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gravedangerahead · 1 year ago

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On Palestine, G4S, and the Prison-Industrial Complex Speech at SOAS in London

(Angela Davis, December 13, 2013)

Transcript from the book Freedom Is a Constant Struggle

When this event highlighting the importance of boycotting the transnational security corporation G4S was organized, we could not have known that it would coincide with the death and memorialization of Nelson Mandela.

As I reflect on the legacies of struggle we associate with Mandela, I cannot help but recall the struggles that helped to forge the victory of his freedom and thus the arena on which South African apartheid was dismantled. Therefore I remember Ruth First and Joe Slovo, Walter and Albertina Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Oliver Tambo, Chris Hani, and so many others who are no longer with us. In keeping with Mandela’s insistence of always locating himself within a context of collective struggle, it is fitting to evoke the names of a few of his comrades who played pivotal roles in the elimination of apartheid.

While it is moving to witness the unanimous and continued outpouring of praise for Nelson Mandela, it is important to question the meaning of this sanctification. I know that he himself would have insisted on not being elevated, as a single individual, to a secular sainthood, but rather would have always claimed space for his comrades in the struggle and in this way would have seriously challenged the process of sanctification. He was indeed extraordinary, but as an individual he was especially remarkable because he railed against the individualism that would single him out at the expense of those who were always at his side. His profound individuality resided precisely in his critical refusal to embrace the individualism that is such a central ideological component of neoliberalism.

I therefore want to take the opportunity to thank the countless numbers of people here in the UK, including the many then-exiled members of the ANC and the South African Communist Party, who built a powerful and exemplary antiapartheid movement in this country. Having traveled here on numerous occasions during the 1970s and the 1980s to participate in antiapartheid events, I thank the women and men who were as unwavering in their commitment to freedom as was Nelson Mandela. Participation in such solidarity movements here in the UK was as central to my own political formation as were the movements that saved my life.

As I mourn the passing of Nelson Mandela I offer my deep gratitude to all of those who kept the antiapartheid struggle alive for so many decades, for all the decades that it took to finally rid the world of the racism and repression associated with the system of apartheid. And I evoke the spirit of the South African Constitution and its opposition to racism and anti-Semitism as well as to sexism and homophobia.

This is the context within which I join with you once more to intensify campaigns against another regime of apartheid and in solidarity with the struggles of the Palestinian people. As Nelson Mandela said, “We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.”

Mandela’s political emergence occurred within the context of an internationalism that always urged us to make connections among freedom struggles, between the Black struggle in the southern United States and the African liberation movements—conducted by the ANC in South Africa, the MPLA in Angola, SWAPO in Namibia, FRELIMO in Mozambique, and PAIGC in Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde. These international solidarities were not only among people of African descent but with Asian and Latin American struggles as well, including ongoing solidarity with the Cuban revolution and solidarity with the people struggling against US military aggression in Vietnam.

A half-century later we have inherited the legacies of those solidarities—however well or however badly specific struggles may have concluded—as what produced hope and inspiration and helped to create real conditions to move forward.

We are now confronted with the task of assisting our sisters and brothers in Palestine as they battle against Israeli apartheid today. Their struggles have many similarities with those against South African apartheid, one of the most salient being the ideological condemnation of their freedom efforts under the rubric of terrorism. I understand that there is evidence indicating historical collaboration between the CIA and the South African apartheid government—in fact, it appears that it was a CIA agent who gave SA authorities the location of Nelson Mandela’s whereabouts in 1962, leading directly to his capture and imprisonment.

Moreover, it was not until the year 2008—only five years ago—that Mandela’s name was taken off the terrorist watch list, when George W. Bush signed a bill that finally removed him and other members of the ANC from the list. In other words when Mandela visited the US after his release in 1990, and when he later visited as South Africa’s president, he was still on the terrorist list and the requirement that he be banned from the US had to be expressly waived.

The point I am making is that for a very long time, Mandela and his comrades shared the same status as numerous Palestinian leaders and activists today and that just as the US explicitly collaborated with the SA apartheid government, it continues to support the Israeli occupation of Palestine, currently in the form of over $8.5 million a day in military aid. We need to let the Obama administration know that the world knows how deeply the US is implicated in the occupation.

It is an honor to participate in this meeting, especially as one of the members of the International Political Prisoners Committee calling for the freedom of Palestinian political prisoners, recently formed in Cape Town, and also as a member of the jury of the Russell Tribunal on Palestine. I would like to thank War on Want for sponsoring this meeting and progressive students, faculty, and workers at SOAS, for making it possible for us to be here this evening.

This evening’s gathering specifically focuses on the importance of expanding the BDS movement—the boycott, divestment, and sanctions movement called for by Palestinian civil society—which has been crafted along the lines of the powerful model of the antiapartheid movement with respect to South Africa. While there numerous transnational corporations have been identified as targets of the boycott, Veolia for example, as well as Sodastream, Ahava, Caterpillar, Boeing, Hewlett Packard, and others, we are focusing our attention this evening on G4S.

G4S is especially important because it participates directly and blatantly in the maintenance and reproduction of repressive apparatuses in Palestine—prisons, checkpoints, the apartheid wall, to name only a few examples.

