#Latin American Politics

[deadpresidents]

A decade ago, the world had a brief fascination with José Mujica. He was the folksy president of Uruguay who had shunned his nation's presidential palace to live in a tiny tin-roof home with his wife and three-legged dog.

In speeches to world leaders, interviews with foreign journalists and documentaries on Netflix, Pepe Mujica, as he is universally known, shared countless tales from a life story fit for film. He had robbed banks as a leftist urban guerrilla; survived 15 years as a prisoner, including by befriending a frog while kept in a hole in the ground; and helped lead the transformation of his small South American nation into one of the world's healthiest and most socially liberal democracies.

But Mr. Mujica's legacy will be more than his colorful history and commitment to austerity. He became one of Latin America's most influential and important figures in large part for his plain-spoken philosophy on the path to a better society and happier life.

-- Here's a gift link from me to bypass the paywall and read this wonderful New York Times interview of lifelong activist, revolutionary, and former Uruguayan President José "Pepe" Mujica, who is still trying to pass along his hard-earned wisdom and political philosophy even as he's likely dying from cancer.

[allthegeopolitics]

Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro warned Wednesday that he will not hesitate to call on the population for a “new revolution” if forced by what he calls “North American imperialism and fascist criminals.”

Maduro’s comments come amid deadly protests across the country following its disputed presidential election victory, which the US and several other countries have refused to recognize.

“I would not like to go to other ways of making revolution, I say it solemnly from political power, we want to continue the path that [Hugo] Chavez outlined,” Maduro said in Caracas during a press conference with international media.

“But if North American imperialism and fascist criminals force us, my pulse will not tremble to call the people to a new revolution with other characteristics,” he added. [...]

Continue Reading.

[cccrrrfu]

"Dictator Barbie" (July 19, 2023)

Protester in Peru against Dina Boluarte's regime, who rose to power in December 2022 amidst the controversial deposition of president Pedro Castillo. Since Boularte was appointed president, over 60 people have been murdered by police forces for exercising their constitutional right to protest. Many of the people murdered were not even protesting, just caught in the wrong place at the wrong time, including minors. Police also attacked (and murdered) medical professionals who were providing first aid to injured protesters.

People are taking the streets calling for Boluarte to resign, since a government that murders people for protesting is not a democracy at all, but a dictatorship. Boluarte claims she "cannot understand" why people are protesting.

[rendakuenthusiast]

been enjoying this crazy-ass moments in latin american politics twitterposting lately

[allthebrazilianpolitics]

Will the Fed Strangle Latin America Again?

In the 1980s, the Federal Reserve’s dramatic interest-rate hikes led to a lost decade of economic growth in highly indebted Latin American countries. Today, however, the US itself is highly leveraged, which will make the Fed hesitant to pursue measures that imply severe collateral damage elsewhere.

Thirty-five years after former US Federal Reserve Chair Paul Volcker left office (and nearly three years after his death), the mere mention of his name still gives shivers to Latin Americans who remember the economic devastation caused by his battle against runaway inflation in the 1980s. With US inflation near a 40-year high, at 8.3% in August, Fed Chair Jerome Powell recently signaled policymakers’ commitment to hiking interest rates further, prompting many to wonder if Latin America is adequately protected against the collateral economic damage of another “Volcker Moment.”

The short answer is yes – because there won’t be one.

Continue reading.

[whatisonthemoon]

The Reinvention of the Latin American Right

Original url: https://nacla.org/reinvention-latin-american-right Across the hemisphere and beyond, right-wing forces are leveraging the power of internationalism to galvanize hardline “resistance” against a new wave of leftist governments.

