#Miner Capital

[giovanni-golino]

Giovanni Golino: The Architect of Hyperverse Ponzi Scheme Exit Scams

Exposing the Tactics of a Deceptive Mastermind

Giovanni Golino, an astute IT professional with residences in Italy, Dubai, and Miami, has emerged as the mastermind behind a series of exit scams targeting victims of the Hyperverse Ponzi scheme.

Motives Behind the Deception

Golino's fraudulent activities are driven by his extensive involvement in pyramid schemes, scams, frauds, and global money laundering operations. With a property worth over 1 million euros in Miami, his opulent lifestyle fuels his illicit endeavors.

A Lucrative Legacy

According to reliable sources, Golino has been amassing an estimated monthly income of $300,000 through his deceptive ventures. His most notable feat was being the top promoter for Hyperfund - Hyperverse in Italy, a pyramid scheme that generated over $40 million. Golino even created a specialized business persona, "Giovanni Golino HyperFund," solely for this enterprise.

The Cunning Fraudster

Giovanni Golino exhibits remarkable cunning and intelligence in his fraudulent exploits. He meticulously selects vulnerable targets, carefully orchestrates scams, flawlessly executes them, and then abandons his unsuspecting downline when the company inevitably collapses.

A Web of Deception

For the past five years, Golino has been involved in a web of scams, bankruptcies, and frauds, primarily within the network marketing sector revolving around cryptocurrency systems. These schemes entice individuals to invest money by referring friends, only to witness the entire structure crumble, leaving victims in financial ruin.

Unveiling "Miner Capital"

There are rumors circulating that Giovanni Golino has launched a new venture called "Miner Capital," following a similar modus operandi. This enterprise operates on a referral marketing system, enticing unsuspecting individuals into its deceitful web. Golino has wasted no time recruiting fresh participants to fuel his fraudulent ambitions.

Reclaiming Your Funds

If you have fallen prey to Hyperfund, Hyperverse, or any other scheme associated with Giovanni Golino, we strongly advise contacting him to recover your lost funds. However, be prepared for a challenging process. Exercise caution and may your pursuit of justice be successful.

[followthebluebell]

playing Friends of Mineral Town and the villagers keep being like, "WOW. It's incredible that you're just one person and running this huge farm by yourself!"

i'm actually using free labor. i'm using harvest sprites that i've given lots of weeds to. i am become willy wonka of the farming factory and these are my legally questionable labor force.

[mysterywriter2187]

Sentinel gives the entire city a mandatory day off to put on his ego event, then not even a day later he triples everyone's shifts to make up for the lost time.

God, this movie is good.

[thoughtportal]

Harlan County, USA is a 1976 American documentary film covering the "Brookside Strike",[1] a 1973 effort of 180 coal miners and their wives against the Duke Power Company-owned Eastover Coal Company's Brookside Mine and Prep Plant in Harlan County, southeast Kentucky. It won the Academy Award for Best Documentary at the 49th Academy Awards.

It was directed and produced by filmmaker Barbara Kopple, then early in her filmmaking career. A former VISTA volunteer, she had worked on other documentaries, especially as an advocate of workers' rights.

[slacktivist]

SOME OF THOSE THAT WORK FORCES.

ARE THE SAME THAT BURN CROSSES.

Keep watching, keep learning, keep speaking about the crimes against humanity committed by the world's wealthy elite. Just because you sleep comfortably does not make you innocent. The powerful and plentiful of the EU and North America fund the crises in Palestine, in Congo, and in Sudan.

Do NOT desensitise yourself to atrocities committed around the globe, do NOT over-consume traumatic and disturbing materials of human suffering, do NOT stop at reblogging, and DO NOT DISENGAGE OR DROP-OUT. DO keep reading about the history, listen to the words spoken by the people on the ground and who are there, bring it up at the dinner table, normalise politics in the tearoom, spread kindness, wellness and be grateful for what you have.

[gregor-samsung]

The Old Oak (Ken Loach, 2023)

[kafkasapartment]

'Wales' (Miner), 1953. Robert Frank. Gelatin silver print.

