#First Chief Minister of Delhi

[kuch-toh-garbad-hai-daya]

Indian Elections: The Campaign and how much it worked (Part 1)

Since the results are out, let's talk about it (as if we haven't been doing it since the last few hours) properly.

First of all, Uttar Pradesh voters, you people are betrayers. I'm not saying it, BJP & its supporters are. But seriously, Samajvadi Party's campaign for this year was definitely strong. Yogi really thought that it's going to be a piece of cake didn't he. Thank you voters for showing them the ground reality. Ayodhya, Amethi, Raebareli, the trinity of my joy.

Rajasthan. Yes, BJP won here with 14 seats. But lost 10 seats. Congress really shone on its own here, gaining 8 seats when in the last election, it was on the zero mark. Sachin Pilot and that man alone worked on Rajasthan. Honestly they need to put him front and center.

Madhya Pradesh is 100% a well-deserved BJP sweep. Let's not forget that it's not the Modi factor that worked here, it was Shivraj Singh Chauhan. That man worked his ass off during Vidhaan Sabha campaign last year and it really paid off in Lok Sabha. (God, I still remember women crying when he didn't become the Chief Minister).

I guess it was tough for West Bengal voters, no? I'm not much familiar Bengal politics but from what I've heard, they had to choose between two evils. Still, Didi gets 29 out of 42 seats, leaving BJP and Congress on the 6 and 1 mark respectively.

Lmao, they fucked up in Bihar. I can rant for hours about this. The seat distribution was already messed up, but Nitish Babu leaving put the nail in the coffin. BJP and JD(U) won 12 seats each, with RJD and Congress winning 4 and 3 respectively. Left also got 2 or 3 seats. I'm glad Pappu Yadav (on Purniya seat) won nirdaliye. Well deserved.

As for Odisha, I guess people have lost all the hopes in Naveen Patnaik, because BJD remained on zero, BJP getting all of its seats (20). Congress won 1 seat here.

I don't have much to say about Delhi. It's a BJP sweep. I guess AAP didn't get to campaign much since Arvind Kejriwal was literally put in jail? I'm still salty that Kanhaiya Kumar lost.

That's all for now, rest in the next part.

[mariacallous]

As the northern Indian region of Jammu and Kashmir heads to the polls for its first regional-level elections in nearly a decade, voters and candidates alike are still feeling the political hangover from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke the region’s special autonomous status.

In August 2019, the Indian government scrapped Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, reducing the former state of Jammu and Kashmir to two union territories—Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh—and bringing them under the direct control of New Delhi. The decision, a watershed in the region’s troubled history, sparked outrage. It also marked a shift in how India intended to govern Kashmir, which remains disputed territory with Pakistan.

Even as Jammu and Kashmir gears up to announce the winner of its legislative elections on Oct. 8, the local government will wield limited powers, constrained by a series of laws passed since 2019 that have reinforced the central government’s control over the region. Though the newly formed Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly will have power to make some laws, the region will be headed still by a New Delhi-appointed governor, who wields substantial authority over public order, police, bureaucracy, anti-corruption measures, and financial matters.

The region, particularly the Kashmir Valley, has witnessed decades of violence since the 1988 insurgency that drew India and Pakistan into three wars. Since it came to power in 2014, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has asserted that its policies have brought development and democracy to Kashmir. However, people in the region have generally expressed anger over Modi’s revocation of Article 370, which consolidated power in the hands of nonlocals.

Meanwhile, other regional parties in Kashmir—including separatist groups such as Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir (JeI), Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, and the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front—have been banned or marginalized and many of their leaders imprisoned. The remaining dissidents in Kashmir have either changed their stance or stayed quiet out of fear of repression. Kashmiris are thus using this election season as an outlet for expressing frustration and anger by supporting local political parties or non-BJP candidates.

To New Delhi, the elections represent a chance to signal that Kashmir has moved on from its long-standing demands for azadi, or freedom, and has instead flourished in the post-2019 environment. However, many separatist groups or individuals who previously boycotted elections, including some backed by the banned JeI, are now participating. Meanwhile, mainstream Kashmiri politicians are positioning themselves as the last line of defense against what they perceive as the BJP’s attempts to reshape the region’s political dynamics, urging voters to reject Modi’s narrative and promising to restore Kashmir’s autonomy.