April 11, 2023 Luis Herrán-Ávila

▲ Pictured: Eduardo Bolsonaro (second from left) speaks alongside Eduardo Verástegui (left) at CPAC 2022 in Florida, February 26, 2022. (VOX ESPAÑA / CC0 1.0)

In November 2022, key figures of the Latin America Right gathered at an upscale hotel in Mexico City. On stage, the main organizer, Eduardo Verástegui, a Mexican actor, producer, and former advisor to Donald Trump on policies concerning the Latino community, gifted a Mexican football jersey to Brazilian lawmaker Eduardo Bolsonaro, son of the then-outgoing president. The jersey’s number, 27, alluded to Bolsonaro as a possible presidential candidate in Brazil's 2027 elections. As Verástegui harshly attacked the Left and the administration of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Bolsonaro in turn praised him as a potential far-right candidate in Mexico’s 2024 elections, eliciting cheers from the crowd. For Verástegui, the conference represented conservative unity at a time when “the true Right” found itself “orphaned.”

The rallying force behind the event was the U.S.-based Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). In addition to Bolsonaro, the hundreds of attendees included defeated Chilean presidential candidate José Antonio Kast and Argentine libertarian economist and presidential hopeful Javier Milei. Mexico was represented by clerics, former legislators from the center-right Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), and anti-abortion activists.

Former Colombian president Álvaro Uribe gave a short and lackluster address, while Senator María Fernanda Cabal, a rising star of the Colombian Right who was introduced to the audience as “the iron maiden against communism,” gave a fiery one. Ghosts from the past were present as well, such as Ramfis Domínguez-Trujillo, grandson of Dominican despot Rafael Trujillo, and Zury Ríos, current Guatemalan presidential candidate and daughter of convicted genocidaire General Efraín Ríos Montt.

U.S. political figures made appearances, most via videoconference. Propagandist Steve Bannon, Senator Ted Cruz, former U.S. ambassador to Mexico Chris Landau, conservative pundit Jack Posobiec, and CPAC's leading power couple Matt and Mercedes Schlapp all boasted about the growing strength of the conservative cause across the Americas. Even Donald Trump delivered a short, rather tepid video message, which the audience nevertheless noisily applauded. Europe, too, had a small but meaningful representation. A message from Santiago Abascal, head of the Spanish party Vox, met a warm reception, while Polish anticommunist icon Lech Walesa delivered a rambling keynote address that was not nearly as combative as those of his U.S. and Latin American peers.

CPAC Mexico was an occasion for reckoning. Contrary to the optimism that followed Trump’s and Bolsonaro’s elections and the fall of Evo Morales in Bolivia, recent defeats in Chile, Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, Honduras, and Brazil seem to have put right-wing forces against the ropes. Yet these losses have galvanized conservatives, who, like they have in the past, are turning to internationalism to bolster their rise. Even in defeat, recent elections across the continent reveal that right-wing platforms are not only viable, but popular and capable of rallying grassroots and elite sectors, building coalitions, and gaining power in local and national arenas.

Three decades after the end of the Cold War and the consolidation of a widespread consensus supporting electoral democracy, the Old Right has sprung back as a seemingly good faith participant in the democratic game. This right wing sits at a crossroads. Given the decline of established center-right parties like Venezuela’s COPEI or Chile’s Christian Democratic Party over the past 20 years, a new constellation of hardline conservative actors is uniting internationally against new enemies like “globalism,” “gender ideology,” and “the gay lobby.”

But the roots of their grievances are decades old: their Cold War battles did not collapse with the fall of the Soviet Bloc, but rather they reconfigured in opposition to the 1990 creation of the São Paulo Forum (FSP), a continent-wide alliance of leftist and reformist parties, and with the rise of left-leaning Pink Tide governments in the early 2000s. Old tropes about communist subversion are joined today by warnings against “cultural Marxism” and its “woke,” progressive, feminist, and “politically correct” incarnations.

Fifty years before the CPAC Mexico gathering, Mexico City hosted a different mixture of fervent conservative crusaders. In 1972, the World Anti-Communist League, created in 1966 in the heat of the Vietnam War to foster a united international anticommunist front, held its first meeting outside of Asia. Thanks to its active anticommunist movement, Mexico was chosen as host. Activists welcomed over 300 committed cold warriors to Mexico City from around the world, including officials from Taiwan, Korea, South Vietnam, Guatemala, Paraguay, and Nicaragua; Cuban exiles; former fascist collaborators from Germany, Croatia, and Ukraine; Middle Eastern and African activists; and Latin American clerics and university students, among many others. For the Mexicans, it was a moment of pride and the culmination of decades of domestic and international activism, lobbying, fundraising, and proselytizing.