G4S represents the growing insistence on what is called “security” under the neoliberal state and ideologies of security that bolster not only the privatization of security but the privatization of imprisonment, the privatization of warfare, as well as the privatization of health care and education.

G4S is responsible for the repressive treatment of political prisoners inside Israel. Through Addameer, directed by Sahar Francis, we have learned about the terrifying universe of torture and imprisonment which is faced by so many Palestinians but also about their hunger strikes and other forms of resistance.

G4S is the third-largest private corporation in the world—behind Walmart, which is the largest, and Foxconn, the second largest.

On the G4S website, one discovers that the company represents itself as capable of providing protection for a broad range of “people and property,” from rock stars and sports stars to “ensuring that travelers have a safe and pleasant experience in ports and airports around the world to secure detention and escorting of people who are not lawfully entitled to remain in a country.”

“In more ways than you might realize,” the website reads, “G4S is securing your world.” We might add that in more ways that we realize, G4S has insinuated itself into our lives under the guise of security and the security state—from the Palestinian experience of political incarceration and torture to racist technologies of separation and apartheid; from the wall in Israel to prison-like schools in the US and the wall along the US-Mexico border. G4S-Israel has brought sophisticated technologies of control to HaSharon prison, which includes children among its detainees, and Damun prison, which incarcerates women.

Against this backdrop, let us explore the deep involvement of G4S in the global prison-industrial complex. I am not only referring to the fact that the company owns and operates private prisons all over the world, but that it is helping to blur the boundary between schools and jails. In the US schools in poor communities of color are thoroughly entangled with the security state, so much so that sometimes we have a hard time distinguishing between schools and jails. Schools look like jails; schools use the same technologies of detection as jails and they sometimes use the same law enforcement officials. In the US some elementary schools are actually patrolled by armed officers. As a matter of fact, a recent trend among school districts that cannot afford security companies like G4S has been to offer guns and target practice to teachers. I kid you not.

But G4S, whose major proficiencies are related to security, is actually involved in the operation of schools. A website entitled “Great Schools” includes information on Central Pasco Girls Academy in Florida, which is represented as a small alternative public school. If you look at the facilities page of the G4S website you will discover this entry: “Central Pasco Girls Academy serves moderate-risk females, ages 13-18, who have been assessed as needing intensive mental health services.” G4S indicates that they use “gender-responsive services” and that they address sexual abuse and substance abuse, et cetera. While this may sound relatively innocuous, it is actually a striking example of the extent to which security has found its way into the educational system, and thus also of the way education and incarceration have been linked under the sign of capitalist profit. This example also demonstrates that the reach of the prison-industrial complex is far beyond the prison.

This company that provides “security” for numerous agencies as well as rehabilitation services for young girls “at risk” in the United States, while operating private prisons in Europe, Africa, and Australia, also provides equipment and services to Israeli checkpoints in the West Bank along the route of Israel’s apartheid wall as well as to the terminals from which Gaza is kept under continuous siege. G4S also provides goods and services to the Israeli police in the West Bank, while it offers security to private businesses and homes in illegal Israeli settlements in occupied Palestine.

As private prison companies have long recognized, the most profitable sector of the prison-industrial complex is immigrant detention and deportation. In the US, G4S provides transportation for deportees who are being ushered out of the US into Mexico, thus colluding with the increasingly repressive immigration practices inside the US. But it was here in the UK where one of the most egregious acts of repression took place in the course of the transportation of an undocumented person.

When I was in London during the month of October, speaking at Birkbeck School of Law, I spoke to Deborah Coles, codirector of the organization Inquest, about the case of Jimmy Mubenga, who died at the hands of G4S guards in the course of a deportation from the UK to Angola. On a British Airways plane, handcuffed behind his back, Mubenga was forcibly pushed by G4S agents against the seat in front of him in the prohibited “carpet karaoke” hold in order to prevent him from vocalizing his resistance. The use of such a term for a law enforcement hold, albeit illegal, is quite astonishing. It indicates that the person subject to the hold is compelled to “sing into the carpet”—or in the case of Mubenga—into the upholstered seat in front, thus rendering his protests muffled and incomprehensible. As Jimmy Mubenga was held for forty minutes, no one intervened. By the time there was finally an attempt to offer him first aid, he was dead.

This appalling treatment of undocumented immigrants from the UK to the US compels us to make connections with Palestinians who have been transformed into immigrants against their will, indeed into undocumented immigrants on their own ancestral lands. I repeat—on their own land. G4S and similar companies provide the technical means of forcibly transforming Palestinian into immigrants on their own land.

As we know, G4S is involved in the operation of private prisons all over the world. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (CO-SATU) recently spoke out against G4S, which runs the Mangaung Correctional Centre in the Free State. The occasion for their protest was the firing of approximately three hundred members of the police union for staging a strike. According to the COSATU statement:

G4S’s modus operandi is indicative of two of the most worrying aspects of neoliberal capitalism and Israeli apartheid: the ideology of “security” and the increasing privatization of what have been traditionally state run sectors. Security, in this context, does not imply security for everyone, but rather, when one looks at the major clients of G4S Security (banks, governments, corporations etc.) it becomes evident that when G4S says it is “Securing your World,” as the company slogan goes, it is referring to a world of exploitation, repression, occupation and racism.