Kashmir kick-started its phased elections on Sept. 18, with the second round of voting taking place on Sept. 25. The third and final round of voting will take place on Oct. 1, before results are announced a week later.

There are a total of 90 seats up for grabs, but with more than 300 independent candidates out of 873 in the race, it has become one of the most unpredictable elections in Kashmir’s history. The BJP has set a goal of winning at least 30-35 of 43 seats in Jammu, while it is contesting 19 of the 47 seats in the Kashmir Valley, a Muslim-majority region where it has traditionally struggled to gain traction.

Sheikh Abdul Rashid, popularly known as Engineer Rashid, has emerged as another key figure. Rashid represents the Awami Ittehad Party (AIP) and is a two-time lawmaker from northern Kashmir who contested and won a seat in India’s parliament in June, defeating prominent figures such as former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah of the National Conference party and Sajad Lone, the leader of the People’s Conference party.

Rashid’s victory by a margin of more than 200,000 votes marked a shift in the region’s politics—signaling anger toward the politicians who had failed to safeguard Kashmir’s autonomy or bring about meaningful changes in their decades of rule. In the last year, Rashid’s AIP has gained traction and positioned itself as a formidable player in the regional elections. While campaigning on behalf of AIP candidates, Rashid has vehemently targeted Abdullah’s and Lone’s parties, accusing them of ganging up against him.

Rashid, who was arrested in 2019 on terrorism funding charges under India’s draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, was recently released on interim bail. At a campaign rally in Baramulla, a town in northern Kashmir, on Sept. 13, he spoke to an energized crowd.

“[Modi’s] naya [new] Kashmir was [meant] to kill, arrest, harass, and humiliate people,” he told the gathering. “Kashmiris don’t like to throw stones, but that doesn’t mean we will surrender before your power,” he added, while his supporters cheered him on.

Rashid has promised the reinstatement of Kashmir’s autonomy, the release of all political prisoners, and the repeal of controversial laws such as the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act. The campaign offers a platform that appeals to people, especially the youth, who feel that their voices have been stifled since 2019. But many of Rashid’s opponents—including Abdullah and Lone, as well as Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir—have accused him of being an agent of the BJP.

The BJP has also been accused of supporting other political parties and independent candidates, further complicating the region’s political landscape. Another such example is JeI—which remains banned under the country’s anti-terrorism law. Though most of its leaders remain imprisoned and its assets seized, it is trying to make a comeback in this year’s elections and has demanded the suspension of its ban.

Abdullah, who was Jammu and Kashmir’s chief minister from 2009 to 2015, has voiced concerns over the proliferation of independent candidates and accused the BJP of using them to dilute the opposition’s vote. “Independent candidates are being deliberately fielded to create confusion and divide votes in critical constituencies,” he said at a recent rally. “The BJP is leaving its options open. … Voters need to be cautious. Fragmented votes will only serve to help those who do not have Jammu and Kashmir’s best interests at heart.”

To bolster its chances and stave off a BJP victory in Kashmir, the National Conference has formed an alliance with Rahul Gandhi, India’s opposition leader from the Indian National Congress party. Yet the Gandhi-Abdullah alliance’s promises to restore the region’s autonomy are viewed skeptically, even by their own supporters. New Delhi has made it abundantly clear that Article 370 will never be reinstated.

Mufti, the leader of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and who was chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir from 2016 to 2018, has also thrown her hat in the ring. After the 2014 elections, the PDP formed an alliance with the BJP—which has cost it support—but since 2019, the PDP has been the strongest opponent of the BJP and its policies in Kashmir. On Sept. 25, Mufti told a gathering: “Jammu and Kashmir will never have a BJP government. There will be a secular government. … PDP will be an important factor.”

Mufti’s party has also pledged to bring back statehood, revoke detention laws, and release prisoners, among other promises. Meanwhile, the BJP has continued to target both Abdullah and Mufti as “dynasts” who have kept Kashmir mired in conflict.

Though the debate over Kashmir’s autonomy has taken center stage among candidates, voters across polling stations in Kashmir are also concerned about their daily cost of living and issues such as high unemployment, increased electricity costs, limited infrastructure, and continuous detentions and police verifications.

The current political climate in Kashmir harks back to the 1970s, when Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, then the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, pledged to safeguard the region’s autonomy while New Delhi’s Janata Party—a precursor to today’s BJP—led by Morarji Desai, tried to block his return to power.