The Senghenydd colliery disaster, also known as the Senghenydd explosion, 14 October 1913. (Welsh: Tanchwa Senghennydd), occurred at the Universal Colliery in Senghenydd. The explosion, which killed 439 miners and a rescuer, is the worst mining accident in the United Kingdom..None of the mine owners or share holders were injured.

[dazedasian]

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Tysir Salih (@red_maat)

[rosielindy]

Abby sang this last night acapela without a microphone because that’s how Sarah Ogan Gunning did it.

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"After work at the [Lingan] mine resumed in February, fifteen men were dismissed “on account of their connection with the [union] lodge.” Members of Coping Stone met with Donald Lynk [mine manager] and requested that they be allowed to share work with their unemployed brothers. Lynk rebuffed them. A document among Henry Mitchell’s papers, addressed to Lynk and dated 1 March, presents the miners’ demands. The first was for work to be shared with unemployed lodge members. The second demand was that those who departed from the lodge “must be put from their work as they have been the Instigators of much trouble.” The document concludes: “Without Complying with the above wishes, there will be a suspension of work on the 8th of March 1882.” The strike would begin then.

The designation “McLynk” for Donald Lynk in a letter from Lingan published in the Trades Journal seemed to hint at a perception of the manager’s network of allies as Highland relations. Michael McIntyre was expelled from Coping Stone Lodge for “misconduct” but, as a correspondent from Lingan reported, “found a refuge in Donald[’]s arms.” Though Lynk had apparently forbidden the raising of pigs in the mining village, McIntyre was allowed to use a company house as a pig pen, while houses were in demand among union miners. Lynk was also regularly called “Donald Pasha” in the pages of the Trades Journal – another ethnic other, decidedly beyond the pale of British civilization. By the end of March, Lynk had reportedly sent letters “into the country offering heavy inducements to come and work.” The Trades Journal continued:

Two men came along, but seeing how matters stood they went over to Little Glace Bay. Thereafter, other three came who had worked in Lingan last summer. On going to see D.L., he told them to go to work and he would protect them. He asked one of them to go back home and endeavor to induce more men to come, and promising to give him $4.00 if he secured a pair of men, or $20.00 if he secured two pairs.

Lynk’s strategy achieved limited success. The previous summer, R. H. Brown spearheaded the formation of the Cape Breton Colliery Association (CBCA) to unify the coal operators against the Provincial Workmen’s Association [PWA]. But Lingan miners nonetheless found employment at Little Glace Bay, in defiance of CBCA efforts. The secretary of the CBCA wrote to the Glace Bay Mining Company to protest its employment of “Lingan men.” James R. Lithgow, a company director, considered the CBCA’s request “a piece of gross impertinence.” Lynk and the General Mining Association (GMA) were also looking elsewhere to recruit labour. At Lingan, Presbyterian service was delivered by the Reverend John Murray, of Sydney’s Falmouth Street Church, in “one end” of a GMA house. At neighbouring Low Point, Lynk provided use of “a whole Company house” to Murray and local Presbyterians. Lynk’s life membership in the British American Book and Tract Society is suggestive of his religiosity and connections to Presbyterianism. He certainly had an ally in Rev. Murray, who would travel to Scotland to accompany miners recruited there by the GMA to work at Lingan. Given the Catholic majority in the Lingan area, Murray’s initiative likely acquired sectarian meaning. But the GMA’s London board were the ones truly initiating these moves. GMA director Richard Brown wrote to his son and mine manager at Sydney Mines, R. H. Brown, in early April. He explained that C. G. Swann, the GMA’s secretary, “is sending out 40 Colliers for you. I hope they will turn out well. You must keep them out of the Union.”

Robert Drummond [main PWA organizer] was also in Scotland at the time. He happened to be aboard the Canadian with Murray and the recruited miners as it travelled across the Atlantic to Halifax. Drummond engaged in conversations with the miners for several days before Murray realized what was going on. Upon arrival in Halifax on 4 May, Drummond telegraphed news that the Scottish miners had left for Sydney and Lingan on the Alpha.

