#Kashmir and India-Pakistan Relations

[iamadarshbadri]

Review of T.C.A. Raghavan’s “The People Next Door”: A Compelling Narration of India-Pakistan Relations

India-Pakistan Relations, since their inception in 1947, have been fraught with a complex “enduring rivalry”—like characteristic, with multiple issue areas such as Kashmir, the Indus Waters Dispute, nuclear weapons, and more recently, state-sponsored terrorism. While several books have been written over the years addressing parts of—or the whole—issue of the complex rivalry between India and…

[discoursets]

“Kasuri also gives us a rare insight into the minds of the Pakistan Army, the contribution of the Foreign Office and his warm but complex relationship with President Musharraf. Blending analysis with choice anecdote, Neither a Hawk nor a Dove gives us a comprehensive and revealing account of Pakistan’s politics and the political compulsions of those at the helm.” 🌱

[insightfultake]

How India Redefined Sovereignty: Article 370’s Legacy in Kashmir

In the grand theater of global politics, the United Nations has long been viewed as a custodian of peace and a mediator in conflicts. But in Kashmir, the abrogation of Article 370 marked the beginning of an era where India decisively turned the page on international arbitration, casting the UN into the shadows of irrelevance. For decades, the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) lingered in Srinagar, a relic of Cold War politics that time had outgrown, but it was the abrogation that delivered the final verdict: its purpose was obsolete. Expand to read more

[kimskashmir]

Everything is in the manifesto: Farooq Abdullah on diplomatic initiatives between India and Pakistan

PULWAMA — Former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah said on Tuesday that the Congress-National Conference alliance will get success in the upcoming assembly polls. When asked if his party, if elected, would push the Centre to resume talks with Pakistan, Farooq responded, “Sab manifesto mein hai…” (everything is in the manifesto). “This time, people are in a very good mood. The…

[pebblegalaxy]

Breaking Borders: Pakistan and India Resume Cross-LoC Trade and Travel Amidst Diplomatic Shifts

Breaking Borders: Pakistan and India Resume Cross-LoC Trade and Travel Amidst Diplomatic Shifts #PakistanIndiaRelations #CrossLoCTrade #DiplomaticShift #KashmirPeace #RegionalCooperation #SouthAsianDiplomacy #CeasefireAgreement #EconomicRevival #Security

In a landmark development that has reverberated across geopolitical landscapes, the news reported by Dawn, a prominent Pakistani English-language newspaper on November 16, 2021, carries the title “Pakistan, India agree to restore cross-LoC trade, travel.” This pivotal announcement underscores a transformative diplomatic stride as the two nations grapple with the intricate and longstanding…

[sheepblr]

The Bakharwal dog is an ancient livestock guardian dog breed originating from northern India, now found throughout India and Pakistan. It is considered to be one of the oldest dog breeds in India.

A recent study indicates this breed may be on the brink of extinction due to a mix of crossbreeding, rabies cases and being killed in relation to the insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir. Researchers believe that these may be amongst the oldest herding dogs having origins in Central Asia. They are bred by nomadic groups as a livestock guardian dog and settlement protector.

Bakarwal is divided into two categories, general Bakarwal and Ladakhi Bakarwal. Bakarwal is a powerful, heavy bone, medium to large size dog. It is an agile and a sturdy breed, a typical mountain dog with a furry coat and plumy tail that gives it a majestic look. It looks like a medium version of Tibetan Mastiff. Common colours are black and tan, red, fawn, pied, sable, white and brindle.

The Bakharwal Dog, along with the Gaddi Kutta, is particularly used for guarding sheep, protecting farms and homes in Himachal Pradesh as well as in Jammu and Kashmir. It is also used by the Indian Police.

[molkolsdal]

Carpet with Palm Trees, Ibexes, and Birds

Probably made in present-day Pakistan, Lahore, late 16th–early 17th century

Cotton (warp and weft), wool (pile); asymmetrically knotted pile

This carpet, with its pictorial depiction of trees, birds, and animals, is conceived like a textile with a repeat design in which each unit reverses the direction of the preceding one. The ibexes, Chinese mythological beasts called qilins, and animals in combat, are derived from Safavid Persian art, as is the border design of cartouches and star-shaped medallions with cloud bands. The palm tree, however, is a very Indian feature, as is the generally naturalistic drawing of the flora and fauna and the bright red color of the field. The relationship to Persian carpet design dates this example to the early Mughal period, soon after the first carpet workshops were established by the emperor Akbar in Lahore, Agra, and Fatehpur Sikri.

Although the advent of carpet weaving in India predates his reign, it was the Mughal emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605) who established imperial workshops for carpets, as well as a pattern of royal patronage. Carpet workshops were set up first at Fatehpur Sikri, the imperial capital only from 1571 to 1585, then at Lahore and Agra, and then, before 1640, at Kashmir.[1] Not all Indian carpets surviving from these early times necessarily suggest imperial manufacture, so commercial workshops must also have been in full production. Masters and workmen, many undoubtedly Iranian, are known to have come to India to help establish the workshops, and Persian carpets also clearly continued to be imported despite the high quality of local production.[2]

It should not be surprising, then, that this large carpet, representing production dating from late in the reign of Akbar, displays strong Persian influence. The most popular Persian convention was the symmetrical arrangement of scrolling vines with blossoms and leaves, but another approach was the use of pictorial patterns similar to those produced for paintings in royal manuscripts (the two conventions are combined in some examples). The field pattern here combines animals, birds, and vegetation in a pictorial way, that is, they are meant to be seen from one direction and without the matrix of a vine-scroll pattern to connect everything. Pictorial designs can be found in Persian carpets in a few examples of the small "Kashan" rugs and even more in a couple of pieces of the "Sanguszko" group; direct contact of some sort is also implied by the use of certain colors. Counterparts of several animals represented here may be seen in one of the Museum’s Persian rugs (no. 14.40.721), notably the leaping ibex, the combat between lion and ibex, and the leaping lion. Flames at the shoulders, indicating supernatural qualities, betray the ultimate Chinese origin of some of these figures, as transmitted to Iran in preceding centuries.

In many respects, however, this carpet is unmistakably Indian. In terms of structure, the cotton warps are eight-ply instead of the four-ply typically found in Persian carpets. As for color, the palette has a brightness, especially in the red, lacking in most Persian pieces, and there is a heavy use of ton-sur-ton coloring, juxtaposing similar colors such as red and pink, light and dark blue, and ocher and beige or off-white. The interlocking compartment design of the main border is related to borders found in Persian carpets (see MMA no. 1978.550), but here it takes a particularly Indian form in its geometricized compartments and the particular silhouette effect of the un-outlined red palmettes and vines set against the white ground. And the palm trees strike an Indian chord. As large as this carpet is, far larger ones are known to have come from Indian looms, including a pair of mid-seventeenth-century audience carpets, each about sixty-three feet long (approximately 19 meters).[3]

Daniel Walker in [Ekhtiar, Soucek, Canby, and Haidar 2011]

Footnotes:

1. Walker, Daniel. Flowers Underfoot: Indian Carpets of the Mughal Era. Exhibition catalogue, Metropolitan Museum, New York, 1997, pp. 7, 12.