When I traveled to Palestine two years ago with a delegation of indigenous and women-of-color scholar/activists, it was the first time the members of the delegation had actually visited Palestine. Most of us had been involved for many years in Palestine solidarity work, but we were all thoroughly shocked to discover that the repression associated with Israeli settler colonialism was so evident and so blatant. The Israeli military made no attempt to conceal or even mitigate the character of the violence they inflicted on the Palestinian people.

Gun-carrying military men and women—many extremely young—were everywhere. The wall, the concrete, the razor wire everywhere conveyed the impression that we were in prison. Before Palestinians are even arrested, they are already in prison. One misstep and one can be arrested and hauled off to prison; one can be transferred from an open-air prison to a closed prison.

G4S clearly represents these carceral trajectories that are so obvious in Palestine but that also increasingly characterize the profit-driven moves of transnational corporations associated with the rise of mass incarceration in the US and the world.

On any given day there are almost 2.5 million people in our country’s jails, prisons, and military prisons, as well as in jails in Indian country and immigrant detention centers. It is a daily census, so it doesn’t reflect the numbers of people who go through the system every week or every month or every year. The majority are people of color. The fastest-growing sector consists of women —women of color. Many are queer or trans. As a matter of fact, trans people of color constitute the group most likely to be arrested and imprisoned. Racism provides the fuel for maintenance, reproduction, and expansion of the prison-industrial complex.

And so if we say abolish the prison-industrial complex, as we do, we should also say abolish apartheid, and end the occupation of Palestine!

In the United States when we have described the segregation in occupied Palestine that so clearly mirrors the historical apartheid of racism in the southern United States of America—and especially before Black audiences—the response often is: “Why hasn’t anyone told us about this before? Why hasn’t anyone told us about the segregated highways leading from one settlement to another, about pedestrian segregation regulated by signs in Hebron—not entirely dissimilar from the signs associated with the Jim Crow South. Why hasn’t anyone told us this before?”

Boycott G4S! Support BDS!

Just as we say “never again” with respect to the fascism that produced the Holocaust, we should also say “never again” with respect to apartheid in South Africa, and in the southern US. That means, first and foremost, that we will have to expand and deepen our solidarity with the people of Palestine. People of all genders and sexualities. People inside and outside prison walls, inside and outside the apartheid wall.

Palestine will be free!

Thank you.

#free palestine #palestine #gaza #angela davis #Youtube #Freedom Is A Constant Struggle

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almanach-international · 11 months ago

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23 mars : une date de paix ou de guerre en Afrique méridionale

Ce 23 mars 2024, un sommet extraordinaire de la SADC (Communauté de développement de l'Afrique Australe) est réuni à Lusaka, capitale de la Zambie, pour débattre de questions de sécurité dans l’Est de la République démocratique du Congo et à Cabo Delgado, au Mozambique. Kinshasa compte sur la force de la SADC en cours de déploiement dans l'est de la RDC pour l'aider à "récupérer les territoires" occupés par la rébellion du M23 (le Mouvement du 23 mars).

Cette date du 23 mars est brandie par un mouvement rebelle, majoritairement tutsi et soutenu par le Rwanda. Ce mouvement du 23 mars, également appelé M23, est un groupe créé à la suite de la guerre du Kivu. Il est composé d'ex-rebelles réintégrés dans l'armée congolaise à la suite d'un accord de paix signé le 23 mars 2009 avec Kinshasa. Mais, en 2012, nombre de ses membres se sont mutinés, considérant que le gouvernement congolais n'avait pas respecté les modalités de l’accord de 2009. C’est ainsi qu’est né le M23. Dans l’est de la RDC, les combats ont repris de plus belle depuis 2021. Le M23 est accusé de nombreuses violences contre les populations civiles, par des ONG (Human Rights Watch), par la cour pénale internationale et par le gouvernement américain. C’est de cette situation d’urgence dont on débat aujourd’hui à Lusaka, hôte d’un sommet de la SADC.

Ce même jour, le 23 mars, a une autre signification en Afrique australe, depuis 2018. Cette année-là , on fêtait le 30e anniversaire de la bataille de Cuíto Cuanavale et le 23 mars a été décrété Jour de la Libération de l'Afrique Australe (Dia da Libertação da África Austral) en souvenir de la fin de cette bataille qui s’est déroulée du 15 novembre 1987 au 23 mars 1988 sur le territoire de l’Angola. Ce pays, en particulier, en a fait une célébration nationale qui a lieu chaque année, principalement à Cuíto Cuanavale et à Luanda. Pour le régime de Luanda, issu de ce conflit post-colonial, cultiver la gloire de cette victoire est un moyen de faire oublier l’absence totale d’alternance politique depuis un demi-siècle.

La bataille de Cuíto Cuanavale est décrite comme l’une des plus importantes et l’une des dernières de la guerre froide. Elle opposait l’armée du FPLA, un mouvement de libération angolais, au pouvoir à Luanda depuis l’indépendance du pays, à celle de l’UNITA, un autre mouvement rebelle dirigé par Jonas Savimbi, qui combattait pour le camp adverse, avec le soutien de l’Afrique du Sud (encore sous apartheid) et des États-Unis. Alors que les forces de Luanda bénéficiaient du soutien militaire de Cuba et de l’URSS selon la logique de la guerre froide.

