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entrepreneurstreet · 1 year

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BJP's invincible tribal politician from Jharkhand.

Since the formation of Jharkhand state in the year 2000, the state of Jharkhand has seen many political upheavals. Since the formation of the state, a total of 11 Chief Ministers have been sworn in till now. Think, what will be the political equation of the state which has seen the assembly being formed 11 times within just 23 years? The topic that amazes people, out of all of these aspects, is the Khunti assembly constituency in Jharkhand, where the MLA is a charismatic figure that no one has been able to unseat since 2000. His triumph has not been impacted by any political unrest. We are talking about the former Rural Development Minister of Jharkhand, State Vice President, and popular MLA of Khunti Shri Neelkanth Munda.

Hailing from a noble farming family, Shri Neelkanth Singh Munda (age 54 years) is currently a popular MLA from Khunti Vidhan Sabha. Mr. Munda has been winning continuously in the last five assembly elections as a BJP candidate from Khunti assembly based on his devotion to public, unwavering dedication, unyielding passion, and unparalleled commitment which has ignited a spark of inspiration in each of us, and excellent leadership.Shri Munda, possessing profound insight into the tribal dynamics of Jharkhand, has successfully grasped the intricate fabric of his community. His academic journey led him to pursue a Bachelor's degree in Arts from Magadh University. Even today, in his spare time, he goes to the fields and explains to the farmers the methods of modern agriculture for better yield of crops.

His devotion to the BJP at various levels has made Shri Munda's path inside the party inspiring. Shri Munda joined the Bharatiya Janata Party at the age of 27 to serve the country after being inspired by the historic story of Bhagwan Birsa Munda and the ideas of respected Atal ji. Working as a diligent worker soon after taking membership, he fulfilled all the responsibilities given by the party such as Yuva Morcha National Executive Member, Ranchi Rural District President, ST Morcha National Executive Member, State Vice President, etc.

The Bharatiya Janata Party has been in power in Khunti for 22 years, when Shri Munda received the party's assembly nomination for the first time in 2000. He registered a historic victory by defeating his opponent by a margin of 7971 votes. He has registered his victory from Khunti assembly for the fifth consecutive time. In the year 2019 elections, Shri Munda registered a record victory in the Khunti assembly by defeating his opponent by a total of 26,327 votes. One of the most experienced and esteemed tribal leaders in the state of Jharkhand, Shri Neelkanth Singh Munda ji's administrative ability is known to all. In his legislative journey of 23 years, he has served as a minister for about 8 years in various governments. In the previous government (2014-2019), while being the Minister of Rural Development Department, he initiated schemes like Sakhi Mandal, Jal Chhajjan Mission, under which construction of lakhs of dobhas, construction of thousands of km of roads and many other works gave a new impetus to development in Jharkhand. The special thing is that during his tenure of being a minister for so many years, Shri Neelkanth Singh Munda ji is free from any evidence of corruption, which demonstrates his abilities as a strong leader and his positive reputation with people.

Member, State Vice President, etc.

Backlink: https://www.facebook.com/MundaNilkanth

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eagle-eyez · 3 years

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A political chain reaction, that was set off in Uttarakhand due to the pandemic and political rivalries over the past few months, is likely to culminate Saturday afternoon as the state BJP legislature party will meet at 3 pm to elect its new leader.

The exercise was warranted by Tirath Singh Rawat's late-night resignation on Friday, ending his extremely brief stint as chief minister.

What?

Ending days of speculation about a change of guard in the state, Rawat on Friday handed over his resignation letter to Governor Baby Rani Maurya past 11 pm, hours after returning from Delhi where he was summoned by the top BJP leadership on Wednesday.

This has warranted the legislature party meeting to choose a new leader less than a year before the state elections are due.

When?

The meeting will begin at the BJP headquarters at 3 pm in the presence of central observer Narendra Tomar and BJP general secretary in-charge of Uttarakhand Dushyant Kumar Gautam.

All the BJP MLAs have been asked to be present at the meeting, Pradesh BJP president Madan Kaushik, who will chair the meeting, said.

Why?

The pretext behind the move was to avoid a constitutional crisis that would have frozen the state's polity if Tirath Singh Rawat had continued as chief minister and the Election Commission failed to hold by-polls before 10 September owing to the pandemic.

Tirath, a Member of Parliament from Pauri Garhwal parliamentary constituency, was chuted into the chair as a replacement of erstwhile chief minister Trivendra Singh Rawat on 10 March but the former wasn't an elected member of the state Assembly. He had until September, as per Constitutional guidelines, to get elected into the House from one of the 70 Assembly constituencies but Tirath chose to resign much before that.

This has spurred the rumour mill to speculate the likely causes behind the sudden replacement in less than four months.

A report in The Print stated that Tirath’s resignation came at the prodding of the BJP high command, who took into account assessments that he may lose the Assembly bypoll if he contests, which would then have a very adverse impact on the party’s prospects in Assembly elections early next year.

Reports also said that Tirath Singh's alleged failure to control the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic had also played a role in his ouster.

Then there is an alleged graft case against him from before he became the Chief Minister of Uttarakhand. The Uttarakhand High Court had ordered a CBI probe into allegations that Tirath accepted a bribe as BJP's Jharkhand unit in-charge to make an appointment. However, the Supreme Court had stayed the probe on grounds that Tirath wasn't given a chance to respond to the charges.

Tirath has also been somewhat of a controversy's child ever since he came into highlight after assuming the chief minister's chair.

Who?