Similar to the 1977 regional elections, today’s promises of autonomy now ring hollow to many residents, as successive governments have failed to preserve Kashmir’s special status. Kashmiris feel that elections have historically served as a tool to dilute their aspirations rather than fulfilling them. Manzoor Ahmad, a 49-year-old from Srinagar, voted for the first time this year. “I voted for a greater good,” he said. “We are facing lots of problems as we have been crushed. We want a local party to win to stop this.”

No matter who wins the elections, however, the new government is likely to be weak with limited powers, overshadowed by the New Delhi-appointed governor. The elections have thus become a ballot on the region’s lack of autonomy—and by extension, a test of how voters view Modi’s government.

“These election rallies have the same nomenclature as that of protest rallies in the past,” said Waheed Parra, a PDP candidate from southern Kashmir. “I see people, mostly youth, in campaigns, and it is visible they are angry. They want space to be expressed and be heard. Nobody has listened to them in the past five years.” Parra warned that if the mandate of these elections is not respected by New Delhi, the situation on the ground could turn dangerous.

The undercurrents may already exist. It appears not everyone in Kashmir is excited about the elections. Compared with the 2014 regional elections, some parts of the valley have either witnessed low voter turnout or only a slight increment. In Srinagar, for example, which is the summer capital, turnout in the second phase of voting was low, at just under 30 percent.

New Delhi has invited a delegation of 15 diplomats from foreign countries, including the United States, to observe the local elections, though many of the BJP’s opponents, including Abdullah, have questioned the visit.

Kashmir’s political future may still be fragile, but its path is being steadily reshaped by forces both old and new. As the elections progress, one thing is evident: New Delhi’s attempts to suppress dissent and tighten its grip on Kashmir over the last five years have inadvertently reignited the region’s political landscape, bringing back to the stage individuals and groups who once led mass protests and called for election boycotts. Simultaneously, the fear of continued repression has prompted many to vote, in a bid to see some change—even as the region’s underlying tensions remain unresolved.

[beardedmrbean]

As an armed rebellion against Indian rule raged in Kashmir through the 1990s and 2000s, Jamaat-e-Islami, an influential socio-religious group, called for a boycott whenever an election was held, claiming the exercise was aimed at legitimising what it would describe as New Delhi’s occupation of the Himalayan region, which is also claimed in part or full by Pakistan and China.

But as Kashmir votes in the first regional election in a decade starting on Tuesday, the Jamaat has itself entered the political fray, backing at least 10 candidates in the election. It is a remarkable turnaround for a group that remains banned under India’s anti-terror laws and was once regarded as the mothership of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen.

After Narendra Modi’s government altered India’s constitution in 2019 to do away with the symbolic autonomy of the administrative region of Jammu and Kashmir, it cracked down hard on the separatist movement in the region, jailing thousands of people. The Jamaat, having long been at the vanguard of the movement, was a prime target. Schools associated with the group were ordered shut and the properties of many members were seized in an attempt to curtail its reach and operational capabilities.

As recently as February, the Indian government said that the Jamaat was “continuing to be involved in fomenting terrorism and anti-India propaganda for fuelling secessionism in Jammu and Kashmir, which is prejudicial to the sovereignty, security and integrity of India”.

This is what makes the Jamaat’s participation in the election perplexing, and even experts in the region are divided over what it means. Noor Baba, a renowned Kashmiri political scientist, says it could be a tactical move on the part of a minority within the movement – contesting the election as independents in the hope of “protection or rehabilitating themselves after the suffering they have endured”.

The decision to join the fray, he suggests, may not have involved the group’s jailed leadership. As a result of internal divisions in the past, Prof Baba says, the Jamaat has suffered at the hands of both the Indian authorities as well as the militants. Similar divisions may have cracked open again.

“There are many questions,” he tells The Independent. “Is the top leadership, which is in jail, on board with this or is it not?”

Another theory is that the decision stems from the Jamaat’s desire to have the anti-terror ban lifted. There have been reports about conversations between the Jamaat and intermediaries of the Indian government such as Altaf Bukhari, head of a local political party.

Ahead of this election, Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister of the former state, had urged the Narendra Modi government to lift the ban on the Jamaat to enable its participation in the assembly election. Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister and president of the People’s Democratic Party, said she would be “happy” to see the Jamaat return to the electoral arena.