2. Abu’l Fazl ‘Allami. The A’in-i Akbari by Abu’l Fazl ‘Allami. Translated by H[enry F.] Blochmann and H[enry] S. Jarrett; edited by D[ouglas] C[raven] Phillott. 3rd ed. 3 vols. 1927–49. Calcutta, 1977, vol. 1, p. 57.

3. Walker 1997 (see note 1), p. 120, fig. 118.

[mariacallous]

Five years since Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government stripped Jammu and Kashmir of its autonomous status, the central government’s iron-fisted approach to the region has left it more vulnerable to regional and geopolitical threats.

While Kashmir Valley, which has withstood the brunt of armed insurgency since 1989, continues to simmer with militancy-related violence, the theater of terrorism has now extended into the otherwise peaceful province of Jammu. Since 2019, at least 262 soldiers and 171 civilians have died in more than 690 incidents, including the February 2019 Pulwama terrorist attack. The unsustainable and disproportionate loss of lives underscores the risks to both regional stability and India’s national security.

In 2019, the Modi government revoked Article 370 of the Indian constitution, which granted the state of Jammu and Kashmir its special status, annihilating the contested region’s symbolic autonomy. Concurrently, the central government also imposed an indefinite curfew in the region and used internet shutdowns and arrests to control and suppress the local population. The result was a transformed landscape. Already scarred by militarization, Kashmir became enmeshed in barbed wire.

This undemocratic exercise, though later stamped and endorsed by India’s Supreme Court, has since spurred further legal changes. For example, the local population no longer has access to exclusive protections that previously allowed only permanent residents of Jammu and Kashmir to apply for government jobs and buy property in the state.

In March 2020, the government repealed 12 and amended 14 land-related laws, introducing a clause that paved the way for a development authority to confiscate land and another that allowed high-ranking army officials to declare a local area as strategically important.

Local residents are appalled at the ease with which government agencies can now seize both residential and agricultural lands in the name of development and security—enabling mass evictions and the bulldozing of houses that are disproportionately affecting Muslim communities and small landowners.

Meanwhile, the ecological fallout from introducing massive road and railway networks, coupled with the addition of mega hydroelectricity projects, is polluting riverbeds and causing villages to sink. Since 2019, there has been a lack of local representation which could act as a buffer against massive development projects, most of which now fall under New Delhi’s governance. Meanwhile, the region’s unemployment rate, as of 2023, remains high at above 18 percent, as compared to the national average of 8 percent.

Over the last few years, the Modi government has also squashed dissent in the region by redirecting the military to maintain surveillance and control of the civilian population. According to the Forum for Human Rights in Jammu and Kashmir, over 2,700 people were arrested in the region between 2020 and 2023 under India’s contentious Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the Public Safety Act. Those arrested include journalists like Fahad Shah and Sajad Gul, human rights defenders like Khurram Pervez, and prominent lawyers like Mian Qayoom and Nazir Ronga.

Modi’s repressive policies have deepened the trust deficit between Kashmiris and the Indian government. The top-down administration has further sidelined local bureaucrats and police officers, further widening the gap between the central government and local ground realities.

All of this has not only pushed the local population into distress, but also jeopardized India’s already fragile relations with its two nuclear neighbors, Pakistan and China.

The Kashmir conflict, rooted in the 1947 partition of India, has led to three major wars and several military skirmishes between India, Pakistan, and China. And though the region has always been contentious—India controls more than half of the total land, while Pakistan controls 30 percent, and China holds the remaining 15 percent in the northeast region near Ladakh—Modi’s aggressive handling has further provoked its neighbors.

Following the revocation of Article 370, the region was split into two separate union territories—Jammu and Kashmir forming one and Ladakh forming another, with both falling under the central government’s control.

This redrawing of the region’s internal borders, which signaled New Delhi’s assertions of reclaiming the Chinese-occupied territory near Ladakh—as well as India’s increasing tilt towards the United States—resulted in a deadly clash between India and China in 2020 and another one in 2022. Despite diplomatic efforts to resolve tensions over the disputed Himalayan border, New Delhi has accused Beijing of carrying out “inch by inch” land grabs in Ladakh since 2020.

Meanwhile, Pakistan-administered Kashmir has been rocked by mass protests of its own this year, owing to the country’s political and economic crisis, exacerbated in part by the abrogation of Article 370. Those living in Pakistan-administered Kashmir fear that Pakistan may similarly try to dilute the autonomy of the region.

With refugees flooding in from Afghanistan on its west amidst Imran Khan’s standoff with the Pakistani Army, Islamabad has been on edge and looking for diversionary tactics. The deepening of Pakistani-Chinese relations, including military ties, has contributed to a volatile mix.

But Kashmir’s vulnerability has worsened partly because of India’s own tactical blunders, too. The last decade witnessed a spurt in home-grown militancy, but since 2019 the landscape has been dominated by well-trained militants from across the Pakistani border who have access to sophisticated weapons and technology.

Indian security forces, including paramilitaries and the local police, have turned a blind eye to these emerging threats, especially in the twin districts of Rajouri and Poonch along the border with Pakistan. It is in this area that the impact of terror attacks has been most felt.

The region is home to the nomadic Gujjar-Bakerwal communities and the ethnolinguistic Paharis. These groups are parts of divided families straddling the India-Pakistan border, and this shared cultural linkage between the Indian and Pakistani sides has been weaponized in the past by intelligence networks of both countries.

The Indian armed forces have historically relied on the Gujjar-Bakerwal communities for intelligence gathering in part because of their nomadic lives and deep knowledge of the region’s topography. However, since 2019, the evictions of nomads from forest lands, following the amendment of several land-related laws, as well as affirmative actions for Paharis, a rival ethnic group, have led to the disenchantment of the Gujjar-Bakerwals—and an eventual loss of traditional intelligence assets for India.

Another blunder has been the redeployment of troops from Jammu to the border with China in the northeast, following China’s incursions in Ladakh’s Galwan Valley in 2020. This has left Jammu dangerously exposed to militants who have been infiltrating the region from across the line of control on the western side and carrying out their operations with a fair degree of success.

In 2024 alone, Jammu has witnessed numerous attacks which have resulted in the deaths of 16 soldiers and 12 civilians. In June, for example, the region experienced one of its deadliest attacks when militants opened fire on a bus carrying Hindu pilgrims, killing nine and injuring over 30.