Some names have been doing the rounds for the post of Chief Minister of Uttarakhand. Among them are state higher education minister Dhan Singh Rawat, former BJP state president Banshidhar Bhagat, irrigation minister Satpal Maharaj, Khatima MLA Pushkar Singh Dhami, and forest minister Harak Singh Rawat. Dhan Singh Rawat was among the top contenders for the Uttarakhand CM post last time too when Trivendra Singh Rawat had quit.

A section of party leaders have also suggested the name of former chief minister and Doiwala MLA Trivendra Singh Rawat.

Their argument is that with less than a year to go for the next Assembly polls it is safe to reinstate Trivendra Singh Rawat, who has the experience of helming the affairs of the state, rather than gambling on a new candidate.

However, nothing can be said with a degree of certainty given the BJP' s penchant for springing surprises.

Even Tirath Singh Rawat had emerged as the surprise choice of the party for chief minister belying all speculation when Trivendra Singh Rawat was replaced by him in March this year.

The choice is by no means easy for the BJP as the new chief minister also has to lead the party to the next Assembly polls, which are due early next year.

from Firstpost Politics Latest News https://ift.tt/3dXwUhN

#Politics

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bigyack-com · 5 years

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The importance of Nitish Kumar sharing dias with Amit Shah in Delhi - india news

The joint rally of Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar on Sunday, the first ever since Janata Dal (United) returned to the BJP-led National Democratic Fron (NDA) in July 2017, is important in more than one ways.Although Kumar’s equation with Prime Minister Narendra Modi is well known and he had shared dais with the PM whenever he addressed rally in Bihar during the 2019 Lok Sabha polls campaign (PM addressed nine rallies in Bihar), sharing dais with Shah is a signal of new bonding and sends a sound message ahead of assembly elections later this year.Shah had addressed 16 rallies in Bihar in the run-up to last year’s Lok Sabha polls.When his own partymen were questioning his leadership and trying to corner Kumar on number of issues including loss in bypolls, it was Shah who clarified twice in public that the Bihar chief minister is the leader of the NDA in Bihar and elections will be fought under his leadership. Kumar had also reciprocated the gesture by removing Prashant Kishor and Pavan Verma from the party for their anti-BJP stand.“The sharing of dais with Shah will go a long way to silence all critics of alliance - both inside and outside - that NDA is one, strong and intact,” said Bihar’s minister Sanjay K Jha, who is also in-charge of Delhi unit of JD(U).On Sunday, BJP president JP Nadda attended one rally for a JD(U) candidate and Amit Shah addressed a rally for another JD(U) candidate. The JD(U) is contesting on two assembly seats in Delhi.A senior NDA leader said that whether JD(U) performs well or not in Delhi, this ‘bonhomie’ is good sign for the party in Bihar.“It is a clear message to all the voters in Bihar that NDA is united under the leadership of Nitish Kumar. This is also a signal that NDA wants to strengthen itself outside Bihar as this was the first rally of the NDA outside Bihar in which the JD(U) took part,” said party’s state spokesperson, Rajeev Ranjan Prasad.Leaders of both the parties accept that recent poll debacles of the BJP in Maharashtra and Jharkhand - and earlier in Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan - and the setback to JD(U) national party ambition during Jharkhand assembly elections has something to do with this ‘show of unity’. “While the BJP realised it cannot go on ignoring its allies, the JD(U) has also assessed the ground realities and anti-incumbency factor to show a united face and keep the caste dynamics together,” said a NDA leader, wishing anonymity.However, PP Ghosh, director ADRI feels that one should wait a bit to see the impact of this bonhomie. “It is difficult to say at this moment. There are two main focal points of Bihar’s politics - social justice and development. The BJP and JD(U)’s activities were guided by allaying the fear of Lalu. That fear is gone and so has the urge to perform. So it remains to be seen how people take a look on these developments,” said Ghosh.The BJP in Bihar is happy that the joint rally augurs well for both the parties ahead of Bihar assembly elections. “The joint election campaign by the NDA allies as well as political meetings of Nitish Kumar with our national president JP Nadda and Union Home Minister Amit Shah for Delhi assembly election is very significant. This sharing of dais by top NDA leaders will give big boost to our cadres not only for Delhi election but in Bihar. Our confidence is very high and we are sure to win not only Delhi, but Bihar assembly elections too,” said BJP’s spokesperson Nikhil Anand. Read the full article

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bentonada-blog · 6 years

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Election Transgenders

There are total 16 lakh 91404 voters in Godda Lok Sabha constituency of this, Eight lakh 23566 voters belong to Godda district. There are also names of six third genders in the electoral roll.

In the last phase of 209, elections will be held on May 19 in the Godda Lok Sabha constituency in Jharkhand. For the first time in this Lok Sabha constituency, Kinnars (Third Gender) will vote. Although the number of kinnars entering the voter list can be counted on finger. Two in the Padiyahat assembly constituency, three in the Godda assembly constituency and one third gender voter in the Mahagama assembly constituency, i.e. six.

In fact, in quite a few places, transgender candidates to have contested elections, thanks to the order by SC, to declare these souls as the status of the third gender. What is noteworthy is that it was Dera Sacha Sauda and Mata Naseeb Kaur Ji, who entered the petition for the same in SC that was later, accepted. All Thanks to Saint Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh Ji Insan, here’s how.

Baba Ram Rahim Ji has been inspiring followers to respect and take care of people from the transgender community as one amongst themselves. He has in fact, provided they equal status in his Ashrams, and setups within Dera. They even donate Blood and participate in welfare works with equal gusto. It was then thought of providing them legal status by putting a PIL in hon. courts. And that is how the journey, initiated by Rev. Master, reached its destination. What are needed though is reforms at bigger levels in Society to provide employment opportunities and education to the children, so they can continue their lives with respect and dignity.