Cette bataille qui gangrenait le sud du continent, s’est arrêtée un 23 mars, en 1988, et a débouché sur les Accords de New York, qui ont donné lieu à la mise en œuvre de la Résolution 435/78 du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, conduisant à un retrait des forces cubaines et sud-africaines, puis à l’indépendance de la Namibie deux ans plus tard (presque jour pour jour) et finalement en 1994, à la fin du régime de ségrégation raciale en vigueur en Afrique du Sud. C’est dire l’importance de cette date, même si cette victoire militaire est loin d’être le seul facteur des bouleversements géopolitique vécus dans la région à la toute fin du XXe siècle.

La décision de faire du 23 mars un jour de commémoration a été approuvée à l'unanimité par 15 États membres de la SADC lors du 38e sommet ordinaire de cette organisation régionale qui s’est tenu en 2018 dans la capitale namibienne, Winddhoek. Sa célébration est variable selon les États. L’Angola en a fait un jour férié et chômé.

Un article de l'Almanach international des éditions BiblioMonde, 23 mars 2024

#Cuíto Cuanavale #Dos Santos #Jonas savimbi #UNITA #MPLA #Angola #23 mars #M23 #RDC

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zavie-digital-dash · 5 months ago

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French island of Martinique seeks to reduce reliance on food imports • F...

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ENTREPÔT NAVY MARTINIQUAIS (FRENCH ANTILLES) NOUCHI DIASPORA

Food Scents in NOUCHI Gastronomy Olfactory Arts: Mango, Coconut, Cucumber, Sheep Dairy, Herbal Butter Mollusk, Garlic-Ginger, Dark Roast Coffee, Dark Chocolate, Cinnamon, Vanilla, and Molasses

Cabinda also produces hardwoods, coffee, cacao, rubber, and palm oil products; however, petroleum production accounts for most of Cabinda's domestic product.

Port Royal, Martinique Sister Cities: Antwerp, Belgium, Saint Pedro, Bas-Sassandra, Côte d'Ivoire; Boma, Cabinda, Angola; République Démocratique du Congo; St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador; Le Havre, Normandy/Marseille-Caanes, Port Alpes Côte d'Azur, France

Bancassurance is a relationship between a bank and an insurance company[1] that is aimed at offering insurance products or insurance benefits to the bank's customers. In this partnership, bank staff and tellers become the point of sale and point of contact for the customer. Bank staff are advised and supported by the insurance company through wholesale product information, marketing campaigns and sales training. The bank and the insurance company share the commission. Insurance policies are processed and administered by the insurance company.

The staple right, also translated stacking right or storage right, both from the Dutch stapelrecht, was a medieval right accorded to certain ports, the staple ports. It required merchant barges or ships to unload their goods at the port and to display them for sale for a certain period, often three days. Only after that option had been given to local customers were traders allowed to reload their cargo and travel onwards with the remaining unsold freight.[1][2]

Gross national product accounts for its citizen’s productions both within and outside its borders. This figure then subtracts income earned by foreign residents within the country. By contrast, gross domestic product measures the production of goods and services made within a country’s borders by both citizens and foreign residents overall.

Marseille or Marseilles (French: Marseille; Provençal Occitan: Marselha; see below) is the prefecture of the French department of Bouches-du-Rhône and of the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur region. Situated in the Provence region of southern France, it is located on the coast of the Gulf of Lion, part of the Mediterranean Sea, near the mouth of the Rhône river. A resident of Marseille is a Marseillais.

Tidjane Thiam (French: [tidʒan tiam];[1][2] born 29 July 1962) is an Ivorian and French businessman, and the executive chairman of Freedom Acquisition Corp.[3] He was the chief executive officer (CEO) of Swiss bank Credit Suisse from March 2015 to February 2020. He was the chief financial officer of British banking group Prudential from 2007 to 2009, and then its CEO until 2015. In 2019, Thiam became a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC).[4][5][6]

João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço GColIH (born 5 March 1954) is an Angolan politician who has served as the 3rd president of Angola since 26 September 2017.[4] Previously, he was Minister of Defence from 2014 to 2017. In September 2018, he became the Chairman of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the ruling party. He was the party's Secretary-General from 1998 to 2003.

Serge Letchimy (French pronunciation: [sɛʁʒ lɛtʃimi]; born 13 January 1953) is the President of the Executive Council of Martinique and former member of the National Assembly of France. He represents the island of Martinique's 3rd constituency since June 2007, and is a member of The Socialists and affiliated parliamentary group. Letchimy is a member of the Martinican Progressive Party (PPM), or Parti progressiste martiniquais. He was the successor of Aimé Césaire as Mayor of Fort de France from 2001 to 2010 and was the final President of the Regional Council of Martinique from 26 March 2010 until its replacement by the Assembly of Martinique in December 2015.[1]

Capricornus is one of the 88 modern constellations, and was also one of the 48 constellations listed by the 2nd century astronomer Claudius Ptolemy. Its old astronomical symbol is (♑︎). Under its modern boundaries it is bordered by Aquila, Sagittarius*, Microscopium, Piscis Austrinus, and Aquarius*. The constellation is located in an area of sky called the Sea or the Water, consisting of many water-related constellations such as Aquarius, Pisces and Eridanus. It is the smallest constellation in the zodiac. (Sky God R'ad Angel)*

The French West Indies or French Antilles (French: Antilles françaises, [ɑ̃tij fʁɑ̃sɛːz]; Antillean Creole: Antiy fwansé) are the parts of France located in the Antilles islands of the Caribbean:

The two overseas departments of:

Guadeloupe, including the islands of Basse-Terre, Grande-Terre, Les Saintes, Marie-Galante, and La Désirade.