Kashmir’s internal politics has the potential to spill over and push the region into disaster. While India has made some significant strides in international diplomacy under Modi, it tends to neglect the neighborhood where the risks to India’s national security remain the highest. Its diplomatic engagement with China comes in fits and starts but diplomacy with Pakistan remains nonexistent, despite the resumption of a ceasefire in 2021. And while India considers the removal of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status an internal matter, Pakistan sees it as a provocation. All in all, there is a dangerous lack of engagement between the two nuclear rivals in South Asia.

In theory, the ongoing regional elections in Jammu and Kashmir provide a glimmer of opportunity for the people to choose their own local government for the first time in a decade. However, irrespective of who wins the elections, the local leaders will lack the power to enact meaningful change, given that the region remains under the control of New Delhi following its demotion from a state to two union territories.

For instance, Ladakh does not have a legislative assembly, and while Jammu and Kashmir have an elected assembly, the real powers are vested in the hands of a governor, who was appointed to lead the region by the Modi-led central government. As recently as July, the Indian government ruled to further expand the governor’s oversight powers, delivering a blow to local politicians and voters.

Much more needs to be done to change the status quo. Though it remains unlikely, New Delhi must consider meaningful solutions that could assuage some of the political wounds inflicted by the complete erosion of Jammu and Kashmir’s autonomy, including, for example, the restoration of statehood to the region. In order to win back the trust of Kashmiris, the Indian government must reinstate civil liberties and deliver on its promise to provide economic development and jobs.

To improve the region’s safety, Indian agencies must acknowledge their security lapses and repair their broken intelligence networks. And while the Indian security forces must not lower their guard against terrorist activities, terrorism should not be proffered as an excuse when it comes to the normalization of relations in the neighborhood.

Neither Pakistan, nor India can afford the war which is looming over their heads. Diplomatic negotiations, including over Kashmir, must begin with a sense of urgency.

[brookstonalmanac]

Holidays 6.18

Holidays

Academy Day (Scientology)

Autistic Pride Day

Clark Kent Day

Clean Your Aquarium Day

Count Your $$ Day

Drone Safety Day

Festival of Invisible Pornography

Finest Hour Speech Day

Foundation Day (Benguet, Philippines)

Go Fishing Day

Hand Cart Day (French Republic)

Horned Poppy Day

Human Rights Day (Azerbaijan)

International Day for Countering Hate Speech

International Declaration of Human Rights Day

International Panic Day

Jack Herer Day

Justice Institution Employees Day (Turkmenistan)

Mela Khir Bhawani (Kashmir, India)

National Black America’s Day of Repentance

National Internet Cat Day

National Jesse Day

National Relationship Day

National Splurge Day

National Wanna Get Away Day

National Wear Blue Day

Neurodiversity Pride Day (Netherlands)

No Headline Day

Police Inspector’s Day (Ukraine)

Queen Mother’s Day (Cambodia)

618 Day

Sustainable Gastronomy Day

Tabasco Day (Mali)

Trouser Day

Veterinary Appreciation Day (a.k.a. Veterinarian Appreciation Day)

Waterloo Day (UK)

Wild Den Dancing Day

World Day Against Incarceration

World Wide Knit in Public Day

Food & Drink Celebrations

Insalata Day (Italy)

International Picnic Day

International Sushi Day

National Cheesemaker’s Day

National Cherry Tart Day

Independence & Related Days

Aldrodnia (Declared; 2018) [unrecognized]

Bacolod City Charter Day (Philippines)

Constitution Day (Seychelles)

Egypt (a.k.a. Eid el-Galaa, evacuation of foreign troops, 1954)

Flinders (Declared; 2022) [unrecognized]

Jailavera (Declared; 2017) [unrecognized]

Leprechia (Declared; 2021) [unrecognized]

Naga City Charter Day (Philippines)

Onontakeka (Declared; 2018) [unrecognized]

Snagov (Declared; 2020) [unrecognized]

3rd Tuesday in June

National Accounts Payable Appreciation Day [3rd Tuesday]

National Cherry Tart Day [3rd Tuesday]

Royal Ascot begins (UK) [3rd Tuesday]

Taco Tuesday [Every Tuesday]

Weekly Holidays beginning June 18 (3rd Full Week)

National Water Safety Week (Ireland) [thru 6.25]

Royal Ascot (thru 6.22)

Festivals Beginning June 18, 2024

Marysville Strawberry Festival (Marysville, Washington) [thru 6.23]

RMA Convention (Maui, Hawaii) [thru 6.21]

Taste of Little Italy (San Diego, California) [thru 6.19]

Feast Days

Amandus, Bishop of Bordeaux (Christian; Saint)

Andim Day (Pastafarian)

Bernard Mizeki (Anglican and Episcopal Church)

Chris Van Allsburg (Artology)

Elisabeth of Schönau (Christian; Saint)

Elvis Day (Church of the SubGenius; Saint)

Ephraem (Christian; Saint)

Erik Ortvad (Artology)

Festival of Anna (Ancient Rome; Everyday Wicca)

Going Forth of Neith Along the River (Ancient Egypt’ Goddess of War and Hunting)

Gregorio Barbarigo (Christian; Saint)

Gregory of Fragalata (Christian; Saint)

Into Raymi Festival begins (Inca Sun Worship Festival; until 24th)

James Montgomery Flagg (Artology)

John Bellany (Artology)

Joseph-Marie Vien (Artology)

Leontius, Hypatius and Theodulus (Christian; Saints)

Leroy (Muppetism)

Marina the Monk (Maronite Church, Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria)

Mark and Marcellian (Christian; Martyrs)

Media Ver XI (Pagan)

National Splurge Day (Church of the SubGenius)

Now Panic Day (Pastafarian)

Osanna Andreasi (Christian; Saint)

Theodoric the Great (Positivist; Saint)

Three Lasting Things of Cormac Mac Art: Grass, Copper and Yew (Celtic Book of Days)

Tiger-Get-By’s Birthday (Shamanism)

Islamic Lunar Holidays

Eid al-Adha, Day 3 [Muslim Feast of Sacrifice] (a.k.a. ... 

Al Adha (Bahrain)

Corban Bairam (Sudan)

Eid al Adha (Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, West Bank and Gaza, Yemen)

Eid e-Ghorban

Eid ul-Ad’haa (Maldives)

Feast of Sacrifice (Uzbekistan)

Gurban Bayram (Azerbaijan)

Hari Arafat (Malaysia)

Hari Raya Qurban (Malaysia)

Id el Kabir (Nigeria)

Kurban Bayram (North Cyprus)

Kurban Bayramy (Turkey)

Qurbon Hayit (Uzbekistan)

Lucky & Unlucky Days

Taian (大安 Japan) [Lucky all day.]