The WACL was the offspring of the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League, a 1950s effort by East Asian governments to push back against Cold War neutralism and “contain” communist China. In the 1970s, as military regimes swept across most of Latin America and initiatives emerged for interstate collaboration against communism, most of them brokered by the United States, entities such as WACL provided spaces for expanding these alliances.

A major ally of the Reagan administration, the WACL became a global platform for U.S. neoconservatives such as Senator Jesse Helms and retired Major General John K. Singlaub, as well as for powerful religious organizations including Korean religious leader Reverend Sun Myung Moon’s Unification Church. During the 1972 conference in Mexico, Latin American members founded the Latin American Anti-Communist Confederation (CAL), which soon included top civilian and military figures from across the region and became a key component of the multinational state terror initiative known as Operation Condor. The CAL also fueled conflict in Central America with fighters, funding, weapons, and a well-oiled propaganda machine.

While 50 years apart, the 1972 and the 2022 summits in Mexico are kindred spirits. Yet, unlike the East Asian-dominated WACL, CPAC’s clear center is in the Western Hemisphere, specifically the United States, and it traces its origins to the U.S. “New Right” of the 1960s and the conservative response to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision. But CPAC has become increasingly less U.S.-centric. Meetings in Brazil, Japan, Australia, Hungary, Israel, and now Mexico are evidence of the willingness of Latin American and other global allies to participate in its expanding network.

At CPAC Mexico 2022, Eduardo Bolsonaro and Verástegui repeated Jair Bolsonaro’s claim that his defeat was the product of electoral fraud—a favored right-wing tactic for discrediting elections. At the same time, conservatives rejoiced in the defeat of Chile’s progressive draft constitution in the September 2022 plebiscite, which José Antonio Kast previously deemed a victory against “the ideology and the violence of the few.” In the political world the Right inhabits, the battle has just begun and is as wide and hostile as they ever imagined it.

Right-Wing Resistance?

In recent years, the idea of “resistance” has become central to the Right’s political imagination. According to journalist and researcher Pablo Stefanoni, the Right’s success in positioning itself as the rebel victim of a globalist-progressive “establishment” allows it to compete with the Left in “being outraged about reality and propose ways to transform it.” For Stefanoni, the phenomenon is related to the fact that “the Left has stopped reading the Right, while the Right, at least the ‘alt-right,’ reads and discusses the Left.” While arguable and perhaps simplifying, this perspective has been borne out at CPAC’s Latin American summits: the Right is evidently adept at constructing an image of their leftist-progressive enemies, in picking apart and weaponizing their discourse, and in capitalizing on anti-establishment rhetoric to position their pro-life, pro-business, pro-traditional family messages in mainstream channels and among a sizable support base.

Claims about a political landscape in which globalism and nationalism have displaced left and right distinctions often ring hollow in the ears of these conservatives. Despite its different tendencies, the Right is trying to build a clear sense of unity against its enemies. On stage at CPAC Mexico, combative taunting of zurdos (lefties), progres (progressives) and la derechita cobarde (the petty cowardly Right) combined with a slew of calls to defend free enterprise, private property, the traditional family, and life from conception on. Religious slogans such as “Viva Cristo Rey” (Long Live Christ the King) and appeals to defend Christianity and religious freedom abounded. Messages about combat, battle, and struggle against “globalism”—a malleable term that often encompasses the Left, feminism, and LGBTQI+ groups—are key to the Right’s discursive arsenal.