As we can see, efforts are made by SC, and govt. in accepting legal status of eunuchs but beyond that, bringing them to the forefront, needs to be taken care of by society. Although efforts as standing for elections, voting rights, will help but things definitely need to speeded up to see the overall impact soon. So their lives can transform in real sense.

Original Posted: https://babaramrahim.org/election-transgenders-too-will-vote-godda-lok-sabha-constituency/

#Baba Ram Rahim #Gurmeet Ram Rahim #dera sacha sauda

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townpostin · 2 months

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Tribunal Ousts Two Jharkhand MLAs on Eve of Monsoon Session

Anti-Defection Law Invoked as Assembly Prepares for Final Pre-Election Gathering The Jharkhand Assembly faces a significant shake-up as two legislators are disqualified under anti-defection laws, setting the stage for a crucial monsoon session. RANCHI – The Speaker’s Tribunal of the Jharkhand Assembly has taken decisive action, disqualifying two members of the legislative body for violating…

#anti-defection law implementation #राज्य #Jai Prakash Bhai Patel BJP #Jharkhand Assembly disqualification #Jharkhand election preparation #Jharkhand political developments #Lobin Hembrom JMM #MLA disqualification impact #monsoon session preparation #pre-election legislative gathering #Speaker Rabindra Nath Mahto #state