Indian political analyst Apoorvanand Jha, however, sees a more sinister play at work. He says fielding independent candidates is part of a broader strategy of Modi’s BJP to weaken mainstream political parties such as the National Conference and the Congress and reap the dividend.

“The BJP’s aim is to install a government headed by a Hindu chief minister. That can be achieved by securing as many seats as possible in the Jammu region and fielding as many independents as possible in the valley [of Kashmir], making them win and then taking their support to form the government,” he tells The Independent.

The BJP is seeking to control Kashmir politically by creating chaos, he says. “To achieve that,” he adds, “the BJP can do anything. It can go to any extent, play any game, collaborate with the radicals, collaborate with separatists.”

The Independent has contacted the BJP for comment.

India has long held up Kashmir, its only majority Muslim territory, as a symbol of its secularism. But when the BJP government revoked its autonomy, Kashmiris accused the Hindu nationalist party of trying to change its religious demographic by settling Indians from elsewhere in the region.

Mr Jha says the BJP wants to win the election in order to show its core Hindu base that “see, this is a Muslim-populated area which we have now annexed”.

The candidates backed by the Jamaat maintain that their election participation is about local issues.

“Ideologies work in time and space. We have to be accommodative and flexible,” Talat Majeed, who is contesting the Pulwama constituency, told reporters recently.

Another candidate, Sayar Ahmad Reshi, says their participation in the election is necessary to fill a political vacuum created by regional parties such as the National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party.

The Jamaat’s participation seems to have enthused some pro-India factions in Kashmir. “This election is unique in recent times because the banned Jamaat-e-Islami is openly backing and campaigning for independent candidates owing allegiance to it,” Mr Abdullah said in an interview with the Hindustan Times. “This is a huge change from previous elections. Otherwise, ever since I have seen politics here from 1996 onwards, the Jamaat has been at the forefront of trying to stop people from voting.”

Ali Mohammad Watali, a former police chief of Kashmir, isn’t as enthused. The Jamaat was “pro-Pakistan and pro-terrorism”, he was quoted as saying by Frontline magazine. “Now they have changed their stance suddenly. It looks like this is being done by the agencies so that the BJP can form a government here with the help of new political fronts, including the Jamaat-e-Islami.”

“Agencies” is a catch-all term used in Kashmir for the intelligence, security and surveillance apparatus of the Indian state.

The Jamaat candidates have indicated their willingness to form alliances, before or after the election, with any party that works to “restore dignity to the people of Jammu and Kashmir”.

Prof Saddiq Wahid, a senior visiting fellow at the Centre for Policy Research think tank in New Delhi, tells The Independent the BJP’s actions in Jammu and Kashmir since the revocation of its autonomy have been aimed at creating confusion and chaos. “How is Jamaat suddenly into the picture?” he asks.

He fears that the political landscape of Kashmir is being manipulated to dilute local representation and prevent self-governance.

“They do not want the people of Jammu and Kashmir to have a government that will allow them to govern themselves,” he says, referring to the Indian government.

The fundamental question, though, is whether people will trust the candidates backed by the Jamaat, Prof Baba points out. “How many people will vote for them, support them?”

[warningsine]

https://www.reuters.com/world/india/protesters-block-train-tracks-buses-eastern-india-2024-08-28/

KOLKATA, Aug 28 (Reuters) - Thousands of protesters blocked train tracks, halted buses and shouted slogans in India's state of West Bengal on Wednesday in the latest demonstration following the brutal rape and murder of a trainee doctor.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is in opposition in the eastern state, called for a 12-hour state-wide protest strike after police fired tear gas and water cannon to disperse a march on Tuesday.

Most of Wednesday's protesters were BJP workers, who also forced shops to shut, as authorities braced for more disruptions, with one police official saying 5,000 officers had been deployed to quell any violence.

Thousands of doctors, many of them on strike since the Aug. 9 crime was discovered, marched in the state's capital of Kolkata, demanding justice for the victim and better workplace safety for doctors.

"If the state government had powers to make laws, I would have made a law in seven days that would mandate capital punishment in incidents of rape," Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee told a rally.

Banerjee, a staunch political foe of Modi who has promised swift justice, appealed to the striking doctors to return to work, expressing sympathy for victims of sexual violence and their families.