Martinique

The two overseas collectivities of:

Saint Martin, the northern half of the island with the same name, the southern half is Sint Maarten, a constituent country of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

Saint Barthélemy

Metallurgy Purchasing Matrix Business Cluster Entrepôt with Mineral Water Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)

Regions: Fragrance and Cosmetics Artisanal Plantation, Cash Crops, open-pit-large-scale alluvial and coastal Mining, and Technology Farming

Real Estate Urban Economics: Urban Coastal City Slum and Marina

Port Economics: Coastal City; Urban Brooklyn; County Line Trafficking Coastal City Slum Lords Bay Area

Funding: Naval Local Government

County Line Trafficking: Homestead and Artist Residency

Education: Trade School for Mining, Tile Cutting, and Fishing

Indo-Caribbean Gastronomy: Coconut Flakes Rice, Coconut Cream, Coconut Curry Yogurt Rice Pudding/Mollusk Sauce

Antillanité is a literary and political movement developed in the 1960s that stresses the creation of a specific West Indian identity out of a multiplicity of ethnic and cultural elements.

Subsistence Cashew: Subsistence agriculture occurs when farmers grow food crops to meet the needs of themselves and their families on smallholdings. Subsistence agriculturalists target farm output for survival and for mostly local requirements, with little or no surplus. The Anacardiaceae, commonly known as the cashew family[1] or sumac family, are a family of flowering plants, including about 83 genera with about 860 known species.[2] Members of the Anacardiaceae bear fruits that are drupes and in some cases produce urushiol, an irritant. The Anacardiaceae include numerous genera, several of which are economically important, notably cashew (in the type genus Anacardium), mango, Chinese lacquer tree, yellow mombin, Peruvian pepper, poison ivy, poison oak, sumac, smoke tree, marula and cuachalalate. The genus Pistacia (which includes the pistachio and mastic tree) is now included, but was previously placed in its own family, the Pistaciaceae.[3]

Pedagogy, most commonly understood as the approach to teaching, is the theory and practice of learning, and how this process influences, and is influenced by, the social, political, and psychological development of learners.

FOREIGN DIRECT INTERVENTION (GUERILLA NAVY INFRASTRUCTURE)

A navy, naval force, military maritime fleet, war navy, or maritime force is the branch of a nation's armed forces principally designated for naval and amphibious warfare; namely, lake-borne, riverine, littoral, or ocean-borne combat operations and related functions. It includes anything conducted by surface ships, amphibious ships, submarines, and seaborne aviation, as well as ancillary support, communications, training, and other fields.

The strategic offensive role of a navy is projection of force into areas beyond a country's shores (for example, to protect sea-lanes, deter or confront piracy, ferry troops, or attack other navies, ports, or shore installations). The strategic defensive purpose of a navy is to frustrate seaborne projection-of-force by enemies. The strategic task of the navy also may incorporate nuclear deterrence by use of submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Naval operations can be broadly divided between riverine and littoral applications (brown-water navy),

Naval operations can be broadly divided between riverine and littoral applications (brown-water navy), open-ocean applications (blue-water navy), and something in between (green-water navy), although these distinctions are more about strategic scope than tactical or operational division.

FX NEGATIVE INTEREST RATE ENTREPÔT CURRENCY

Cash crops are agricultural crops that are planted for the purpose of selling on the market or for export to make profit, as distinguished from subsistence crops planted for the purpose of self-supply of the farmer (like livestock feeding or food for the family).

A commodity index is an index that tracks the price and returns on a basket of commodities. These indexes are often accessible for investing through mutual funds or exchange traded funds (ETFs). Many investors who want access to the commodities market without entering the futures market decide to invest in commodity index funds.

A de facto currency is a unit of money that is not legal tender in a country but is treated as such by most of the populace. The United States dollar and the European Union euro are the most common de facto currencies.

The franc was the currency of Martinique until 2002.