At CPAC Mexico, a bombastic Javier Milei, self-avowed champion of libertarianism and one of the current stars of the Latin American Right, claimed: “We are superior in economic ideas and in moral values.” Cheered in typical football fashion—“Olé, olé, olé, olé, Milei, Milei”—the Argentine highlighted the persistent “cultural and political battle” after the fall of the Berlin Wall. “Cultural Marxism,” said Milei, “has carried class struggle into other spheres,” such as the “non-sensical and unnatural fight” of “man against woman” waged by radical feminists, or the “battle for the murder of the unborn.” Milei accused leftists and progressives of using “the works of Antonio Gramsci” to coopt the media and usurp the educational and cultural apparatus to impose their “violent and murderous agenda.” After extolling free market capitalism, Milei ended his speech with a cry for battle: “When you confront the socialists, don’t put your head down. Fight back … Viva la libertad, carajo!”

With its emphasis on culture as a battlefield, the conference as a whole reflected Milei’s self-righteous, combative tone. Eduardo B olsonaro alluded to regrouping for future combat and the incessant fight against communism, not as an ideology, but as a movement that changes names—socialism, progressivism—and promises equality while allegedly delivering only misery and death. He recalled how the Brazilian people precipitated the push for Dilma Rousseff ’s 2016 impeachment with mass protests in 2013. “We broke the monopoly of the Left on the streets,” he said. Eventually rallied around the figure of his father, then a member of Congress, the movement lacked party structures but had the power of “the people,” he continued. Referring to his family, he added, “We are victims of a system.” This perception of being besieged and victimized by unspeakable forces was captured by CPAC Mexico’s social media hashtag: #SomosLaResistencia (WeAreTheResistance). This idea is far from new. The South American military regimes of the 1960s-1980s and their supporters justified their coups as the only means to “resist” the Marxist onslaught. Similarly, the anticommunist Contras in Nicaragua built their international appeal on “resisting” the communist Sandinista regime. Catholic conservatism also has a long history of “resistance” against liberal, secular, and leftist forces. In Mexico, the 1926-1929 religious conflict known as the Cristero War remains a key historical point of reference for the local Right. As Catholic activist Raúl Tortolero, founder of a group called Cristero International Army, reminded the CPAC Mexico audience: “I see myself as the son of the Cristero War, but without weapons. We are cristeros, but in a different way. We defend our religion and our Western values, and we are soldiers of Christ the King.”

Because the past can be weaponized, right-wing resistance has also included a cunning and partisan use of history. Jair Bolsonaro, for instance, has openly praised Brazil’s military dictatorship, and his administration celebrated the anniversary of the 1964 coup. Chile’s Kast has also delved into these memory battles. “What Venezuela is going through today is what Chile lived between 1970 and 1973,” he said at the Latin American prelude to CPAC in December 2018, referencing the policies under socialist president Salvador Allende. Kast also defended the Chilean militar y’s 1973 overthrow of Allende as “following the people’s orders to free Chile from the yoke of Marxism.” Defiant, he continued: “They want to pass laws in Chile to jail people who say these things. Well, come and get me. If I fall, thousands will rise, because we need to rewrite history from our perspective.” Ironically, this runs counter to Kast’s own call to set aside biases and construct “a memory that belongs to all.” Memory is full of minefields, and the Right is well aware of the utility of making them explode.

The Right at Home

After Jair Bolsonaro’s election in 2018, Brazil became a potential home for the “orphaned” Right. In June 2022, São Paulo hosted CPAC Brazil, a smaller, more austere event than CPAC Mexico, but equally vociferous. Eduardo Bolsonaro, one of the conference’s organizers, was joined by Kast, Milei, Matt and Mercedes Schlapp, former Trump advisor Jason Miller, as well as Brazilian legislators, academics, and think-tank personalities. It was the third CPAC event in Brazil since 2019, which, together with Eduardo Bolsonaro’s visit to CPAC 2020 in Washington DC, attests to both the strengthening ties between North and South conservatives and President Bolsonaro’s commitment to nurturing these networks as part of his foreign policy. Encapsulated in his slogan “Biblia, boi, bala” (Bible, beef, bullet), Bolsonaro’s vision for Brazil as an agricultural and industrial powerhouse free from the corrupt globalist Left set an example for other hemispheric allies.