Many university students were among Tuesday's protesters, who had called for Banerjee's resignation over her handling of the rape and murder of the 31-year-old doctor in a government-run hospital in Kolkata.

Indian President Droupadi Murmu said she was "dismayed and horrified" by the incident.

"No civilised society can allow daughters and sisters to be subjected to such atrocities," broadcaster CNN News 18 quoted Murmu, a constitutional figurehead, as telling news agency PTI in her first comments on the crime. "Enough is enough."

The nationwide outrage unleashed by the attack was similar to that which followed the 2012 gang-rape of a 23-year-old student on a moving bus in New Delhi, but campaigners said tougher laws had not deterred sexual violence against women.

[follow-up-news]

India on Friday announced three-phased assembly elections in disputed Kashmir, the first in a decade and in a new political environment after Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government in 2019 stripped the Muslim-majority region of its semi-autonomy and downgraded it to a federally controlled territory. Since those changes the region has remained on edge, governed by a New Delhi appointed administrator and run by bureaucrats with no democratic credentials. The new polls will be held between Sept.18 and Oct. 1, India’s Election Commission said at a news conference in the capital, New Delhi. The vote will take place in a staggered process that allows the government to deploy tens of thousands of troops to prevent any outbreak of violence. Votes will be counted on Oct. 4. The multi-stage voting will elect a local government — a chief minister who will serve as the region’s top official with a council of ministers — from pro-India parties participating in the elections. However, contrary to the past, the local assembly will barely have any legislative powers with only nominal control over education and culture. Legislating laws for the region will continue to be with India’s parliament while policy decisions will be made in the capital.

[soujjwalsays]

The year was 1950, the young nation of India celebrated it's first Republic Day.

India’s first Republic Day began with C Rajagopalachari proclaiming India a Sovereign Democratic Republic at the Rashtrapati Bhavan.

Today, for the first time in our long and chequered history,”he said “We find the whole of this vast land brought together under the jurisdiction of one consititution of one union which takes over responsibility for the welfare of more than 320 million men and women who inhabit it.”

- Dr Rajendra Prasad taking the oath as India’s first President

The chief guest on occasion was Indonesian President Dr Sukarno. On Nehru’s request, Delhi University had organised a special convocation to confer an honorary PhD on Sukarno. One moment to be remembered from this ceremony was the riveting role reversal between two of Asia’s charismatic leaders. It was common practice for Nehru to conclude his speeches by shouting Jai Hind. Then, he would say “Louder!” and the crowd would satisfy his demand.

A cartoon from HT published on 24 January showing Chairman of the Drafting Committee (and later Law Minister) B R Ambedkar holding an infant Republic of India while Mother India lays in bed exhausted from labour. Around him stand Dr Rajendra Prasad and Nehru, looking anxiously.

A 31-gun salute welcomed Dr Prasad to the first ever Republic Day celebrations. Dr Prasad proceeded to take a round of the amphitheatre, this time in a jeep, while saluting the 3,000 armed forces that had gathered there, after which he hoisted the tricolour, our national flag for the very first time. Another memorable speech by him was in the offing.

Nearby, in Connaught Place, people of all age groups thronged the streets and crowded restaurants; shops remained illuminated through the day while the Rashtrapati Bhavan lit up at night, marking yet another first of a custom followed till this day. The atmosphere was electric and the spirit of freedom, infectious. India was the first Commonwealth country to have entirely come into its own; it was the biggest national ceremony of the 20th century.

P. S. Guys I really don't know if this goes with algorithm of Tumblr but as an Indian I believe, completing 74 years of republic & democratic dominion is a great milestone and as a proud indian and true patriot, I loved making this post.

So,

HAPPY 74th REPUBLIC DAY 🇮🇳

७४ गणतंत्र दिवस की हार्दिक शुभकामनाएं 🇮🇳

[flash-fresh]

Will immerse our medals into Ganga, sit on hunger strike at India Gate, say protesting wrestlers

India's top wrestlers, including Sakshee Malikkh, Vinesh Phogat and Bajrang Punia, said they will immerse their medals into river Ganga on Tuesday and then sit on an indefinite hunger strike at India Gate. Since April 23, the grapplers have been protesting against WFI chief Brij Bhushan Singh over sexual harassment allegations levelled against him.

India’s top wrestlers, who were recently detained and removed from their protest site at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, have said they will immerse their medals into river Ganga in Haridwar on Tuesday and then sit on an indefinite hunger strike at India Gate.