Unfortunate Day (Pagan) [36 of 57]

Premieres

The Adventures of Ellery Queen (Radio Series; 1939)

The Bully (Ub Iwerks Flip the Frog Cartoon; 1932)

Casey Bats Again (Disney Cartoon; 1954)

Dangerous When Wet (Film; 1953)

Dare To Be Stupid, by Weird Al Yankovic (Album; 1985)

Day & Night (Pixar Cartoon; 2010)

Der Freischütz (or The Marksman), by Carl Maria von Weber (Opera; 1821)

DodgeBall (Film: 2004)

(Everything I Do) I Do It For You, by Bryan Adams (Song; 1991)

Eyes in Outer Space (Disney Cartoon; 1959)

Goodbye Cruel World, by Elvis Costello (Album; 1984)

The House with a Clock in Its Walls, by John Bellairs (Novel; 1973)

Howard Zinn: You Can’t Be Neutral on a Moving Train (Documentary Film; 2004)

Ice Station Zebra, by Alistair MacLean (Novel; 1963)

An Ideal Husband (Film; 1999)

Inside, Outside, by Herman Wouk (History Book; 1985)

Lady and the Lamp (Disney Cartoon; 1979)

Last Action Hero (Film; 1993)

Le Marteau sans Maître, by Pierre Boulez (Chamber Cantata; 1955)

Luca (Animated Film; 2021)

Morning, Noon and Nightclub (Fleischer Popeye Cartoon; 1937)

My Cousin Rachel, by Daphne du Maurier (Novel; 1952)

The Ocean at the End of the Lane, by Neil Gaiman (Novel; 2013)

Odelay, by Beck (Album; 1996)

Once Upon a Forest (Hanna-Barbera Animated Film; 1993)

Origin of Symmetry, by Muse (Album; 2001)

Polar Fright (Chilly Willy Cartoon; 1966)

Popeye Meets Hercules (Fleischer/Famous Popeye Cartoon; 1948)

The Sparks Brothers (Documentary Film; 2021)

Suppressed Duck (WB LT Cartoon; 1965)

Tarzan (Animated Disney Film; 1999)

Toy Story 3 (Animated Pixar Film; 2010)

The Underground World (Fleischer Cartoon; 1943) [#16]

The Wild Bunch (Film; 1969)

Wouldn’t It Be Nice, by The Beach Boys (Song; 1966)

Today’s Name Days

Elisabeth, Ilsa, Marina (Austria)

Asen, Chavdar (Bulgaria)

Elizabeta, Marcel, Ozana, Paul (Croatia)

Milan (Czech Republic)

Leontius (Denmark)

Auli, Aurelia, Auri, Reeli, Reelika, Reili (Estonia)

Tapio (Finland)

Léonce (France)

Elisabeth, Ilsa, Isabella, Marina (Germany)

Erasmos, Leontios (Greece)

Arnold, Levente (Hungary)

Gregorio, Marina, Marinella, Marinetta (Italy)

Alberts, Madis (Latvia)

Arnulfas, Ginbutas, Marina, Vaiva (Lithuania)

Bjarne, Bjørn (Norway)

Efrem, Elżbieta, Gerwazy, Leonia, Marek, Marina, Paula (Poland)

Ipatie, Leontie, Teodul (România)

Vratislav (Slovakia)

Marcelino, Marcos (Spain)

Bjarne, Björn (Sweden)

Leo, Leon (Ukraine)

Effie, Efrain, Eph, Ephraim, Marina, Marnie, Nevaeh (USA)

Today is Also…

Day of Year: Day 170 of 2024; 196 days remaining in the year

ISO: Day 2 of week 25 of 2024

Celtic Tree Calendar: Duir (Oak) [Day 10 of 28]

Chinese: Month 5 (Geng-Wu), Day 13 (Gui-Chou)

Chinese Year of the: Dragon 4722 (until January 29, 2025) [Wu-Chen]

Hebrew: 12 Sivan 5784

Islamic: 11 Dhu al-Hijjah 1445

J Cal: 20 Blue; Sixday [20 of 30]

Julian: 5 June 2024

Moon: 88%: Waxing Gibbous

Positivist: 1 Charlemagne (7th Month) [Theodoric the Great]

Runic Half Month: Dag (Day) [Day 10 of 15]

Season: Spring (Day 92 of 92)

Week: 3rd Full Week of June)

Zodiac: Gemini (Day 29 of 31)

Calendar Changes

Charlemagne (Feudal Civilization) [Month 7 of 13; Positivist]

[someoneintheshadow456]

Hi! I recently found your blog, and I've seen some posts you've made/reblogged a long while ago about the political situation in India, like with the situation in Kashmir. I've recently seen some people say India is "brutally colonizing Kashmir" and other such things. I understand that this is a topic that is not being discussed at the moment, but some posts along these lines are quite recent and I wanted to know your thoughts on the Kashmir situation and these arguments, if that is okay with you.

It's the other way around. Kashmir is being brutally colonized by Pakistan.

Kashmir was originally a 60/40 distribution between religions (with Muslims having slight majority), and was ruled by a Hindu king. There was supposed to be a ruling to decide the fate of Kashmir in the 90s, however a mass genocide of the Hindu population in the area and an invasion by Pakistan happened before the ruling could even take place. In short - whatever the people of Kashmir wanted - Pakistan decided to ignore it and make the decision for them.

If you look at Kashmir's religious demographics, you will see the Hindu population suddenly rapidly drop in the 90s (to the point where less than 10% of the population is Hindu today) and most people will refuse to tell you why that happened, or brush it off as "migration." Many people will even justify the genocide by saying that Kashmiri Hindus were the "rich oppressors" and "had it coming" - the same reasons used to persecute Jewish people in Nazi Germany.

Kashmiri Hindus in India to this day live in horrible conditions because the government knows if they do anything to actually improve their situation beyond offering platitudes, fundamentalist Muslim groups will riot. In fact, most Kashmiri Hindus feel that it would be safer for the government not to notice them at all, because when they do, hate crimes against them increase.

Until very recently in Kashmir, only Sunni Muslim men had the right to vote and own property. When homosexuality was legalized in India, this applied to every state but Kashmir. Most laws relating to women's rights, domestic violence, child rights, etc did not apply there. It wasn't even a state for all Muslims - it was a state to benefit a very small pool of upper caste Sunni men in power.

When Kashmir went from being a special territory to statehood, the ones who were rioting were these upper caste rich Sunni men who were salty that they wouldn't be the only ones with exclusive rights anymore. And sure enough, after this ruling, hate crimes against the Kashmiri Hindu community rose.

Whenever you hear of the Indian army committing atrocities in Kashmir - it's usually tales of the Indian army retaliating against Pakistan-sponsored terror in the region, or cases when terrorists deliberately put their own people in danger and pin the blame on the army.

This video by Middle Ground (and the comments provide more information) will help you to understand the situation better. In it, the Kashmiri Hindu was the only one who had a loved one die because of the conflict (his father was killed when he was 15). And he was dismissed/mocked by the conservative Muslim speakers while the moderate Muslim speaker sympathised with him.