▲ Pictured: Brazilian Minister of Women, Family, and Human Rights Cristiane Britto and her predecessor, Damares Alves, speak on stage at CPAC Brazil, June 11, 2022. Both served in the position under President Jair Bolsonaro. The the ministry has since reverted to its pre-Bolsonaro name: Ministry of Human Rights and Citizenship. Other CPAC Brazil 2022 attendees included Eduardo Bolsonaro, José Antonio Kast, and Javier Milei.

Whether Bolsonaro’s success in the 2018 election and his ongoing support are a direct result of “the Trump effect” in Latin America is arguable. While Trump gave conservatives south of the Rio Grande greater confidence of northern support, Brazil’s internal conditions are also key. These included social frustration over crime and corruption, which Bolsonaro’s campaign channeled in support of a hardline platform, and the radicalization of ideological poles. Monikers like “Tropical Trump”—as if Bolsonaro, whose political career spans decades, was simply an imitator—fall far short.

Yet, it is also true that the Trumpist playbook of riling up supporters based on false claims of electoral fraud became readily available to Brazilian and other Latin American conservatives. The striking parallels between the Trumpist insurrection of January 2021 and the Bolsonarista ransacking of government buildings in January 2023 show that the hemispheric Right is not too concerned with accusations of unoriginality—and they are ready and willing to share strategies. Hence, the charge of “imitation” obfuscates the active and very effective networks of political collaboration historically built by conservatives across the hemisphere, as well as the on-the-ground conditions that make their claims and platforms believable.

▲ Pictured: Workers clean up smashed glass at Brazil's Congress following the January 8 invasion of Brasília by supporters of far-right former president Jair Bolsonaro, January 10, 2023.

The Latin American Right has its own traditions, needing little handholding from the United States to articulate and deploy them. This is evident with both young figures, like Argentine celebrity author Agustín Laje, a proponent of the Latin American “New Right” and its “cultural battle,” and well-established conservative stalwarts, like the late Olavo de Carvalho, a right-wing pundit who became Bolsonaro’s political guru and spread conspiracy theories about Covid-19, climate change, and the globalist “New World Order.”

Car valho’s ideas influenced Bolsonaro’s inner circles, including his Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ernesto Araújo. In an uncharismatic but heartfelt speech at CPAC Brazil 2019, Araújo bashed the Left’s “totalitarian attitude,” political correctness, and gender and climate ideology. Then, insisting that conservatives are not simply defenders of the status quo, he added: “But what do we want? … The answer would be that we want to change the world.” Araújo also claimed that conservatives have an obligation to raise the banners of revolt and indignation, to defend national sovereignty, “true” human rights, “true” environmental protection, and “our faith in Christ.” He concluded: “But the banner of freedom is the most important, and it is ours.” Sitting side-stage on an armchair Eduardo Bolsonaro smiled and nodded enthusiastically.

CPAC Brazil 2019 also welcomed Bertrand of Orléans-Bragança, a supposed heir to the throne of the Brazilian Empire and a long-time member of Tradition, Family, Property (TFP), a multinational traditionalist Catholic organization founded in 1960. “His Highness” focused on Brazil’s need to defend its sovereignty. “The Amazon was never ‘the lung of the world,’” he said. “It will never be … The Amazon is ours and only ours.” He also denied any past or present-day violence against Indigenous peoples and warned against attempts to turn the Amazon into the “first victim” of a “globalizing agenda” of world government.

These claims align squarely with Bolsonarista views of history, with the extractive and pro-agribusiness development project, and with longstanding nationalist distrust of foreign forces encroaching on Brazil’s sovereignty. Like Car valho, “Dom Bertrand,” as he is known among conservatives, represents an intergenerational link with a past rich in traditionalist, monarchist, militarist, anticommunist, and anti-egalitarian ideas.

The Latin American Right must be understood in its own terms, in relation to its “homes” but without isolating it from the broader world. As historian Ben Cowan has argued, the building of conservative “moral majorities” was a transnational project. The U.S.-based “New Right,” such as the American Conservative Union and the Heritage Foundation, collaborated with and even admired their peers in the rest of the continent. This includes the TFP, Dom Bertrand’s home organization, which has been a part of this transnational conservative constellation for decades.