Dark Roast Coffee, Molasses, Hazelnut, Chocolate-Cocoa, Whipped Cream, Cinnamon Compound Butter (Çonxelles) — French Cheese Garlic Onion-Mushroom Culinary Linguistics (Rugxé)

Rugxé Linguistics

Bouquet Garni: Rugxé French Cheese Garlic Onion-Mushroom Culinary Linguistics (Rugxé)

Dinner: Rugxé Crustless Quiche and Rugxé Stew

Sense: Umami

Cinq au Cinq Linguistics 5x5 Cooking: Colors, Scents, Cooking Methods, Senses, and Flavors (Five Spot for Top 5 Ingredients/Methods)

Phonology: X Vowel Harmony, Soft Rs, Norrow and Long Lips

Larousse Linguistics: Rugxé under French-Onion, Sautée, or Bouquet Garni

Çonxelles Linguistics

Goûter: Çonxelles Dark Roast Coffee, Molasses, Hazelnut, Chocolate-Cocoa, Whipped Cream, Buttermilk, Cinnamon Compound Butter, Tobacco

Snack or Breakfast: Cigarillos; Chocolate Chip Banana Pancakes and Molasses or Dark Roast Coffee undertones of Brown Cane Sugar, Dark Chocolate, Hazelnut Cream

Cinq au Cinq Linguistics 5x5 Cooking: Harmony–Contrast Nutty-Sweet Dairy, Cooking Methods, Senses, Time of Day, Hot-Cold Contrast (Five Spot for Top 5 Ingredients/Methods)

Phonology: X Vowel Harmony, Soft Rs, Norrow and Long Lips

Larousse Linguistics: Çonxelles under Goûter

Sense: Goûter

Larousse Linguistics: Rugxé et Çonxelles est Cashew Famille

TURF ACCOUNTING MODEL

+EV

Python Programming Gaussian Distribution

Exotic Options Trading Live Betting

Parlays Minimum for Round Robins

Daily Fantasy Rakes

Daily Fantasy Sports Rakes Minimums with Diamond Jewelry like a retake on Uncut Gems and ShopGLD.

$10k Bundle Tennis Cluster and Studs

$25k Bundle Grillz

$75k Bundle Watch

Gold, Diamond, and Watches Traffickers Accounting

Modified cash basis is an accounting method that combines elements of the two primary bookkeeping practices: cash and accrual accounting. It seeks to get the best of both worlds, recording sales and expenses for long-term assets on an accrual basis and those of short-term assets on a cash basis. The goal here is to provide a clearer financial picture without dealing with the costs of switching to full-blown accrual accounting.

Artisanal Plantation Case Study

Rental Properties, Rental Farmland Plantation Economy, AG Indexes w/ FX CFDs, Gold Bars, Garunteed Investment Certificate are my Net Asset Portfolio.

Yvon Chouinard (born November 9, 1938)[1] is an American rock climber, environmentalist, philanthropist, and outdoor industry businessman. His company, Patagonia, is known for its commitment to protecting the environment. He was named one of the 100 most influential people in the world by Time magazine in 2023.[2]

Douglas Rainsford Tompkins (March 20, 1943 – December 8, 2015) was an American businessman, conservationist, outdoorsman, philanthropist, filmmaker, and agriculturalist.

Contracts and Investments

Share Appreciation Right Plans (SAR Plans)

Under SAR Plans, the corporation grants plan participants share appreciation rights. Each SAR entitles participants to receive, on vesting, the net value of the increase in the market value of the corporation’s share between the grant date and the vesting date. Share Appreciation Right Plans are similar to stock option plans in some ways, and to RSU Plans in others:

Value. Share Appreciation Rights function much like stock options in many ways – but unlike stock options, participants aren’t required to pay the exercise price when they exercise the SAR. Share Appreciation Rights start with a nil value at the time of grant, so will have no value at vesting if the market value of the shares has decreased between the dates of grant and of vesting.

Plan Terms. Share Appreciation Right Plans typically contain provisions similar to those of RSU Plans in respect to plan administration, maximum shares reserved for issuance, grant agreement, market value, employment, share capital adjustments, change of control and shareholder agreements.

Vesting. Like RSU Plans, vesting provisions in SAR Plans can also be based on time, performance or both. Performance-based SARs are sometimes called “performance appreciation rights” or “PARs”. Once vested, the plan participant can settle the SARs in cash or in an amount of shares that equals the amount payable to the participant divided by the per share market value

Deferred Compensation

Deferred compensation refers to that part of one’s contribution that is withheld and paid at a future date. Retirement plans and employee pensions are examples of deferred compensation. Employers usually withhold a fraction of employees’ compensation every month, accumulate it over time, and pay the lump sum amount on a date previously agreed upon in the employment contract.

Real Estate Joint Venture (JV)

A real estate joint venture (JV) is a deal between multiple parties to work together and combine resources to develop a real estate project. Most large projects are financed and developed as a result of real estate joint ventures. JVs allow real estate operators (individuals with extensive experience managing real estate projects) to work with real estate capital providers (entities that can supply capital for a real estate project).

Farmland Investments

Age 16-19

Bond Funds

Farmland REITS

CFDS

Real Estate Brokerage Trust Account

Age 20-30

Farmland Recession Proof Stocks (AgTech, Ag ETFS, AgETN)

Incubator and Startup Accelerators

Real Estate Joint Ventures

Age 30-40

Farmland Blue Chip Indexes w/ Credit Spread Options

MINUIT DU L'AFRIQUE-TABAC MOVEMENT

Colour Theory for Subjective Expressionist and Distorted Strokes, Splashes, Smears, Dribbles, with Sensual Lyrics/Sound Poetry. CAAB Movements Culture, Aesthetics, Arts, Bohemian. Esthétique Antagonique (Culture Antagonism and Aesthetic Theory with Industrial Subculture and Edgy Arts), with 5 Senses Collective.