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todaybharatnews · 4 years

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via Today Bharat BJP’s tallest leader in Bihar, Sushil Modi’s voice carries weight as the state gears up for Assembly polls. A supporter of Nitish Kumar — they go back to the JP movement— Modi was instrumental in bringing the JD(U) chief back into the NDA. Sushil Kumar Modi, Deputy Chief Minister, Bihar. The BJP leader believes Covid-19 fear is abating and won’t impact voting, admits the “vacuum” left after Arun Jaitley’s demise, and denies charges that Bihar mishandled the migrant situation post-lockdown. The session was moderated by National Opinion Editor Vandita Mishra and Assistant Editor Santosh Singh SANTOSH SINGH: What are the challenges of participating in an election in the middle of a pandemic The Election Commission has issued guidelines which means elections will be held in Bihar. Nobody knows how long this pandemic will continue. How long can you delay the elections? I have read that in 34 countries elections have been held during the pandemic, and the US is also going to have elections in November. The BJP and JD(U) have requested the EC that the polls in Bihar should be a one-day affair. Earlier, elections in the state were held in five-six phases… This will be the first election in the country during the pandemic, so it will be challenging. But there is no alternative. As far as the political situation in the state is concerned, there is a triangle in Bihar which includes the BJP, JD(U) and RJD. Now if two arms of a triangle come together, they defeat the third arm. When the BJP and the JD(U) came together, they defeated the RJD, and when the JD(U) and the RJD combined, they defeated the BJP. This time, the BJP and the JD(U) are together. Secondly, there is a big difference in the vote share between the UPA and the NDA in the state. In the 2010 Assembly polls, in which the BJP and JD(U) were together, and the RJD and the LJP were together, there was a vote share difference of 14 per cent. We got 39.07% and the UPA got 25.58%. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, when Narendra Modi was not there, there was no NDA government at the Centre, the vote share difference stood at 13%. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, when the BJP, JD(U) and the LJP came together, there was a vote share difference of 23 per cent. Now, Nitish Kumar has left the RJD and joined hands with the BJP. So who has been weakened? Nitish Kumar was a very strong component of the UPA, winning 71 seats. Now he is with the NDA, and the NDA has become much, much stronger in Bihar. We are going into these elections with the achievements of the Central government as well as the state government; Narendra Modi as the Prime Minister and Nitish Kumar as the CM candidate… So we have two faces, Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar. We are fighting the elections under the leadership of Nitish Kumar and the achievements of the Central and state government. There is no fight over credit now. The NDA’s social base in Bihar is very big, much, much bigger than the M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) combination of Lalu Prasad. SANTOSH SINGH: Is there a concern that there could be less voting in urban areas, where people are more aware about the pandemic? Only 11% of Bihar’s population is urban. Elections are still two months away and the panic around the pandemic is reducing. All arrangements are in place. In rural areas there was not much panic earlier either. As we approach the elections, I expect people’s confidence to grow. There might be a minor impact in urban areas… But I personally feel that by the time elections are held in the last week of October or first week of November, the caseload will have reduced and there will be better arrangements too. VANDITA MISHRA: Your relationship with Arun Jaitley went back to the JP movement. It’s been a year since he passed away. Has the vacuum that he left behind been filled? The vacuum that Arun Jaitley has left behind can never be filled. But what is also true is that there is never a vacuum in politics. Even when the NDA alliance broke in Bihar, Arun Jaitley had very good relations with Nitish Kumar. Arun Jaitley gave a direction to political issues, set the narrative, shaped the stand of the party… We miss that. Earlier, whenever we faced a crisis, Arun Jaitley would write an article, a blog, or hold a press conference, he would give the party worker a direction. We miss that clarity. The Prime Minister also said that he misses him. Mr Jaitley had good relations with the media, politicians, corporates. He was a good lawyer, spoke well, wrote well, for one person to have all these qualities is rare. I don’t see such a personality in the BJP, the NDA or in the entire field of politics now. Yet, a vacuum doesn’t always stay that way, someone will soon emerge. But there is a void. VANDITA MISHRA: The issue of migrant workers found a new visibility in the pandemic. How does Bihar plan to address issues of migrant workers in terms of policy and politics? The work done for the migrants who returned to Bihar, both by the Central and the state governments, has ensured that they are much happier than what is being projected in the media. More than 21 lakh people have returned to Bihar through the free trains that were run. Barring a few incidents, they all returned comfortably. Once they were home, they forgot all their frustrations, and they only praised Narendra Modi. Unlike what was shown in the media, a very small percentage of people returned on foot — 99% people returned on trains. Also, Bihar had the best quarantine centres for migrant labourers. We spent close to Rs 5,000 per labourer. We drew on our experience of running flood relief camps. But yes, there is a big population of migrant labourers. We have made efforts to create jobs for them. Migration has become a culture in Bihar like people from Punjab go to the UK and Canada, people from Kerala and Telangana go out. If people want to go away from home to earn more money, you cannot stop them… If there were jobs in Bihar why would people go out? One cannot create jobs overnight. Also, the density of population in Bihar is very high, the land holdings are fragmented… Before the division of Bihar, the investment was usually in the southern parts of the state, which is now Jharkhand. The northern part was considered good for agriculture. So that is why big industries cannot come here, but we are trying to get smaller ones so that people get jobs here too. But it is a challenge and it is not easy to overcome it. DIPANKAR GHOSE: When the first phase of the lockdown was announced in March, Nitish Kumar said people should not come back to Bihar because they would bring the disease with them. Uttar Pradesh arranged for buses. Do you think you could have handled the situation better in the early days of the pandemic? Was it possible to bring back the migrants in buses? They were not in eastern UP. They were in Rajasthan, Mumbai, Kerala, Gujarat. How many people can be accommodated in a bus? About 20-25. As soon as the trains were announced, people returned. Secondly, there was a Central government guideline then that barred inter-state movement. Should we have defied it? To bring back students from Kota in buses it would take 48 hours. Nobody said that the students would bring Covid-19 with them. All Nitish Kumar said was that there is an MHA (Ministry of Home Affairs) guideline and we are following it. Later, people returned on trains. Yes, in the initial days, the quarantine centres in the villages were not functioning well. Then we set up centres at Block headquarters and they were run very well. They were the best in the country. About Rs 28,000 crore was spent by the Central and state government together on food grains and cash on people of Bihar. There isn’t one poor family in Bihar in whose account Rs 3,000 to Rs 4,000 was not transferred, apart from the food grains. NIRUPAMA SUBRAMANIAN: Do you think the filing of FIR in the Sushant Singh Rajput case in Bihar and the subsequent decision for a CBI inquiry in the case has politicised the matter? Will it be an issue in the Bihar elections? And, is the appointment of Devendra Fadnavis as the BJP’s election in charge of Bihar an attempt to drag the BJP’s politics in Maharashtra into the Bihar elections? Firstly, the Supreme Court took a stand and now the entire case has been transferred to the CBI. The SC has not said that it was incorrect to file the FIR in Bihar. So our stand has been vindicated by the court. There is no question of politicising Sushant Singh’s death. Before his death I did not know he was from Bihar. Then I found out that one of his cousins is also part of the Bihar BJP. So over two months after his death, people’s sentiments grew, both in Bihar and the country. There was also a sense that the Maharashtra government wants to brush things under the carpet… I don’t think it will be an issue in the elections. Devendra Fadnavis is a young, dynamic leader and so he has been given responsibility for Bihar. VANDITA MISHRA: You have been tweeting a lot. Is this in preparation for a digital election, or do you think social media is the place for politics now? I feel digital platforms have a very limited role in election campaigns. Door-to-door campaigns, meetings are the best methods. The digital space is one of the platforms. Only a small percentage of people know about Twitter in Bihar. Yes, the younger generation uses Facebook a lot. In the 2014 election campaign too, Narendra Modi had done virtual rallies. The Zoom calls, the video and audio conferences have played a crucial role in recent times to help us communicate with our workers. The digital platform will play a big role in these elections in terms of communication…. But you still have to meet and talk to people. I was surprised by the RJD’s demand that virtual rallies should not be allowed in these elections. In fact, in the coming days, a system for online voting should be developed so that people do not have to go to booths… A rally with helicopter costs Rs 50 lakh. In a virtual rally, you can address many more people in only Rs 1 lakh. They (the RJD) are not prepared to fight the polls, they know they will lose. HARIKISHAN SHARMA: The BJP’s vote share has decreased in Bihar if we look at the past elections, both Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha. Has the party’s appeal reduced in Bihar? The BJP-JD(U) alliance has fought five Lok Sabha, and total nine elections together. We transfer votes to each other. Every time we fight elections together, we win most of the times. In fact, we are stronger than before… We have a committee for every booth. Our organisation network is very strong. But yes, it is the time for alliances. In 2015, we fought alone and couldn’t win. The JD(U) fought alone in 2014 but couldn’t win… Also, I knew that Nitish Kumar could not work with Lalu for long. His way of working, his mindset, the RJD does not fit in to it. The BJP-JD(U) is a natural alliance. The people of Bihar also feel this. SANTOSH SINGH: In the Lok Sabha elections, the BJP and the JD(U) fought on equal number of seats. Will it be the same in these elections too or will the JD(U) be the senior partner? I will not comment on this. The seat-sharing decisions are taken at the central level. Talks are underway. All I will say is that the BJP, JD(U) and LJP will stay together, fight the elections together, and will form the next government in Bihar together. LIZ MATHEW: There has been some criticism of Nitish Kumar’s leadership and his style of functioning within the BJP. You have been supporting Nitish Kumar, and as a result you have also faced some criticism in the party. Do you think the BJP has no other option but to accept Nitish Kumar’s leadership? See, Nitish Kumar is not a selected Chief Minister, he is an elected Chief Minister. He is not just a leader of the JD(U). People vote (for our alliance) because Nitish Kumar is the chief ministerial candidate. There is no confusion in the BJP about this. In 2019, when the alliance with the JD(U) was formalised, we knew Nitish Kumar would be the chief ministerial candidate. And, where is the question of changing the CM candidate after winning the 2020 (Assembly) elections? Earlier too, we have fought elections together with Nitish Kumar as candidate. The party (the BJP) is unanimous on this. The parliamentary board decides on alliances, not Sushil Modi. After the alliance broke in 2012, for three years, as leader of opposition in the Assembly, I took on the state government. So I will work with honesty on whichever side I am on. If the BJP decides to break the alliance, I will not take a minute to break away (from my role). But we (Nitish and I) have worked together in the JP movement, in student union elections, it is a long association. Explained| How the LJP-JDU problem in Bihar may impact political alignments in future Alliances are not decided by Sushil Modi. They are decided by Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and J P Nadda. They have taken a decision and it is pragmatic politics — we will win the elections and form government only by allying with Nitish Kumar. There is no confusion about it. AANCHAL MAGAZINE: State budgets have been severely strained in the pandemic. How have you been managing the situation? The situation of most states is quite poor. So far we have been giving salaries, wages and pensions. There have been no cuts. At least half-a-dozen states have cut salaries. We have assured our employees that their salaries will not stop. Secondly, 76% of Bihar’s revenue comes from the Centre. Last year, when there was no pandemic or slowdown, we received Rs 25,000 crore less under the state’s share in Central taxes than what was projected… We had said earlier too that the fiscal deficit limit be increased from 3-4 per cent to 5 per cent without any condition so that all states can raise loans…. States should be allowed to borrow till 5 per cent of the deficit. Regarding GST compensation, there is a big issue. The states can’t borrow, only the Centre can. We don’t have the capacity to borrow… Though by law the Central government is not bound to pay the compensation cess to the states, it is their moral responsibility to compensate the states. If the Centre does not help states now, they will face big difficulties. SMITA NAIR: Do you think the Centre should have taken into confidence the chief ministers of all states before the lockdown was implemented? Often the media has said that migrant labourers should have been sent to their states before announcing the lockdown. When PM Modi announced the lockdown on March 24, it took one month to transfer all migrants… It would have been impractical to consult all CMs before announcing the lockdown… It was a timely decision. LALMANI VERMA: A new generation of politicians such as the LJP’s Chirag Paswan and the RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav are in the poll fray in Bihar now. Has it affected your party’s appeal? In comparison to Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi is younger. But whom did people vote for? Nobody votes for anyone because they are young. It is about who can deliver, the candidate and the party’s credibility. AMITABH SINHA: Compared to states with the same number of Covid-19 cases, the death rate in Bihar is low. What could be the reason for that? I am not an expert, but I think people of Bihar have strong immune systems and are hardworking… I spoke to a hundred infected people. About 80-85% of them had mild to high fever, sore throat, and experienced a loss of smell and taste. In five to seven days, most of them got well. Hardly 10 to 15 people required oxygen support and two to three needed ventilator support. This is the general phenomenon. LEENA MISRA: Alpesh Thakor, who was earlier in the Congress, led the attack on migrant workers following an incident of rape in Gujarat. At the time, you said you will not let him step in to Bihar. Now, he is with the BJP. Did you protest his induction? In politics, people keep changing with time… Alpesh Thakor is insignificant as far as Bihar is concerned. SHUBHAJIT ROY: How do you plan to conduct the NEET exams at a time when Bihar is also battling floods? Postponing the exam is not a solution. Sixteen districts of the state have been affected by floods. None of the district headquarters, where the exam centres are located, has been affected. I have also read that more than 90 per cent of the students have taken their admit cards.