CPAC’s Latin American presence and the impact of Bolsonaro in galvanizing regional forces are more reflective of this shared history, and not of a one-directional process of “export” of U.S.-style culture wars in the age of Trumpism. Subordinating the Latin American Right to northern designs can result in underestimating these forces’ capacity to articulate, deploy, and implement their own intolerant and authoritarian visions.

Disarming “the Resistance”

No longer orphaned, the rising conservative movement in Latin America has found not one home, but many. While the Right is not shy to knock on the northern neighbor’s door when needed, clichéd understandings of the region as subject to the will of the United States, or as defined uniformly by Left or Right swings of the political pendulum, miss the texture of how and when wounded elite and grassroots conservatives realign, regroup, and relaunch. Although local conditions vary, conservative meetings in Mexico and Brazil show that the Right espouses an effective form of internationalism that brings together actors steadfast in their determination to seize more political spaces and garner more airtime, clicks, social media “likes,” and, most importantly, votes.

Responses from the Left are varied. In Brazil, Chile, and Colombia, social protest has been an effective tool against the authoritarian drive of right-wing governments and their apologists, while in Mexico, where the Right remains electorally weak, “conservative” has become the label AMLO uses for his critics, whether on the right or left. What seems urgent is for the Left to question a cartoonish view of their opponents as the puppets of empire, the oligarchs without popular support, or the “nazis,” even if some do espouse extremist ideas. What type of rights-based pluralistic democracy can be built in contexts in which opponents deny each other’s legitimacy and humanity? Can the Left effectively push back and neutralize the Right’s hijacking of the word “rebellion”?

Right-wing platforms and their followers claim the banners of democracy, justice, truth, and freedom while actively undermining their foundations. Today, understanding, without clichés and oversimplifications, the present configurations of conservatism, the views of the world its proponents hold, and how they intend to change it is a political necessity for anyone concerned about the future of democracy.

[b-0-ngripper]

Here's a video explaining how the US invaded and occupied Haiti in the early 20th century

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A post shared by #1 Haitian-American Platform (@lunionsuite)

[jasmineiros]

"Trial scheduled for September 20th at the Supreme Federal Court may determine the future of Indigenous Lands in Brazilian territory and be crucial for the global climate. The indigenous movement is mobilizing across Brazil, and an indigenous delegation from Apib is in New York during Climate Week to strengthen the international mobilization campaign in defense of Indigenous Lands rights."

"We are on the land, and the land is within us. If the land dies, we as indigenous peoples die."

The Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil (Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil — APIB) is calling for nationwide mobilizations this week and participating in the New York Climate Week to alert the world to the risks of the Supreme Federal Court (STF) judgment scheduled for September 20th. The court will vote on the legitimacy of the legal concept known as the "Temporal Framework," advocated by the Brazilian agribusiness, which could reevaluate Indigenous Land demarcations and impact global climate crisis mitigation efforts.

The Temporal Framework suggests that only indigenous people who can prove they were living on the land in 1988, the same year the Federal Constitution was created, should have rights to the land. This disregards the forced displacements of hundreds of indigenous groups who could only reclaim their traditional lands after Brazil's redemocratization in the late 1980s.

This week, the 15th edition of Climate Week is taking place in New York from September 17th to 24th, alongside the 78th Session of the United Nations General Assembly from September 19th to 23rd, which will feature a speech by President Lula during its opening. A delegation of 10 indigenous leaders is in New York to participate in Climate Week's activities. The international mobilization's goal is to emphasize to the world that the Temporal Framework is a threat to the lives of Brazil's indigenous peoples and could exacerbate the climate crisis, as Indigenous Lands serve as a reservoir of life on the planet.

Apib and its regional organizations are reinforcing mobilizations in territories, cities, and Brasília against the Temporal Framework on September 20th. The goal is to monitor the trial and strengthen the next steps of the indigenous movement's fight. The organizations within Apib mobilized over 220 protests in 21 states, including the Federal District, between May and June.