[terranautica]

howdy

some notes:

I generally try to identify places + groups

I try to make conscious decisions about tags that respect cultural identities, consider historical context and reject imperialism. I realize this is impossible and messy and doomed to be inconsistent. choices I've made include one Korea, one Ireland, and multiple tags for separatist states, i.e. Scotland, Catalan Countries.

I am currently unsure when or if it makes sense to tag the "bigger" nation in a post about an autonomous region, ex. China and Tibet, Faroe Islands and Denmark. I want to respect widespread independence movements, but also not become bloated with regional tags. Tibet deserves to be free of China but I have to laugh at modern Texas separatism.

Israel does not get a tag. Jewish diaspora, Free Palestine, genocide, USA, or anti imperialism are used.

I am not always sure when to use the indigenous peoples tag. if I am unsure I will probably leave it out.

except the history and prehistory tag, I currently am not tagging things that no longer exist, ex. Soviet Union, Roman Empire. I may instead tag with the most closely related modern state, ex. Russia, Greece

Tags like EU, UK, Africa, Asia, Latin American, Polynesian, etc. are used in posts that refer to many places/groups collectively ex. Lunar New Year in Asia

I try to tag the country/group that an artist/writer/creator belongs to, ex. a post featuring Baldwin tagged with USA, literature, black diaspora

tags are ever-evolving!

country/place tags:

Africa, Albania, Angolia, Argentina, Armenia, Asia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Belgium, Bhutan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Bulgaria, Cameroon, Canada, Catalan Countries, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo, Cuba, Czechia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Emirates, Estonia, Ethiopia, EU, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Greenland, Guatemala, Haiti, Hawai'i, Hungary, Iberia, Iceland, India, Iran, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Korea, Kosovo, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Malaysia, Maldives, Mexico, Moldova, Mongolia, Montenegro, Mozambique, Namibia, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, North Macedonia, Norway, Pakistan, free Palestine, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Portugal, Puerto Rico, Qatar, Romania, Russia, Scotland, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Sweden, Switzerland, Syria, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Tanzania, Thailand, free Tibet, Turkey, Uganda, Ukraine, USA, Uzbekistan, Vietnam, Wales, West Papau, Yemen, Zambia, Zimbabwe

diaspora + ethnic group + cultural group tags:

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[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] India has slammed Pakistan for supporting terrorism, stressing that the whole world is aware of who is a promoter of terrorism. While addressing a press briefing on Friday, Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) official spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal noted that everyone knows that there are nations responsible for cross-border terrorism and India calls upon Pakistan to take strict action to stop cross-border terrorism. When asked about Pakistan’s ISPR statement claiming that the Indian Army is being politicised after the Indian Army Chief said that terror activities in Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir were linked with Pakistan, Jaiswal responded, “The whole world knows, who is promoting terrorism. In India, when we have terror-related attacks, where it is coming from, we all know the genesis, the root of cross-border terrorism. So, in this context, when the whole world knows who is the progenitor of cross-border terrorism, to say that we are trying to politicise something etc is totally immaterial. Everyone knows that there are people, there are countries who are responsible for cross-border terrorism and we call upon Pakistan to take strict action to stop cross-border terrorism.” Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) issued the statement after Indian Army Chief General Upendra Dwivedi termed Pakistan as the epicentre of terrorism and said that 80 per cent of terrorists active in Jammu and Kashmir are Pakistanis. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] India has slammed Pakistan for supporting terrorism, stressing that the whole world is aware of who is a promoter of terrorism. While addressing a press briefing on Friday, Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) official spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal noted that everyone knows that there are nations responsible for cross-border terrorism and India calls upon Pakistan to take strict action to stop cross-border terrorism. When asked about Pakistan’s ISPR statement claiming that the Indian Army is being politicised after the Indian Army Chief said that terror activities in Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir were linked with Pakistan, Jaiswal responded, “The whole world knows, who is promoting terrorism. In India, when we have terror-related attacks, where it is coming from, we all know the genesis, the root of cross-border terrorism. So, in this context, when the whole world knows who is the progenitor of cross-border terrorism, to say that we are trying to politicise something etc is totally immaterial. Everyone knows that there are people, there are countries who are responsible for cross-border terrorism and we call upon Pakistan to take strict action to stop cross-border terrorism.” Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) issued the statement after Indian Army Chief General Upendra Dwivedi termed Pakistan as the epicentre of terrorism and said that 80 per cent of terrorists active in Jammu and Kashmir are Pakistanis. [ad_2] Source link

[guruji-dr-arun-raghavendars]

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Powerful Foreign Countries want India to Lose as India is eating into their Arms Export Market & Manufacturing Base.

They don't want Indian Defence to be Import Independent.

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[ebelal56-blog]

Cuba's SMALL WONDER Story of Resilience

Cuba. A small island nation that has faced decades of adversity, yet stands tall, resilient against the backdrop of U.S. aggression. Now, let’s take a moment to reflect on what Cuba teaches us, not just about survival, but about the complex dance of international relations. It’s fascinating, isn’t it? Here’s a country that, despite being surrounded by a giant with a long history of hostility, has managed to carve out its own identity, maintain its sovereignty, and foster a sense of unity among its people. This resilience is something that could serve as a lesson for India, especially when we look at its interactions with its neighbors. Now, India is a vast nation, rich in culture and diversity, yet its relationships with neighboring countries often seem fraught with tension. Take Pakistan, for instance. The history here is marred by conflict and mistrust, especially over Kashmir. It’s a relationship that has seen numerous attempts at dialogue, but these efforts often collapse under the weight of terrorism and border disputes. The question arises: how can a country as influential as India, with its immense resources and strategic position, find a way to foster a more amicable relationship with its neighbors? Then there’s China. A complex relationship characterized by both cooperation and rivalry. On one hand, we see trade flourishing, yet on the other, we have border disputes that can escalate into serious confrontations. It’s a tightrope walk, and India must learn to navigate these waters with a level of finesse that emphasizes diplomacy over hostility. And what about Bangladesh? Here, we find a cultural kinship that should ideally foster a strong bond. Yet, issues surrounding migration and border management have at times strained this relationship. It’s a reminder that shared history isn’t always enough to overcome the challenges posed by political realities. Let’s not forget Nepal. A nation that shares so much with India in terms of culture and geography, yet tensions occasionally flare over border disputes and perceived interference in internal matters. It’s a delicate balance, and one that requires India to approach its neighbors with a sense of respect and understanding. Sri Lanka presents another interesting case. India has been a significant ally, providing military and economic support, yet the complexities of the Tamil issue have caused friction. This is where the lessons from Cuba become pertinent. Cuba has maintained its sovereignty and identity despite external pressures. India, too, must strive to respect the identities and aspirations of its neighbors, recognizing that cooperation doesn’t mean domination. And while Bhutan remains a close ally, with strong ties in defense and trade, the relationships with Myanmar and the Maldives are more complicated. In Myanmar, India engages for strategic reasons, yet the political turmoil there presents challenges that require careful navigation. The Maldives, with its shifting political landscape, demands adaptability and a commitment to mutual respect. So, what can India learn from Cuba? It’s about resilience, yes, but it’s also about respect. It’s about recognizing that every nation has its own narrative, its own struggles, and its own aspirations. By approaching its neighbors with a sense of empathy and a willingness to listen, India can foster a sense of trust that is essential for regional stability. Cuba, despite its challenges, stands as a testament to the strength of a nation that refuses to bow down. India, with its rich history and potential, must take a page from this book. It’s time to rethink strategies, to embrace cooperation over conflict, and to build relationships that reflect a commitment to peace and mutual growth. After all, in the intricate web of international relations, resilience is not just about enduring; it’s about thriving together.