#IFTTT #Today Bharat

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iasshikshalove · 5 years

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Daily Current Affairs 19th March 2020

PANDEMIC COULD MAKE ANOTHER 25 MILLION JOBLESS

International Labour Organization:

It is the only tripartite U.N. agency.It brings together governments, employers and workers of 187 member States, to set labour standards, develop policies and devise programmes promoting decent work for all women and men.

Established in 1919 by the Treaty of Versaillesas an affiliated agency of the League of Nations.

Became the first affiliated specialized agency of the United Nations in 1946.

Headquarters: Geneva, Switzerland

Founding Mission: social justice is essential to universal and lasting peace.

Promotes internationally recognized human and labour rights.

Received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1969.

1. For improving peace among classes

2.Pursuing decent work and justice for workers

3.Providing technical assistance to other developing nations.

The organization has played a key role in.

1.Ensuring labour rights during the Great Depression

2.Decolonization process

3.The creation of Solidarność ( trade union) in Poland

4.The victory over apartheid in South Africa

Today it is providing substantial support in the building of an ethical and productive framework for fair globalization.

Mission and impact of the ILO:

The International Labour Organization (ILO) is devoted to promoting social justice and internationally recognized human and labour rights, pursuing its founding mission that social justice is essential to universal and lasting peace.

Only tripartite U.N. agency, the ILO brings together governments, employers and workers representatives of 187 member States , to set labour standards, develop policies and devise programmes promoting decent work for all women and men.

The ILO’s Decent Work agenda helps advance the economic and working conditions that give all workers, employers and governments a stake in lasting peace, prosperity and progress.

Objectives:

Set and promote standards and fundamental principles and rights at work.

Create greater opportunities for women and men to decent employment and income.

Enhance the coverage and effectiveness of social protection for all.

Strengthen tripartism and social dialogue.

The ILO and the 2030 development agenda:

The 2030 Agenda embraces three dimensions of sustainability – economic, social and environmental.

It has 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that put people and planet at its centre, giving the international community a framework for tackling the many challenges confronting humanity, including those in the world of work.