Five Supreme Federal Court (STF) justices are yet to vote in the trial. The current tally stands at four votes against the Temporal Framework thesis and two in favor. Justices Edson Fachin, Alexandre de Moraes, Cristiano Zanin, and Luís Roberto Barroso have expressed opposition to the agribusiness-backed thesis, while the only favorable votes came from justices appointed by former President Jair Bolsonaro, André Mendonça, and Nunes Marques.

On the same day as the STF vote, the Brazilian Senate attempts to put the Temporal Framework into law. The ruralist caucus in Congress seeks to create tension with the Brazilian judiciary since there is a possibility that the STF may invalidate the Temporal Framework thesis.

In addition to the Temporal Framework, Bill 2903 proposes other setbacks to the rights of indigenous peoples, such as the construction of highways and hydroelectric plants in indigenous territories without free, prior, and informed consent from affected communities. The proposal also aims to allow farmers to enter production contracts with indigenous people, violating the rights of indigenous peoples to the exclusive use of demarcated territories.

While some falsely claim that "there is too much land for too few indigenous people in Brazil," Apib counters that there is too much land for too few farmers and that agribusiness promotes the illegal invasion of indigenous lands. The entity asserts,

"There is no solution to the climate crisis without guaranteeing the rights of indigenous peoples and the demarcation of their territories."

Currently, nearly half of Brazil's land is in the hands of rural producers. Of the total land in the country, 41% corresponds to rural properties, 13.7% to indigenous lands, and 45.2% to other purposes, according to data published in the Official Gazette of the Union. Indigenous Lands are a guarantee of life for indigenous peoples and for all of humanity, which depends on the climate's future.

"As worsening climate crisis unfolds, many will be marked in history as accomplices to the new colonialism threatening the survival of us, indigenous peoples who inhabit the vast territory known as Brazil, and the future of all humanity because there is no solution to the climate crisis without the involvement of indigenous peoples," emphasizes Dinamam Tuxá.

Key activities of Apib during the 15th edition of Climate Week from September 17th to 24th:

On September 17th, Apib participated in the Climate Week march through the streets of New York in support of the Fight Fossil Fuel Strike. The indigenous delegation from Apib denounced the threat posed by the Temporal Framework thesis, highlighted the indigenous emergency situation concerning extractive industries and agribusiness that lead to multiple instances of violence in our territories. Additionally, as part of the Climate Week agenda, it's worth noting that Apib's executive coordinators Kleber Karipuna, Dinamam Tuxá, and other members of the indigenous delegation will participate in a talk on September 19th titled "FCLP: Rights, Participation, and Benefits for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities in Forest Climate Financing," organized by the Forest and Climate Leaders Partnership. On September 22nd, a portion of the delegation will be present at a dialogue co-organized with H.E Razan Al Mubarak, the current president of the International Union for Conservation of Nature, to assess progress in the COP28 agenda with the aim of collectively identifying meaningful and respectful ways for Indigenous Peoples to engage in the COP.

About APIB

The Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (Apib) is a nationally recognized entity within the indigenous movement in Brazil, created from the grassroots up. It brings together seven regional indigenous organizations (Apoinme, ArpinSudeste, ArpinSul, Aty Guasu, Conselho Terena, Coaib, and Comissão Guarani Yvyrupa) and was founded with the purpose of strengthening the unity of our peoples, fostering coordination among different regions and indigenous organizations across the country, as well as mobilizing indigenous peoples and organizations against threats and infringements on indigenous rights.

Support/donate to APIB

APIB Instagram page

APIB Website

[troythecatfish]

[oncanvas]

Draftees of the World, Unite!, Carlos A. Cortéz, circa 1965

Linocut on paper 23 ⅛ x 35 in. (58.6 x 89 cm) Smithsonian American Art Museum, Washington, DC, USA

[ifindus]

I loved your mexico design!✨ now how do you imagine Colombia to be like?🇨🇴

Thank you! ✨ I have a lot of love for Latin American countries, but I'm obviously no expert on all the nuances and cultural stereotypes😅 here's my first go of Colombia tho:

[diaryofaphilosopher]

The Borderlands are physically present wherever two or more cultures edge each other, where people of different races occupy the same territory, where under, lower, middle and upper classes touch, where the space between two individuals shrinks with intimacy... Borders are set up to define the spaces that are safe and unsafe, to distinguish us from them. A border is a dividing line, a narrow strip along a steep edge. A borderland is a vague and undetermined place created by the emotional residue of an unnatural boundary. It is in a constant state of transition. The prohibited and forbidden are its inhabitants.