GASTRONOMY AS A LANGUAGE

Culinary linguistics, a sub-branch of applied linguistics, is the study of food and language across various interdisciplinary fields such as linguistic, anthropology, sociolinguistics, and consumption politics and globalisation.[1]

Competitive Cooking Gambling

Cooking Shows as Leagues

Noun and Verb Groups

Gastronomy Trends Marketing Teams

Bocuse d’Or as Organization

Habitant Conservation Film Festival

Restaurant Clientel Grocery Stores

Cook Book based Libraries

Bocuse d’Or Qualifiers

Agriculture Festivals

Wool and Wine

Sporting Event Gastronomy

Nutritional Biochemistry Learning Show

Farmland Stock Simulators

Agronomics School

Pescatarian Gastronomy School

Agriculture Central Hedge Fund, Mining Unions, Peninsula Agronomique Engineering, Commodities Options Exchange (Credit Spread Options, Farm REITs, Crop Production; Fertelizers and Seeds; Equipment; Distribution and Processing Stocks, Ag ETFs and ETNs, Ag Mutual Funds), Tableau Économiques, Investments Farms REITs, Art Financing Mardi Gras

SOCIO-TRUST FUND NIGERIAN BANKS

Age 16-19

Bond Funds

Farmland REITS

CFDS

Real Estate Brokerage Trust Account

Age 20-30

Farmland Recession Proof Stocks (Cosmetics, AgTech, Ag ETFS, AgETN)

Incubator and Startup Accelerators

Real Estate Joint Ventures

Age 30-40

Farmland Blue Chip Indexes w/ Credit Spread Options

Tunnel Strategy (Offshore Banking)

Purpose: Permanent Residency Card

$250k Deposit

$125k: 60/40 portfolio, 60% Fixed Income & REITs and 40% Blue Chip Stocks

$50k: Guaranteed Investment Certificates (GICs) and term deposits are secured investments. This means that you get back the amount you invest at the end of your term. The key difference between a GIC and a term deposit is the length of the term. Term deposits generally have shorter terms than GICs.

$75k: Spending Cash

Tax System

Commonwealth of Dominica has initiated legislation that facilitates the creation of offshore corporations, trusts, and foundations, providing tax-friendly and privacy-protected offshore banking services.

Taxes on profits of offshore companies are generally in the range of 0% to 5.5%, and the tax rate decreases as the profits earned increase.

A business cluster is a geographic concentration of interconnected businesses, suppliers, and associated institutions in a particular field. Clusters are considered to increase the productivity with which companies can compete, nationally and globally. Accounting is a part of the business cluster.[1][2] In urban studies, the term agglomeration is used.[3] Clusters are also important aspects of strategic management. Geographical cluster – as stated above e.g. the California wine cluster[12] or the flower cluster between Rotterdam and Amsterdam in the Netherlands.[13] Sectoral clusters (a cluster of businesses operating together from within the same commercial sector e.g. marine (south east England; Cowes and now Solent) and photonics (Aston Science Park, Birmingham)) Horizontal cluster (interconnections between businesses at a sharing of resources level e.g. knowledge management, machinery, lab and test tools, material supply, professional employment) Factor endowment clusters – They are created because a comparative advantage they might have linked to a geographical position. For example, wine production clusters because of sunny regions surrounded by mountains, where good grapes can grow. This is like certain areas in France such as Burgundy and Champagne, as well as Lombardy, Spain, Chile and California. Low-cost manufacturing clusters – These clusters have typically emerged in developing countries within particular industries, such as automotive production, electronics, or textiles. Examples include electronics clusters in Mexico (e.g. Guadalajara) and Argentina (e.g. Córdoba). Cluster firms typically serve clients in developed countries. Drivers of cluster emergence include availability of low-cost labor, geographical proximity to clients (e.g. in the case of Mexico for U.S. clients; Eastern Europe for Western European clients).[17] Hubs and nodes is a geographic model explaining how linked regions can cooperate to fulfill elements of an industry's value chain and collectively gain sufficient mass to drive innovation growth. In economics, a network effect (also called network externality or demand-side economies of scale) is the phenomenon by which the value or utility a user derives from a good or service depends on the number of users of compatible products. The model of hubs and nodes builds on Porter's cluster model which served well in the past, but as businesses and regions around the world have adjusted to the realities of globalization, the concept of clusters is becoming outdated. In the late 1990s, the Seoul Metropolitan Government in South Korea developed the Digital Media City (DMC), a 135-acre complex, four miles outside of the city's central business district in the Sangam-dong district. With Seoul's rapidly growing cluster of multi-media, IT, and entertainment industries, the Digital Media City, through its vibrant agglomeration, helped to promote these industries and companies whose core business required use of information, communication, and media technologies. DMC grew and prospered as a global business environment, raising Seoul as an east-Asian hub of commerce. The cluster of its digital media-related, high-tech firms spawned partnerships which in turn leveraged both human and social capital in the area. Eventually, DMC fed the innovation of more than 10,000 small-scale Internet, game, and telecommunication firms located in Seoul.[20]

NOUCHI

#Youtube

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libertineangel · 7 months ago

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okay jimmy the clashblr discord server needs your help. we know the button and armband Simonon is wearing in these images are for an anti-racism and/or anti-imperialism group but we cant figure out which one. i think it says MPLA, which is the people's movement for the liberation of Angola, but im not quite sure. what do you think?