The importance of decent work in achieving sustainable development is highlighted by Goal 8 which aims to “promote sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all”.

India & ILO:Ministry: Ministry of Labour and Employment

India is a founder member of the International Labour Organization, which came into existence in 1919.

A unique feature of the ILO is its tripartite character.

The membership of the ILO ensures the growth of tripartite system in the Member countries.

At every level in the Organization, Governments are associated with the two other social partners, namely the workers and employers.

All the three groups are represented on almost all the deliberative organs of the ILO and share responsibility in conducting its work.

The three organs of the ILO are:

International Labour Conferences: – General Assembly of the ILO – Meets every year in the month of June.

Governing Body: – Executive Council of the ILO. Meets three times in a year in the months of March, June and November.

International Labour Office: – A permanent secretariat.

Core Conventions of the ILO:

The eight Core Conventions of the ILO (also called fundamental/human rights conventions) are:

Forced Labour Convention (No. 29)

Abolition of Forced Labour Convention (No.105)

Equal Remuneration Convention (No.100)

Discrimination (Employment Occupation) Convention (No.111)

Minimum Age Convention (No.138)

Worst forms of Child Labour Convention (No.182)

(The above Six have been ratified by India)

Freedom of Association and Protection of Right to Organised Convention (No.87)

Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention (No.98)

(These two have not been ratified by India)

Why in News?

The International Labour Organization warned that the economic and labour crisis sparked by the coronavirus will have “far-reaching impacts on labour market outcomes”.

“This is no longer a global health crisis, it is also a major labour market and economic crisis that is having a huge impact on people”.

At the high end meanwhile, 24.7 million more will become jobless, on top of the 188 million registered as unemployed in 2019.

NEW BILL HALVES TERMS OF PRESIDENTS ,VPs OF LOCAL BODIES

Panchayati Raj in India:

In India, the Panchayati Rajgenerally refers to the local self-government of villages in rural India as opposed to urban and suburban municipalities, this system was introduced by a constitutional amendment in 1992.

In India, the Panchayati Raj now functions as a system of governance in which gram panchayats are the basic units of local administration.

The system has three levels:

Gram Panchayat (village level),

Mandal Parishad or Block Samitior Panchayat Samiti (block level), and

Zila Parishad(district level).

It was formalized in 1992 by the 73rd amendment to the Indian Constitution.

Currently, the Panchayati Raj system exists in all states except Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Mizoram, and in all Union Territories except Delhi.

History:

Mahatma Gandhi advocated Panchayati Raj as the foundation of India’s political system, as a decentralized form of government in which each village would be responsible for its own affairs.

The Panchayat Raj system was first adopted by the state of Rajasthan in Nagaur district on 2 Oct 1959.

The second state was Andhra Pradesh, while Maharashtra was the ninth state.

In the history of Panchayati Raj, in India, on 24 April 1993, the Constitutional (73rd amendment) Act 1992 came into force to provide constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj institutions.

This amendment was extended to Panchayats in the tribal areas of eight states, namely: Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, and Rajasthan beginning on 24 December 1996.

Gram panchayatis a village level administrative body, with a Sarpanch as its elected head. The members of the gram panchayat are elected for a period of five years by the members of Gram Sabha.

The National Panchayati Raj Daywas observed on April 24.

The Ministry of Panchayati Raj has been celebrating the National Panchayati Raj Day (NPRD) on 24 April since 2010, as on this day, the 73rd Constitutional Amendment came into force in 1993.

E-Panchayat:

E-panchayat is one of the Mission Mode Projects (MMPs) under National e-Governance Programme (NeGP).

It aimed at making Panchayats more efficient, transparent and symbols of modernity.

Panchayats Extension to the Scheduled Areas (PESA):

The Parliament passed Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 to extend the provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment to the Schedule V Areas of the country.

The Fifth Schedule covers Tribal areas (scheduled areas) in 9 states of India namely Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh, Orissa and Rajasthan.

Rashtriya Gram Swaraj Yojana:

The Rashtriya Gram Swaraj Yojanais a Centrally Sponsored Scheme being implemented with the objective of assisting efforts of the State Governments for training and capacity building of elected representatives of PRIs.

The scheme focuses primarily on providing financial assistance to the States/UTs for Training & Capacity Building of elected representatives (ERs) and PRIs.

Why in News?

In an attempt to bring about major changes in the functioning of the rural local bodies in Karnataka, the government tabled a new Bill to reduce the term of the offices of presidents and vice-presidents of gram panchayats, taluk panchayats, and zilla panchayats from five years to 30 months.

The Karnataka Gram Swaraj and Panchayat Raj (Amendment) Bill, 2020, tabled in the Assembly by Rural Development and Panchayat Raj Minister K.S. Eshwarappa said no-confidence motion could not be moved against the presidents and vice-presidents of all three-tiers of local bodies before 15 months from the date of election.

The Bill has rationalised property tax collection that GPs can do with respect to industries and vacant lands.

It has proposed no tax on vacant land in airport or industrial area or industrial areas where plantations are grown.

It proposes to levy 0.10% tax on the capital value of the property on runway area of an airport.

NOD FOR 83 LCA TEJAS MK-1A

About the Aircraft:

The Light Combat Aircraft LCA-Tejas was designed by the Aircraft Development Agency (ADA).

The ADA operates under DRDO (Defence Research Development Organization).

It was manufactured by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL).

These aircrafts are expected to be the backbone of Indian Air Force.

It is to be noted that India lost the 1962 war with China due to lack of sufficient fighter jets.

HAL Tejas is an Indian single-engine, delta wing, multirole light fighter .

It came from the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) programme, which began in the 1980s to replace India’s ageing MiG-21

In 2003, the LCA was officially named “Tejas“.