— Gloria Anzaldúa, Borderlands/La Frontera.

Follow Diary of a Philosopher for more quotes!

[allthegeopolitics]

NEW YORK - The former chief of the Honduran National Police was sentenced Thursday to 19 years in prison after he pleaded guilty in a conspiracy to protect shipments of cocaine destined for the United States.

Juan Carlos Bonilla Valladares, 64, better known as "El Tigre" or "The Tiger," was a member of the Honduran National Police for decades before becoming its leader for a year in 2012.

He rose to power by enabling cocaine trafficking on a massive sale and using violence, including murder, to protect the drug trade, prosecutors said in a presentencing brief. They had asked that he be sentenced to 30 years in prison.

The sentence in Manhattan federal court was announced by Judge P. Kevin Castel. [...]

Continue Reading.

[shoujoboy-restart]

So... apparently that infamous meme criticising shows made by mixed latino north americans(???) not only whitewashed the Chad Real Mexican™ creator they were trying to praise(????), who is a mixed latino, but it was done porpusefully because they were a infamous hispanic community lolcow neo-nazi who's friends with a dude with CP????????

And the extra funny part is that while the neo-nazi whitewashed and lowkey body shamed Jorge R. Gutierrez, creator of El Tigre and Book of Life and character designer in Mucha Lucha, series in which all of the main characters are very obviously mixed race/brown skinned, in some bizarre attempt of a made up strawnman...

in one of his new series on netflix titled Maya and the Three, which you should check out because is actually great and super well made like everything else this dude directs, ironically enough

THE MAIN VILLAINS EVIL ARMY IS LITERALLY, AS IN, ACTUALLY LITERALLY A BUNCH OF DEAD CONQUISTADORES, THE EUROPEAN COLONIZERS.

The entirety of this dudes work and art is constantly criticising gringos, european colonization of the Latin America and celebrating brown folks in Latin America why the fuck is this neo-nazi using him as inspiration or to put down artists?!?

[sprites4ever]

Extremely hard to swallow pills for the Western far Left:

The only reason Latin and Southern American countries can act like they're the victims of oh-so-evil US imperialism is because the native owners of those countries are all dead. The US American people are descendants of British colonists. Latin and Southern American peoples are descendants of Spanish colonists. The Spanish were far more thorough in their eradication of Natives, hence none of them protesting this misuse of a victim role.

The idea that imperialism and racism are bad was not invented by Brits, but it was popularized in the Western world by Brits.

Socialism was invented by Germans and Brits.

The French revolution may have been a bloody act of democracy, but didn't work. Napoleon and his Grande Armee used the chaos to declare themselves Emperor.

The Soviet Union was not a victim of capitalism, but collapsed because Communism does not work. It was also corrupt beyond belief, and its collapse has led to ex-Soviet countries, especially russia, becoming even more capitalist than before the establishment of the Soviet Union.

The People's Republic of China is less Chinese than the Republic of China aka Taiwan. The PRC was established in 1949 by Mao Zedong and his Chinese Communist Party, and Chinese nationalists fled to the island of Taiwan, establishing an exile government. They are the same people with the same culture, but mainland China is arguably less Chinese, because the CCP constantly revise historical records to suit their propaganda.

[nando161mando]

"Canada’s push to exploit Ecuador’s natural resources, despite Indigenous-led resistance and national instability, fits the broader pattern of Canadian engagement with Latin America, especially in the context of the government’s Critical Minerals Strategy and the new Cold War with China.

Ninety per cent of the world’s rare earths production is located in China, which also controls the expensive processing and refining of these minerals — key links in the production chains of high-tech manufacturing and the defence industries in the U.S. and its allies around the world."