[everythingkashmir]

Kashmir lessons from Northern Ireland peace process

By Faisul Yaseen

Sean Murray and Muhammad Yasin Malik are similar yet different.

A former member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army, Murray was jailed for 12 years for explosive offences in 1982.

Today, he is a senior member of Sinn Fein and an Irish Republican from Belfast, Northern Ireland.

Like Murray, Malik, the chairman of Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), a pro-independence armed group in Kashmir, renounced violence in 1994 and took a plunge into separatist politics. However, unlike Murray, he remains imprisoned at New Delhi’s Tihar Jail and was awarded life sentence by India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) court.

In an interview in Belfast, Murray said that the transition from the armed conflict to the political conflict in Northern Ireland was difficult.

“British government was reluctant but the Irish diaspora and the US helped pave the way to the Good Friday Agreement that gave us the political structure,” he said. “The Good Friday Agreement was a breakthrough although there still are issues.”

Murray said that the Police and the criminal justice system that were earlier seen as extensions of unionism had improved.

On whether there was any chance of people in Northern Ireland taking up arms again, he said, “Not in the foreseeable future.”

Murray though was quick to add that when they launched an armed rebellion, it was the “right thing to do.”

He said that having British soldiers on Northern Ireland streets would be a disaster.

“I have seen friends in graveyards. I have had sleepless nights. To every action there is a reaction. No one explains the fear of the conflict, the fear that you are going to die,” Murray said.

Like him, Malik too saw most of his JKLF members killed, but ironically after renouncing violence.

Similarities and Dissimilarities

There are various similarities between the Northern Ireland and the Kashmir conflict but the way Britain and India have dealt with the two conflicts does not derive any parallels.

While Britain responded to the violence perpetuated by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) with the devolution of more powers to Northern Ireland, New Delhi reacted to the armed insurgency in Kashmir with the abrogation of its semi-autonomous status.

The Troubles led to the Good Friday Agreement of 10 April 1998, and the St Andrews Agreement of 13 October 2006 but would Kashmir insurgency similarly shift from a violent means to a peaceful dialogue process, leading to some sort of resolution, remains to be seen.

Salil Tripathi in his opinion piece ‘Where the Irish and Kashmiri stories converge and diverge’ for the ‘The Mint’ writes, “Northern Ireland elects its own first minister and there is significant devolution of power (not unlike the spirit of Article 370), and governments are formed based on power-sharing.

“In Northern Ireland, former first ministers are not under house arrest without being charged; the internet has not been shut down; troops are not marching and the streets not deserted; and nobody – not Catholic revellers, nor Protestants marching provocatively during the season - fear being shot at by pellet guns and getting blinded.”

Kashmir Conflict

If Shakespearean drama Hamlet were to be about India-Pakistan relations, the Prince of Denmark has to be Kashmir.

The north-Indian region of Kashmir has been a bone of contention between India and Pakistan since 1947 and people of Kashmir have borne the brunt of this conflict for the past seven and a half decades.

Since late 1980s, the conflict has turned uglier with human rights organisations putting the number of people killed at 70,000, many more thousands wounded, over 8500 subjected to enforced disappearances, hundreds of women raped, and thousands of children orphaned.

Intermittently, in the past, there have been efforts to foster friendly relations between New Delhi and Islamabad, and also between New Delhi and Kashmir, but, of late, there have not been any major peace and reconciliation efforts. For the past over 10 years, New Delhi has been dealing Kashmir with an iron fist with policies like ‘Operation All-Out’ against the local insurgents and clamping down on the separatist groups.

With the focus shifting from developmental activities to anti-militant and anti-separatist activities, the governance has taken a hit.

Kashmir for Northern Ireland-type Resolution

In Kashmir, both the pro-India as well as the pro-independence leadership has called for the resolution of the Kashmir issue on the pattern of Northern Ireland.

Three-time chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Farooq Abdullah pitched for the resolution of the Kashmir issue on the model of Good Friday Agreement.

“Like Northern Ireland, the only roadmap forward is two Kashmirs with an easy border and autonomy,” Business Standard quoted him as saying during a discussion organised by South Asia Institute at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London.

“Kashmir can be solved if both the nuclear powers – India and Pakistan - realise that whatever solution has to emerge, everybody will not accept it,” he said.

Abdullah’s archrival in politics and Kashmir’s head priest, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, who heads the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), a conglomerate of various Kashmiri separatist groups, in an interview to Reuters said, “I think Kashmir and Northern Ireland do have similarities – the fact that it’s the will of the people to be their own masters and not under the hegemony of one party or the other.

 “If you look at Northern Ireland, it has moved from confrontation to cooperation. That is what we have to do.”

Not only in Kashmir, the Northern Ireland conflict resolution process has also found takers in Pakistan.

Pakistan’s former human rights minister, Shireen Mazari also proposed the Northern Ireland model as a possible solution to “Kashmir dispute”.

At a webinar organised by Islamabad Policy Institute, a prominent think tank of Pakistan, Mazari said, “Pursuing the model of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 brought together all parties to the conflict in Northern Ireland and ended decades of violence. The Northern Ireland model can be a possible approach to resolving the Kashmir dispute.”

Abrogation of Article 370

On 5 August 2019, Government of India (GoI) decided to annex the semi-autonomous Kashmir region while abrogating Article 370 of the Indian constitution.

For over a year, people did not have access to the internet.

The academic activity in schools, colleges, and universities suffered with students unable to attend the classes due to undeclared curfew, shutdowns, and a civil disobedience movement against New Delhi’s unilateral decision of stripping the region of its special status.

The business activity in the region suffered a body blow with the Kashmir economy witnessing loss worth billions of Indian rupees.

GoI not only downgraded the status of the semi-autonomous region but also divided it into two union territories – the Muslim-majority Jammu and Kashmir, and the Buddhist-majority Ladakh, both controlled directly from New Delhi without any role of local governance.

The development of the region, the premise on which the GoI took this decision, is completely missing from Kashmir.

People of Kashmir believe that the real reason for abrogating the special status of the region is their distinct ethno-religious identity.