The Tejas is designed to carry a veritable plethora of air-to-air, air-to- surface, precision guided and standoff weaponry.

Why in News?

The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) chaired by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh accorded approval for the procurement of 83 indigenous Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Tejas Mk-1A from the Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd. (HAL) by “finalising the contractual and other issues”.

The proposal will now be placed for consideration of the Cabinet Committee on Security [CCS].

The 83 jets are in addition to the 40 LCA already ordered by the IAF in two batches of 20 each in the Initial Operational Clearance and the Final Operational Clearance (FOC) configurations.

THE IMPORTANCE OF ‘CONTACT TRACING’

What is contact tracing?

Contract tracing is the process of identifying, assessing, and managing people who have been exposed to a disease to prevent transmission.

As per ICMR guidelines, which are also directions that have sound public health sense behind them, people who may have been exposed to the virus are to be followed for 28 days from the date of the probable last exposure/arrival from affected countries.

Any person who has had contact with the index patient under investigation/treatment for suspected, probable or confirmed case of SARS-COV-2, should be monitored for the appearance of symptoms.

Who is a contact?

Anyone who provided care for the suspect or confirmed case, including a health care worker (including those involved in cleaning, waste management, laboratory technicians, doctors) or family member, or anyone who had close physical contact; anyone who stayed at the same place (lived with, or visited) while the index patient was symptomatic.

If symptoms appear within the first 28 days following the contact, the individual should be considered a ‘probable’ case and reported through the Integrated Diseases Surveillance Programme network to the National Centre for Disease Control.

Tracing contacts:

As soon as the single event (confirmed SARS-CoV-2) is detected, contact tracing must be aggressively implemented, and preferably to be completed within 48 hours.

The contact tracing shall preferably be done by visiting the local residence of the contact(s) by a member of the health services team. In certain circumstances or for follow-up, phone calls may be made too, as per the rules.

On meeting the ‘contact person’, the visiting health worker should explain the purpose of contact tracing and collect data in a prescribed format. It is important to identify the social networks of the first patient and travel history during the 28 days after the onset of illness.

The patient, his or her family members, colleagues, school or college mates are sources of information about the contacts, as are others with knowledge of the patient’s recent travel and activities.

Contacts should be traced and monitored for at least 28 days after the last exposure to the case patient for evidence of COVID-19 symptoms to emerge. Case-wise line listing of all exposed contacts will be maintained, with the following information: demographic information, date of last exposure or date of contact with the case patient, and date of onset of fever or other symptoms, if any.

Symptomatic contacts:

Persons who have fever and cough and a history of contact with a confirmed case within the last 28 days should be referwred for isolation for strict infection control.

Samples must be collected and sent to the designated laboratory for testing, and appropriate wmedical management must begin.

If contacts show symptoms, they may be isolated at a health care facility or at home until the results come in. Once confirmed as positive for SARS-CoV-2, they must be shifted to a proper health facility.

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vsplusonline · 5 years

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Hemant Soren budget takes Kejriwal model to Jharkhand, keeps Rahul Gandhi's promise

New Post has been published on https://apzweb.com/hemant-soren-budget-takes-kejriwal-model-to-jharkhand-keeps-rahul-gandhis-promise/

Hemant Soren budget takes Kejriwal model to Jharkhand, keeps Rahul Gandhi's promise

Arvind Kejriwal’s Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) may not be a force in Jharakhand, but his politics has impact on Hemant Soren government’s first budget. Rahul Gandhi’s Congress may be a junior partner in the coalition government in Jharkhand, but Hemant Soren kept the promise that the Congress leader made during the state election campaign last year.

In its maiden budget, Hemant Soren government proposed to offer free electricity up to 100 units for households consuming up to 300 units of power per month. This is on the line Kejriwal government’s electricity policy of zero bill up to 200 units of consumption.

The Hemant Soren government proposed to set up “Mohalla Clinics” – another pet project of Kejriwal — and offer “digital education” in government schools as it underscored the need to reform school education in Jharkhand. Another Kejriwal imprint appears in universal health insurance scheme for the residents of Jharkhand.

However, the biggest election promise that Hemant Soren government fulfilled with the first budget is the one made by Rahul Gandhi. It announced Rs 2,000 crore farm loan waiver scheme in his budget with the promise of waiving off loans up to Rs 50,000 per farmer.

The loan waiver for farmers has been a favourite scheme of Rahul Gandhi, whose party Congress is a member of three-party rulling alliance, which unseated BJP in the assembly polls held in October 2019.

Hemant Soren’s finance minister Rameshwar Oraon, who presented the budget, is also from Congress. Oraon tabled an estimated budget of Rs 86,370 crore for the year 2020-21. It included sops ranging from universal health insurance to farmer loan waivers, from stipends for the jobless to dhoti, sari and lungi to 57 lakh poor families twice a year at a cost of Rs 10 each. Now, ration cards are to be given to 10 lakh people aged above 50.

Though the BJP-led opposition boycotted the assembly proceedings to protest against the Speaker’s decision of not recognizing reinducted BJP leader Babulal Marandi as leader of the Opposition, the treasury benches remained upbeat with what Hemant Soren described as “pro-poor and inclusive” budget.

Hemant Soren said the budget aims at achieving 7.2 per cent growth rate for state GDP (Gross Domestic Product) from current 5.7 per cent, and push per capital income to Rs 65,802 from the existing Rs 62,345. The Hemant Soren government’s budget proposed a universal health insurance capped at Rs 5 lakh. However, the employees of state and central governments will not be covered under this scheme.

The budget further proposed to provide free treatment of cancer, kidney and serious liver diseases by noted doctors to individuals in families with an annual income up to Rs 8 lakh.