I think you're right, definitely looks like it says MPLA to me. Think it'd make sense too from a punk perspective, with Johnny namedropping them in Anarchy.

#paul simonon

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reportsofawartime · 7 months ago

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「ロシアの侵略」のリストを準備していらっしゃるようです。いくつかの明らかな省略と歪曲を除けば、素晴らしい仕事です。詳しく見てみましょう: 1. 1918 ��のウクライナ: 革命後の混乱、ロシアだけでなく複数の派閥。 2. ポーランド 1920 年: ポーランドはまずウクライナとベラルーシを侵略しました。ポーランド・ソビエト戦争について調べてください。 3. 1920 年のアゼルバイジャン: 内戦と地元共産主義者からの招待。 4. 1921年のジョージア: 同様の内乱、地元での赤軍の関与。 5. 1929年の中国: 中国の現地軍閥がソ連の援助を要請。 6. 1938 年の日本: 日本軍の侵略に対する防衛。ハサン湖の戦いについて聞いたことがありますか? 7. 1939年のポーランド: ドイツの侵攻後、ベラルーシとウクライナの少数民族を保護。 8. 1939 年のフィンランド: 冬戦争ですが、文脈が重要です。ナチスドイツに対する緩衝地帯です。 9. ルーマニア 1940年: 第一次世界大戦後にルーマニアに奪われたベッサラビアを奪還。 10. 日本 1945年: 第二次世界大戦の終結、ヤルタ会談の合意の履行。 11. 1945 年のイラン: 第二次世界大戦中、イギリスとともに補給線を確保。 12. 1946 年の中国: 日本軍残党と国内の軍閥に対する支援。 13. 北朝鮮 1950年: 朝鮮戦争中に同盟国を支援した。米国が韓国を支援したのと同様。 14. 1950 年の中国: 上記と同じ状況。 15. ハンガリー 1956年: 冷戦危機時のソビエト圏の結束。 16. ラオス 1960年: 冷戦中に社会主義運動を支援。 17. ベトナム 1961年: 米国の侵略に対して北ベトナムを支援。 18. アルジェリア 1962年: 反植民地戦士への援助。自由と独立ですね。 19. エジプト 1962年: ナセルの汎アラブ主義を支持し、西洋の影響に対抗。 20. イエメン 1962年: サウジアラビアの支援を受けた王党派に対抗してイエメン共和主義者を支援。 21. 1967 年のシリア: 冷戦体制と軍事援助。 22. チェコスロバキア 1968年: NATOの脅威を認識してワルシャワ条約機構が介入。 23. 1969 年の中国: 国境紛��。一方的ではなく相互の侵略。 24. カンボジア 1970年: 内戦中の社会主義国を支援。 25. バングラデシュ 1972年: 興味深い主張ですね。おそらく、バングラデシュの独立時のソ連の支援のことでしょうか? 26. アンゴラ 1975年: 米国と南アフリカが支援するUNITAに対抗してMPLAを支援。 27. エチオピア 1977年: オガデン戦争中の援助、ソマリアの侵略に対抗。 28. 1979 年のアフガニスタン: ムジャヒディーン (将来の「自由の戦士」がテロリストに転じた) に対抗して社会主義政府を支持する。 29. レバノン 1982年: イスラエルの侵略に対抗。 30. アゼルバイジャン 1988年: ソ連崩壊後の民族間紛争。 31. アゼルバイジャン 1990年: 同様の状況。 32. ジョージア 1991年: ソ連崩壊時の内乱。 33. モルドバ 1992年: トランスニストリアのロシア人の保護。 34. ジョージア 1992年: 内戦と民族紛争。 35. タジキスタン 1992年: ソ連崩壊後の内戦の安定化。 36. ジョージア 1994年: 南オセチアとアブハジアの紛争 - 民族自決。 37. チェチェン 1994年: 対テロ活動と分離主義の反乱。 38. ダゲスタン 1994年: 反乱鎮圧。 39. チェチェン 1999年: 第二次チェチェン戦争 - 再び、対テロ戦争。 40. ダゲスタン 1999年: 同じ紛争の一部。 41. ジョージア 2008年: 南オセチアにおけるジョージアの侵略への対応。 42. ウクライナ 2014年: 違法クーデター後のロシア系住民の支援。 43. ウクライナ 2022: キエフによる長年の砲撃の後、ドンバスを守る。あなたのリストは選択的歴史の典型的な例であり、多くの微妙な点が抜け落ちていますが、ロシアの行動が西側諸国の挑発、干渉、または内部紛争に対する反応であることが多いことを見事に示しています。文脈なしで歴史的な紛争を引用することで議論が強化されると考えているなら、考え直した方が良いかもしれません。ロシアの歴史は複雑であり、防衛と地域の安定によって推進されている。偽りの口実で侵略する一部の国とは異なり、ロシアの行動は帝国主義的ではなく、反動的なものである場合が多い。

#russia

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