Wrestlers including Sakshee Malikkh, Bajrang Punia and Sangeeta Phogat, put out a statement on their respective Twitter handles, saying the grapplers would go to Haridwar and immerse their medals into river Ganga at 6 pm.

“These medals are our lives, our souls. There would be no reason to live after immersing them into the Ganga today. We will stage a hunger strike until death at India Gate after that,” read the statement in Hindi.

Since April 23, the grapplers have been protesting against Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) chief Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh over sexual harassment allegations levelled against him by female athletes, including a minor.

Dramatic visuals emerged from the wrestlers’ protest march as hundreds of cops and paramilitary personnel blocked their advance towards Parliament House on May 28. As the protesters tried to breach the security cordon, a fierce tussle broke out — the wrestlers and cops pushed, shoved and grappled with one another.

In the joint statement, the wrestlers said the Prime Minister “who calls us our daughters”, did not even once show his concern for the grapplers. “Rather, he invited the ‘oppressor’ (Brij Bhushan Singh) to the inauguration of the new Parliament building. He even posed for photographs in bright white clothes. We have been stained by this brightness,” it said.

The statement said, “Where is the place for the daughters of India? Have we been reduced to people indulging in mere sloganeering or do we have an agenda to come to power?”

“We are going to immerse these medals into river Ganga… The more sacred we consider the Ganga, the more sacredly we had achieved these medals by toiling hard. These medals are sacred for the whole country and the right place should be in the Ganga itself,” it said.

The protest, which started on April 23, at Jantar Mantar saw heartbreaking visuals on the day of the new Parliament building’s inauguration when Delhi Police cracked down on them in the midst of their march. An FIR was lodged against the wrestlers for taking out the march to the new Parliament building, mentioning that their protest would hamper “national prestige”.

The wrestlers, who resumed their sit-in last month after the first round of protests in January, have been demanding the arrest of Brij Bhushan Singh, also a BJP MP from Uttar Pradesh’s Kaisarganj.

Opposition leaders, including Congress’s Rahul Gandhi, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee have condemned the Centre over their inaction against Brij Bhushan Singh.

The WFI chief dismissed the sexual harassment allegations levelled against him by some female grapplers.

[bloggingforu]

Indian Army Day 2023: Date, images, Facts, Quotes, History.

If you want to know about Indian army day, then you have come to the right place, we will give you all the information about Indian army day and you will know a lot of things about Indian army day so let’s start.

bloggingforu Provides You with knowledgeable and Informational content.

History Of Indian Army Day

Indian Army Day has been every year on the 15th day of January since 1949 , in order to honor general K.M. Cariappa for being the initial Indian chief in the Indian Arm. Prior to the time, Cariappa was the British was the commander-in-chief in the Indian Army.

General Cariappa was named the first Indian chief of staff on the 15th of January 1949 by the the Governor General at that time of India, Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari, succeeding General Sir Francis Butcher, the last British chief of staff in India.

It was a significant occasion in the development of an independent India and was a crucial move towards the transfer of authority to British rule to British into the Indian government. It also was a signal of India’s rising independence and the strength of its military.

Since the year 2000, Army Day is celebrated to commemorate the soldiers who sacrificed their lives in defense of the nation. It is also a time to celebrate the achievements achieved by Army, which is the Indian Army, and to recognize the sacrifices and contributions of soldiers currently serving.

The day is marked by parades and displays of the military across the nation. A wreath-laying ceremony is conducted to commemorate the tombs of fallen soldiers. The President and Prime Minister also wish the best to the soldiers of their Indian Army on this day.

How India Celebrates Indian Army Day?

Indian Army Day is celebrated across cities and towns across India every year on the 15th January of every year. The biggest celebrations take place in Delhi, the capital of India of New Delhi, where an elaborate parade is held in the Cariappa Parade Ground in the central city.

The parade includes an exhibition of military equipment and equipment as well as the parade of soldiers from different regiments of the Indian Army, Navy, and Air Force. The President of India and the chief participant at the event will oversee the parade and award the soldiers medals, awards and decorations in recognition of their extraordinary service.

In other cities in India parades are held in the cities of each city and cantonments for military personnel with troops and military bands who participate at the event. The celebrations take place at war memorials and military graveyards across the country where wreaths are placed on the graves of fallen soldiers.