The budget expanded the scholarship window by offering what was so far available to ST/SC/ OBC students from Classes I to XII to students of all categories and classes. The budget also offered an additional Rs 50,000 to each beneficiary for homes under the PM Awas Yojana.

The jobless graduate registered with the employment exchanges of the state will be given Rs 5,000 per year for two years. The relief sum will go up to Rs 7,000 for unemployed postgraduates.

Of the Rs 73,315.94 crore that comes under revenue expenditure and Rs 13,054.06 crore under capital expenditure, the Hemant Soren government has set aside Rs 37,445.06 crore as establishment cost, Rs 34,485.72 crore for implementation of state schemes, Rs 3,315.27 crore for central schemes and Rs 11,123.95 crore for expenditure on Centre-sponsored schemes.

When it comes to revenue, Rs 15,839 crore comes from grants-in-aid, Rs 11,820.34 earmarked from non-tax revenue, Rs 21,669.50 crore from the state’s taxes and Rs 25,979.91 crore from the state’s share in central taxes.

Calling the budget as Hemant Soren asserted that his government looks to ensure that “no one dies due to lack of food, water and healthcare, and children instead of graz- ing goats go to school. It is a revolutionary budget.”

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bigyack-com · 5 years

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The return of BJP in a big election year - india news

At the beginning of 2019, political commentary revolved around whether Narendra Modi would return to power. In three state assembly elections — Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh — the Congress had just ousted the incumbent governments of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi Party-Bhaujan Samaj Party had come together in what appeared like an unbeatable alliance. The BJP’s multi-caste umbrella was fracturing, with upper castes unhappy about the restoration of the original provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. And its eastward and southward expansion plans seemed more rhetorical than real. The overwhelming consensus, thus, was that Modi may return to power, but with depleted numbers. This, then, would constrain the ability of the BJP to push through its agenda. It would make Modi dependent on allies. The party’s political hegemony would dissipate. Institutions would have more room to act as a check. And India would have a stronger opposition.Within five months of the year, however, Prime Minister Modi returned to power — and how. It speaks of both the unpredictability of Indian politics, and the collapse of older analytical categories used to describe and understand elections, that these observations turned out to be inaccurate. It also speaks of the BJP’s ability to leverage political opportunities and convert them into triumphs, as well as the Opposition’s failure to put up a robust national challenge to Modi. If 2014 was an election that was marked by both a high degree of anti-incumbency against the Congress and hope in Modi, 2019 was marked by a ringing endorsement of his governance record and ideological worldview. The election was fought on the question of leadership, making it arguably the most presidential poll in Indian electoral history — and citizens, close to 40% of them, saw in Modi the leader they wanted. It was fought on the issue of nationalism, which gained traction after the Pulwama and Balakot episodes, and voters decided to repose faith in the BJP’s ability to secure the nation. It was fought on the issue of welfare delivery, and the government’s record in providing housing, gas cylinders, toilets, and direct income assistance to farmers helped in expanding its vote share. And it was fought on Hindutva, where Modi — but to a larger extent, BJP president Amit Shah — promised legislations and policies to tackle immigrants (read Muslim immigrants). All of it worked. But nothing worked as effectively as the absence of a strong national opposition. Rahul Gandhi, as the Congress president, was the face of the challenge. But neither was he able to gain the trust of voters as a potential PM candidate, nor did the issues he raised — be it allegations of corruption around the procurement of Rafale or the promise of income assistance to the poorest Indian households — resonate. Congress barely improved its tally from 44 in 2014 to 52 five years later, throwing the party into a leadership crisis, as Gandhi decided to quit as president, with his mother, Sonia Gandhi, returning as interim chief. But back on the ruling side, the election marked the consolidation of power of both Modi and Shah, who made an entry into the cabinet as the home minister. Both also saw the mandate as a resounding one for the party’s agenda. And they followed it up with radical measures, be it the nullification of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir and the reorganisation of the state into two union territories, or the passage of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. The government also took steps to strengthen its own powers through amendments to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act or the National Investigative Agency Act, while taking steps which arguably weakened the powers of watchdog institutions such as the Central Information Commission or Human Rights Commissions. But its actions, particularly in Kashmir and CAA, came at a cost. There was widespread criticism, both domestically and internationally. The task of Indian diplomacy became tougher, as it set out to convince a skeptical world that these actions were not authoritarian or discriminatory in nature. But 2019 was not all sunshine for the BJP. As the year ended, state polls in Haryana (where the BJP emerged as the single largest party but got fewer seats than it had expected), Maharashtra (where its oldest ally, Shiv Sena, walked out to form a government with the Nationalist Congress Party and the Congress), and Jharkhand (where the BJP lost to an opposition alliance) showed that Indian democracy retained its character to surprise and check a powerful party. It also revealed the distinction between national and state polls — where voters were clearly prioritising local leaders, local issues when it came to polls which determined who would govern state capitals. As the year ends, the BJP will be satisfied at redefining the rules of Indian politics to access power yet again in Delhi. It will be satisfied at the opportunity to push its goals, helped by a legislative majority, strong executive power, and judicial verdicts (particularly the Ram Janmabhoomi order). It will however be concerned about the economic slowdown and its potential impact on electoral performance, as it will be about the erosion of power at the state-level, which will complicate Modi’s task of governance. The Opposition will look back at this year with regret and dismay, having lost yet another election and got relegated to the margins. But it will draw hope from protests against the CAA and how the economic downturn could eventually pave the way for voters looking for an alternative. But as both forces look back, 2019’s biggest political takeaway is the return of Narendra Modi and the BJP to power, in its strongest ideological avatar ever. Read the full article

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