New Delhi’s decision of doing away with the special status of Kashmir has complicated the matters further with disenchantment spreading even among the pro-India political parties in the region.

Even three former chief ministers, Farooq Abdullah, Omar Abdullah, and Mehbooba Mufti remained in detention for around a year and have been placed under house arrest from time to time.

Issue of Identities

Clearly, India has not been able to handle its ethno-religious identities well.

Contrary to this, the United Kingdom seems to have handled the experiment of nationalities within in a better way.

While India stripped the special semi-autonomous status of Kashmir and is on a path of ‘Ek Vidan, Ek Pradan, Ek Nishan’ (One constitution, one state head, and one flag), democratic movements in the UK led to autonomy and devolution of powers.

Over the years, the UK has yielded benefits by allowing devolution of powers in Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Wales with democratic movements from the ground up. Time to time referendums have also been conducted.

The British way of dealing with the issue of nationalities within, devolution of powers, and autonomy has proved to be successful.

That the capital centres of London, Edinburg, Cardiff, and Belfast have come to co-exist in a four-country kingdom explains why “military might” should not be used to subdue a population and hold a region hostage.

The second half of the 20th century witnessed violence of the Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland and counter-violence.

However, the repercussions of hardline stances taken by the state as well as the population were damaging.

It is praiseworthy how, despite differences, each political party in the United Kingdom has people who stand for the devolution of powers and how their decisions are not driven by a fanatical minority.

The thinking has been that the people at large – the majority – should be consulted, but at the same time, the minority not forgotten.

In the Northern Ireland conflict, the players on both sides came to the negotiating table, saving thousands of lives in the process.

This is an approach that Kashmir also needs to adopt to save the region from a nuclear war, something that almost started after a 20-year-old Kashmiri youth, Adil Ahmad Dar rammed an explosive-laden vehicle into the convoy of the Indian paramilitary forces on 14 February 2019, killing 40 Indian soldiers.

With the warring factions adopting the hardline approach on Kashmir, the developmental activities of the region including healthcare and education have been hampered while people continue to get killed in the mindless violence every day.

As often the structural violence is government-induced, the Indian state has lost the Kashmir argument both on greed and grievance debate.

Peace a Process, Not an Event

Jonathan Powell, a central figure in the construction of Britain’s foreign policy under Tony Blair and his chief negotiator in the Northern Ireland peace talks in his book ‘Great Hatred, Little Room: Making Peace in Northern Ireland’ wrote that there was a craving for peace not just in Northern Ireland but Britain too that led the peace process forward.

“By the early 1980s, people on all sides in Northern Ireland were becoming weary of the cycle of blood, and the pointlessness of violence was clear. The IRA realised that they could not win militarily, and the British Army knew that, while it could keep a lid on violence ‘at an accepted level’, it could not win either. Everyone started to look for the exits.”

He stressed that the peace process was not a one-time thing but something that needed to be carried forward with planning and care.

“Breakthrough agreements are the beginning not the end of negotiations. Peace is a process, not an event,” Powell writes.

Powell’s words resonate among the people working on the peace process in Kashmir.

While states are very protective of their borders, most groups are not.

A British national, Tahir Aziz, who leads the work of Conciliation Resources on South Asia said that his organisation wants to “promote spaces” for the people to “think and talk”.

“We try to help people in Kashmir, India, and Pakistan find non-political ways to talk about things. People have been using media outlets and films to talk about the issues of governance and security,” he said.

Conciliation Resources started work on Kashmir in 2003-04 and by 2007, the organisation was spending money on practical exercises on either side of the Line of Control (LoC), the de facto border that divides Kashmir into the Indian and Pakistani administered parts.

By 2008, the Confidence Building Measures like the cross-LoC trade had started between India and Pakistan.

The trade continued even after the Mumbai attack of November 2008 in which 170 people were killed.

While holding the government to account these days is considered anti-national and anti-government while the act is labelled as treason, institutions play a key role in peace processes and the interaction of the people with these institutions plays an even greater role.

Aziz said that one of the main things that helped de-escalate violence in Northern Ireland was the police reforms.

Former Superintendent of Police and counter-terrorism expert, Ken Pennington could not agree more.

“Police have a plan, but militants have a cause. Sometimes violence is the only agency and criminalisation of violence doesn’t help. The state has a moral obligation to human rights,” he said. “Conflict isn’t black and white, but grey, murky, and moving. Folding a murdered colleague’s uniform has been the hardest thing for me.”

While the peace process finds many takers both in Northern Ireland and Britain, some sections feel the dice are loaded in favour of the Irish nationalists.

Tom Roberts, a former member of the pro-state Ulster Volunteer Force, who served 13 years in jail, said, “An Ireland at Sinn Fein terms isn’t acceptable. The Sinn Fein’s aggressive pursuit of constitutional change does not improve the situation.”

According to him, Northern Ireland was one of the most law-abiding societies till 1968.

“We couldn’t have risen as bad people one fine morning,” Roberts said.

Endless Peacekeeping Trap

The peaceniks have to be careful about the peace processes as peace building often witnesses fatigue.

Editor of Accord, Alexander Ramsbotham said that sometimes there is not a clash of historical facts but a clash of myths.

There is a phrase ‘Save Georgia from the Georgians’ but there is also another phrase, ‘a thoughtful person is worth a thousand fanatics,’” he said.

Peace processes often witness an increase in the number of proxy peace actors and conflict entrepreneurs, leading to wars within wars.

In the Balkans, Sudan, and Myanmar, the peace processes were pushed and hence did not last long.

On the other hand, the peacekeepers in the UN missions do not even leave their barracks, making the critiques of peace building weary of the endless peacekeeping trap.

They feel expressions of distrust, pessimism, and even cynicism about liberal peacebuilding have become common and they resent expatriates from imposing their ideas in a manner both disrespectful and humiliating.

The peace builders have to keep the balloon analogy of expanding space slowly and slowly in mind.

In Japan, when vases are broken, the broken parts are joined and the vases repaired with gold-coloured adhesive or even gold. In Cyprus, the sewerage system led to dialogue. The Srebrenica massacre happened just 26 years ago in an emancipated and educated Europe, making it all the more important for peacemakers to stay vigilant of the spoilers.

As conflicts are not frozen, peace processes cannot be frozen either.

A Difficult Love Story

While the people affected by conflicts want to reap the benefits of peace, there are also certain spoilers.

Director of Causeway Institute for Peacebuilding and Conflict Resolution International, Kingsley Donaldson said that both the Irish and the British were dreamers but some people on both sides wanted to rock the way.

“Our peace process is like calling time out. Brexit has not helped either. The politics of both Ireland and England affect us. There is absence of violence rather than presence of peace. We live on constructive ambiguity. Nothing is agreed until everything is agreed,” he said.

Donaldson calls for investing more in civil society in Northern Ireland.