It’s also the day that many schools and colleges are staffed by military personnel who teach students about how important the military is and its contributions for the national cause. Many families with soldiers visit their homes to show their gratitude to them for their work.

Happy Indian Army Quotes

“Yeh Dil Mangey More” — Capt. Vikram Batra

2. “If a man says he’s not afraid of dying, he’s either lying or he’s a Gurkha” — Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw

3. “Some goals are so worthy its glorious even to fail” — Capt. Manoj Kumar Pandey

4. “I shall not withdraw an inch but will fight to our last man and our last round” — Major Somnath Sharma

5. “We fight to win and win with a knockout because there are no runners-up in war” -General JJ Singh

6. “Only best of the friends and worst of the enemies visit us”

7. “There will be no withdrawal without written orders and these orders shall never be issued” — Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw

8. “Either I will come back after hoisting the Tricolour, or I will come back wrapped in it, but I will be back for sure” — Captain Vikram Batra

9. ” Some goals are so worthy, it’s glorious even to fail”– Captain Manoj Kumar Pandey

10. “No real change in history has ever been achieved by discussions” — Subhas Chandra Bose

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] GG News Bureau New Delhi, 23rd November.: With the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) headed for a stunning rout in the Maharashtra Assembly elections, Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut raised questions about the integrity of the election process, alleging foul play and calling for a return to ballot paper voting. As of 11:30 am, the ruling Mahayuti coalition, comprising the BJP, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena faction, and the Ajit Pawar-led NCP, was leading in 220 of the state’s 288 constituencies, while the MVA struggled with projections of just 56 seats. Aaditya Thackeray, seen as a key figure in the UBT faction, was trailing Milind Deora of the rival Shinde-led Shiv Sena by 600 votes. “There is definitely something amiss. This cannot be the people’s verdict,” Raut thundered, alleging that “money machines” influenced results across constituencies. He further questioned the unprecedented confidence displayed by Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, who had earlier claimed he would resign if any of his MLAs lost. Raut insisted that the results implied dishonesty in the process, declaring that “the voters of this state are not dishonest.” He reiterated his demand for elections to be re-held using ballot papers, dismissing electronic voting machines (EVMs) as unreliable. BJP Hits Back The BJP dismissed Raut’s accusations as baseless. National Spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla slammed the Shiv Sena (UBT) leader, accusing him of “mental bankruptcy.” Poonawalla pointed out the opposition’s selective skepticism, stating, “The results in Wayanad are fine because Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is winning there. But suddenly, EVMs are faulty in Maharashtra and Haryana.” The Mahayuti’s commanding lead—Eknath Shinde’s faction leading in 54 seats, close to its 2019 performance, and the BJP ahead in 125 constituencies—has left the MVA coalition grappling with a political reality check. As allegations and counter-allegations dominate the post-election discourse, the ruling coalition is on track for a historic mandate, leaving opposition leaders to reflect on their strategies amidst a fractured state polity.   The post Something Amiss, Can’t Be People’s Verdict”: Sanjay Raut on Maharashtra Election Results appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] GG News Bureau New Delhi, 23rd November.: With the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) headed for a stunning rout in the Maharashtra Assembly elections, Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut raised questions about the integrity of the election process, alleging foul play and calling for a return to ballot paper voting. As of 11:30 am, the ruling Mahayuti coalition, comprising the BJP, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena faction, and the Ajit Pawar-led NCP, was leading in 220 of the state’s 288 constituencies, while the MVA struggled with projections of just 56 seats. Aaditya Thackeray, seen as a key figure in the UBT faction, was trailing Milind Deora of the rival Shinde-led Shiv Sena by 600 votes. “There is definitely something amiss. This cannot be the people’s verdict,” Raut thundered, alleging that “money machines” influenced results across constituencies. He further questioned the unprecedented confidence displayed by Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, who had earlier claimed he would resign if any of his MLAs lost. Raut insisted that the results implied dishonesty in the process, declaring that “the voters of this state are not dishonest.” He reiterated his demand for elections to be re-held using ballot papers, dismissing electronic voting machines (EVMs) as unreliable. BJP Hits Back The BJP dismissed Raut’s accusations as baseless. National Spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla slammed the Shiv Sena (UBT) leader, accusing him of “mental bankruptcy.” Poonawalla pointed out the opposition’s selective skepticism, stating, “The results in Wayanad are fine because Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is winning there. But suddenly, EVMs are faulty in Maharashtra and Haryana.” The Mahayuti’s commanding lead—Eknath Shinde’s faction leading in 54 seats, close to its 2019 performance, and the BJP ahead in 125 constituencies—has left the MVA coalition grappling with a political reality check. As allegations and counter-allegations dominate the post-election discourse, the ruling coalition is on track for a historic mandate, leaving opposition leaders to reflect on their strategies amidst a fractured state polity.   The post Something Amiss, Can’t Be People’s Verdict”: Sanjay Raut on Maharashtra Election Results appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[thezeusos]