Numbering more than 30 miners and over 60 people in all, as several miners travelled with families, they were mostly from the mining county of Lanarkshire, plus a few from Fife. When they arrived at Lingan on 6 May, they were met by the members of several PMA lodges as well as by Lynk, R. H. Brown, and fourteen constables called in to protect them. Protection was unnecessary. The imported miners joined the union. Upon hearing the news, Richard Brown lamented the behaviour of “those scoundrels of Colliers from Scotland,” claiming never before to have witnessed “more dishonest or more disgraceful conduct on the part of workmen.” R. H. Brown had sent an urgent telegraph to James A. Moren, president of the Glace Bay Mining Company, in Halifax:

Thirty seven Scotch miners who our company have imported at much expense have joined Union and refuse to work for us. I request that you order your manager Glace Bay refuse employ them.

The company again defied Brown and the GMA. “Mr. Brown will get no comfort from us,” declared Archbold, who offered instruction to Mitchell on 9 May: “If you want men take them.” The Trades Journal reported just over a week later that the miners had left for “Little Glace Bay where they all received employment.” Mitchell complained that the move had made him a “black sheep” among the coal operators. The Glace Bay Mining Company’s defiance of the GMA and CBCA was powerful. In fact, the company had directly aligned itself with the PWA, and its directors had intervened to ensure that the Nova Scotia Legislative Council assented to the PWA’s incorporation. In January, the company had rejected the CBCA’s offer to enter into an arrangement with the CBCA collieries, whereby 50 cents per ton was to be pooled on coal sales and redistributed among the members on the basis of 1881 sales. The arrangement was clearly designed to subsidize the GMA’s fight against the PWA. Lithgow explained to Mitchell in early May, “we have made our choice + have chosen the P.W.A. rather than the C.B.C.A.” Lithgow not only considered the PWA “a first rate institution” that “was necessary to get justice for workingmen”; he also noted that without the PWA’s aid, the company would have been unable to ship tens of thousands of tons of coal to the Montréal market, “for we would have been afraid of not getting men to give steamers dispatch.” When the company hired steamships on time charters to deliver large quantities of coal to Montréal buyers, rigorous and steady operation of the mines was necessary to fulfill contracts and to avoid having a costly chartered steamship lay idle. This was precisely the case in March 1882, as the company contracted to deliver 30,000 tons of coal to Montréal – an aspect of the new economic leverage available to the miners under National Policy industrialism. Mitchell was not pleased about the arrangement the directors had worked out with Drummond and the PWA, and he expressed concern that he was being superseded as manager. But the PWA was better able than the CBCA to secure reliable coal production. Drummond co-operated with the directors and was treated as an adviser to the company. Responding to company concerns about maintaining a steady supply of labour, for instance, the Trades Journal criticized the tendency among the miners to take a day or two off following payday. In 1882, the Glace Bay Mining Company employed twice the number of coal cutters than the previous year and shipped more than 70,000 tons – well over double 1881’s shipments."

- Don Nerbas, “‘Lawless Coal Miners’ and the Lingan Strike of 1882–1883: Remaking Political Order on Cape Breton’s Sydney Coalfield,” Labour/Le Travail 92 (Fall 2023), 103-106.

[nando161mando]

a little peek into what goes into making your phone

[fuckyeahmarxismleninism]

By Stephen Millies

Plenty of people in Montana are disgusted by the bigots in the state legislature. In a state with a population that’s less than half that of Brooklyn, N.Y., a quarter-million people voted against Gianforte in the 2020 election for governor.

The bigots running the state certainly don’t speak for 75,000 Indigenous people living in Montana. State representative Johnathan Windy Boy, a member of the Chippewa Cree Tribal Council, defended Zooey Zephyr. He schooled the legislature about transgender people in Indigenous nations who are often called two-spirit.

The Mountain State’s lurch to the right betrays the militant history of the working class there. The Butte Miners Union was founded in 1878. Butte was known as the tightest union town on earth.

These unions, including the Western Federation of Miners, the Industrial Workers of the World, and the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers, waged strikes for decades.

[thoughtportal]

Appalachian mentality

[profound-thots]

FUCK CAPITALISM

Congo💔🕊️

We really cannot be free until we all are free.