“We were tending to our wounds. Today we are tending to our scars. We carry a grudge. However, there has been a transition in policing and justice, which are now much more reflective of society. The energy and engine of our past is shaping our future. After all, the British ran an empire without the internet and the telephones,” he said. “In Northern Ireland, we are in a very difficult love story.”

Women Power

Donaldson credits women for having stepped up and making the credible impact in the Northern Ireland peace process.

One such woman is Avila Kilmurray, the Migration and Peacebuilding Executive of the Social Change Initiative.

“Women at the grassroots in Northern Ireland refused to be sidelined and mobilised for the peace process. They had to be smart to know what happens after peace negotiations, what happens after a rollback, to ensure what happens in the implementation phase while sitting in the negotiations phase, and to tap the global network of people who could help them influence,” she said.

Like Kilmurray, Sara Cook, a social worker who worked on conflict response, peace building, and mediation in Northern Ireland, said, “When the British soldiers were in Northern Ireland, there was not much talk of peace. So, I worked with the wives of British soldiers and family members of the Irish Republican Army. We connected the families of the two together. That created an ‘I own it’ atmosphere. We also encouraged inter-generational discussions.”

The United Nations’ Resolution 1325 also calls for the role of women in peace processes.

Political and Religious Toxicity

While women played a positive role in the Northern Ireland peace process, religion and politics have often been toxic.

What do you do with the legacy of the past conflicts?

According to Reverend Gary Mason, who spent decades ministering to Protestant loyalists and Catholic nationalists during Northern Ireland’s conflict said that toxic politics and toxic religion has shaped the place for too long.

“The toxicity of memory will pass on from generation to generation. It was the words not the machines that created Auschwitz,” he said. “The state of politics actually reflects the state of our souls.”

Reverend Mason calls for addressing the structural problems leading to the killings instead of trying to stop the killings.

“Laws are important but laws can’t heal, facts are important but facts can’t heal,” he said.

Role of Media

There is a great proverb that until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.

The objectivity and partisanship of the media in reporting conflict plays an important role in how peace processes shape.

Jean Seaton in her book ‘Pinkoes and Traitors: The BBC and the nation 1974-1987’ writes about the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process.

Delving into how the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) reported the Northern Ireland conflict, she writes: “At the start, the BBC was unthinkingly on the side of order in Northern Ireland. Yet, the legitimacy of this order was contested and its exercise seen as unjust by the Catholic population. This was compounded by the situation the BBC faced in London. By 1976, Parliament and Labour and Conservative governments were more of less united in their approach to the crisis (although Labour was committed to a policy that Jonathan Powell, the then chief of staff for Tony Blair’s Labour government had to unpick eventually as a precondition of negotiations in the 1990s) while the ‘nation’, at least in Northern Ireland, spiraled into ever more monstrous division. The BBC was exposed because of this cross-party consensus in Westminster, which meant that any opposing views came from beyond the parliamentary system. It could look as if the BBC were encouraging them, yet was obliged to reflect the swelling disagreement on the ground in Northern Ireland. It appeared as if it was sponsoring opposition rather than reporting it. The Corporation is always in difficulty when an issue concerns the integrity of the British state, which the Troubles precisely did.”

By and large, the British media has covered the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process fairly objectively.

Laura Noonan in her article, ‘You have to be violent to be heard: Northern Ireland’s teens take to the streets’ for the Financial Times writes: “I grew up 200 miles south of Belfast. Northern Ireland’s grass is the same distinctive green as the fields of the Irish Republic where I spent my childhood. Its dramatic coastline evokes the same feeling as Connemara’s. Belfast has a zone of shiny, modern apartments and offices, the Titanic Quarter, not unlike Dublin’s Docklands. And yet, for all the familiarity, so much about Northern Ireland feels foreign.

“It’s not just the Union Jack flags that weave their way over and back across the Shankill Road, 15 minutes’ walk from Belfast’s main shopping street. It’s not the enormous murals of men in balaclavas holding automatic rifles, a sight that still unnerves me. It’s not the practicalities of a different currency, different road signs, and different speed limits. It’s more the sense of the place and my feeling of otherness within it.”

The US Role

Like the role of the media in highlighting the Northern Ireland conflict, the United States, particularly during the tenure of President Bill Clinton also played a positive role in the peace process between Northern Ireland and Britain.

Roger MacGinty in his article ‘American Influences in the Northern Ireland Peace Process’ for the Centre For Digital Scholarship’s UN Libraries Journal writes that traditionally, US government interest in Northern Ireland has been minimal, which makes the level and the extent of the interest shown during the peace process of the 1990s quite remarkable.

“A number of Irish-American entrepreneurs had become significant players in corporate America. They were also allies of Bill Clinton, and had been active in his 1992 presidential election campaign. They pressed Clinton to make a number of commitments on Ireland during his election campaign, and after his election, began briefing the White House on Ireland. In September 1993, the significance of this lobby was revealed when the IRA observed a seven day ceasefire to coincide with a fact finding visit made by a group of prominent Irish-Americans to Ireland. The most tangible sign of US interest in the peace process came with President Clinton’s visit to London, Belfast, Derry and Dublin in late November 1995. The visit was very much a celebration of the peace process,” he wrote in the journal.

Like Northern Ireland, people in Kashmir too have been craving for the US intervention for the resolution of the 77-year-old dispute. The call for US intervention in Muslim Kashmir is quite contrary to the rest of the Islamic world where the US intervention is often resented.

Navnita Chadha Behera in her report ‘Kashmir: Redefining the US role’ for the Brookings writes, “Beyond some public pronouncements addressing the popular aspirations of the Kashmiris, US policy has demonstrated little understanding of the multi-layered and complex nature of the Kashmir conflict.”

Tailpiece

Conflict sometimes is good but violence is not the solution.

In Uganda, a rebel group that fought for 30 years overthrew the government and is ruling the country now.

For peaceniks, recognising violent conflicts is more important than recognising political conflicts.

There is a need for public participation in the peace processes, a need to discourage competitive victimhood and encourage inclusive victimhood.

The different stakeholders in conflict need to be willing to waste time with each other rather than spending it.

In Kashmir, there is a realisation, “Kashmir is part of the world. The world is not part of Kashmir.”

There is a realisation that to save its next generations, its leaders need to shed the rhetorical flourish to engage the rival party in negotiations.

There is a realisation of being morally virtuous but not idealistic to head on a long-winded way to peace.

There is a realisation of learning from conflicts that were resolved or are heading toward resolutions, of taking lessons from peace processes like Northern Ireland.

However, there is also a realisation that Kashmir cannot keep waiting for the other side to make its move and that it needs to be proactive to make things happen.

Bryan Steveson in his TED Talk said, “When we get close, we hear things that can’t be heard from afar. We see things that can’t be seen. And sometimes that makes the difference between acting justly and unjustly.”