, are already considering their own UCC bills and are keen to use the Uttarakhand code as a template, although they may tweak the legislation to address local needs. Despite its seeming impartiality, the UCC pushed by the BJP would be a threat to India’s religious pluralism.
The idea of a UCC has long caused consternation among India’s religious minorities, especially Muslims. Muslim politicians and religious leaders have suggested a UCC would amount to unwarranted interference in their community’s norms, especially when it comes to specific legal protections related to marriage, divorce, and inheritance. The Uttarakhand code even regulates live-in relationships—a clear nod to conservative Hindus, many of whom frown on such arrangements.
These critics’ misgivings are not without merit. The BJP has long pursued three contentious goals that impinge disproportionately on the interests of the Muslim community: the abolition of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which granted special autonomous status to the Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir; the construction of a Hindu temple in the city of Ayodhya on the site of a mosque demolished by a Hindu mob in 1992; and the adoption of a nationwide UCC. It achieved the first goal in 2019, and the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya is not yet complete but was consecrated last month.
However, the idea of a UCC goes back decades to India’s foundations as an independent state. The subject was extensively debated by the constituent assembly that helped forge India’s constitution in 1949, but it was not resolved. Owing to the sensitivities of religious communities, most notably Muslims, no government was willing to tackle the politically fraught question. So why is it the unabashedly pro-Hindu BJP government—and not one controlled by the Indian National Congress party, which is committed to secularism—that has taken up the issue of the UCC? The answer requires a bit of historical exegesis.
The prevalence of separate personal laws for different religious communities in India can be traced to a colonial-era regulation. Warren Hastings, then the governor of Bengal and later the first British governor-general of India, directed in 1772 that “in all suits regarding inheritance, marriage, caste and other religious usages and institutions, the laws of the Koran with respect to the Mahomedans and those of the Shaster with respect to Gentoos [Hindus] shall be invariably adhered to.” In 1937, the British Raj enacted the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act, which codified Islamic law for marriage, divorce, succession, inheritance, and other family affairs.
Those who drafted the Indian Constitution debated the necessity of a UCC, with most Muslim members against it. One of the principal architects of the constitution, B.R. Ambedkar, argued that if India could have a common criminal code, it could also have common personal laws, and suggested that a uniform civil code initially be voluntary. The framers instead settled for Article 44, a set of non-justiciable directives that range from prohibiting cow slaughter to curbing liquor consumption. It also called on the Indian state to endeavor toward a UCC for its citizens.
During Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s first term (1952-1957), the Congress party succeeded in codifying Hindu personal law through four pieces of legislation in the face of opposition. Conservative forces decried the move to meddle with Hindu personal laws, while reformists wondered why the changes were restricted to Hindus alone. But when asked about a uniform civil code, Nehru said that the time was not ripe for it.
The matter largely remained unaddressed until 1978, when Shah Bano—a recently divorced Muslim woman—sued her former husband in a lower court in central India for not providing alimony in accordance with the Indian penal code. The local court awarded Bano monthly basic maintenance, which was later increased by a high court. Bano’s husband, Mohammed Ahmad Khan, later challenged the matter before the Indian Supreme Court. Khan contended that he was not obliged to support his former wife under Muslim personal law because he had paid a dowry and three months’ maintenance.
In 1985, the Supreme Court not only rejected Khan’s appeal, but also came out in support of a nationwide UCC. At the time, Chief Justice of India Y.V. Chandrachud—the father of the current chief justice—asked why Article 44 remained a “dead letter,” noting that the Indian state lacked the “political courage” to enact a UCC. The judgment created a firestorm, especially among the Muslim community.
The Congress government led by then-Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi responded by passing the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act in 1986, which said that maintenance had to be paid only for the waiting period for a widowed or divorced woman, usually three months—effectively nullifying the Supreme Court ruling. The new law doused the controversy for the moment, but it also opened up the Congress government to charges of so-called minority appeasement. Today, the BJP tends to characterize the Congress party and others as placating Muslims and other religious minorities in the name of secularism.
Since the Shah Bano case, several court rulings have whittled away at Muslim personal law—but none more so than the 2017 Supreme Court ruling that determined the practice of instant triple talaq to be unconstitutional. The ruling came in response to women’s petitions challenging the practice, in which Muslim men can divorce their wives by uttering “talaq” (divorce) three times in quick succession. Indians across the political spectrum welcomed the judgment for advancing women’s rights, but some observers saw it as another step toward a UCC. The BJP government followed up with the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act in 2019, which made triple talaq a punishable offense.
The UCC indeed has the potential to bolster women’s rights in India by doing away with the anachronistic traditions of some religious groups. But improving the lot of Indian women does not appear to be what drives the BJP. Instead, the party’s pursuit of a UCC appears to be an attempt to stigmatize a particular faith under the guise of enhancing the status of women. (After all, if the BJP were truly concerned about women’s autonomy, it would not have sought to ban the dubious concept of love jihad, which suggests that Muslim men insidiously entice Hindu women into marrying them under questionable circumstances.)
Uttarakhand’s adoption of a UCC is a step toward fulfilling one of the BJP’s key election promises and a staple of its manifestos for the last three decades. Goa is the only other state that currently has a UCC, but its common law dates to the 19th century, when the state was under Portuguese rule. Despite efforts in other BJP-ruled states, a nationwide UCC may be some time away. Still, both Modi and Indian Home Minister Amit Shah have spoken about the idea, with Shah saying recently that the BJP “remains steadfast in bringing in UCC.”
India’s current political climate is far more amenable to the idea of a UCC than in the past. Modi and the BJP are very popular, and unlike the Congress party, they do not rely on Muslim voters to win elections. However, the situation is complicated by the fact that other religious minority groups such as Sikhs, as well as indigenous communities and the Dalit community, feel the potential of a UCC to infringe on religious and cultural rights. (The Uttarakhand code exempts the indigenous peoples of the state, who make up 3 percent of the state population but are present in greater numbers elsewhere.)
The BJP has succeeded in achieving its long-held goals in Indian-administered Kashmir and in Ayodhya. India’s national election is swiftly approaching, and the Modi government has a seemingly inexorable commitment to its Hindu nationalist agenda. If it returns to power this spring with a clear-cut parliamentary majority, the implementation of a nationwide UCC will likely figure prominently in its political priorities, pushing back against what remains of India’s commitment to religious pluralism.
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