Tejas Express, the country’s first privately operated train run by IRCTC.

New Delhi: In a major move toward enhancing India’s railway connectivity, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath inaugurated the Tejas Express, the country’s first privately operated train run by IRCTC. The train, connecting Lucknow and New Delhi, is set to commence its commercial operations from Saturday. Calling the launch of Tejas a milestone in India’s Rail history, Chief Minister…

[avalove16723]

Myanmar refugee problem in Manipur, the "treasure of India"

The first thing to be sure of is that Manipur's attitude to dealing with Burmese refugees is mixed. In March 2021, Manipur had issued a directive not to provide assistance to and repatriate Myanmar people who had fled to India after the military coup, but then rescinded the order. Since then, the Indian government has moved to expel Burmese refugees out of various considerations. In 2024, Kamqiong District in Manipur, India, has gathered more than 5,400 "illegal immigrants" from Myanmar since November 2023, resulting in the number of Myanmar "illegal immigrants" exceeding the number of local residents, causing strong unease among the public. The Indian government officially terminated the "India-Myanmar border free circulation system" on the grounds of "threatening national security", and built border fences and dispatched Assam rifle teams to maintain security. However, the move caused resentment among local tribes in Mambon. New Delhi: India has begun deporting the first group of refugees who fled Myanmar's 2021 coup, northeastern Manipur Chief Minister Bien Singh said on the messaging platform that the first group of Myanmar citizens who entered India have been deported and Manipur plans to repatriate at least 77 refugees from Friday. India has not signed the 1951 United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees and has not enacted laws to protect refugees. Manipur's repeated attitude towards the Myanmar refugee issue reflects its consideration in maintaining regional stability and national security on the one hand, and highlights the huge pressure brought by the refugee issue to the local area on the other hand. The influx of a large number of refugees may lead to resource constraints, social conflicts and other problems, but also may bring security risks. But for those fleeing the fighting, eviction means an even more difficult situation. Why is Manipur expelling Myanmar refugees? There are many reasons for Manipur's expulsion of Burmese refugees. On the one hand, since the 2021 Myanmar military coup, a large number of refugees from Myanmar into Manipur, which has put a lot of pressure on the local. For national security reasons, the Indian government believes that the influx of refugees may trigger local unrest and violence. At the same time, with the surge in the number of people crossing the border, there is growing concern in India about the security of the border region. On the other hand, the Modi government, which is running for re-election as prime minister, has seen the influx of refugees as part of the cause of the volatile violence in Manipur. What is the impact of the Manipur refugee issue? The refugee problem in Manipur has serious implications in many ways. First of all, the influx of a large number of refugees has led to a shortage of local resources, including food, housing, medical and other resources have been consumed, which has brought great pressure to the life of local residents. Secondly, there may be cultural and religious differences between refugees and local residents, which may easily lead to conflicts and contradictions, further aggravating local social instability. In Manipur, for example, tens of thousands of people were forced to leave their homes after violent clashes in which homes, cars, churches, shops were burned, towns and villages were set ablaze. Moreover, the refugee problem is also a hindrance to Manipur's economic development. Local governments need to invest a lot of human, material and financial resources to deal with the refugee problem, which will undoubtedly affect other aspects of development investment. Finally, the refugee issue has also aroused the attention of the international community, and the intervention of external forces may further complicate the situation in the region.

[mariacallous]

India’s Middle East policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi is often seen as both successful and perplexing. The governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), to which Modi belongs, has a nationalist Hindu-right bent, and yet India’s outreach toward the Persian Gulf region under the current government, particularly to the Arab world, has been a defining success over the past decade.

The ongoing war between Israel and Hamas, sparked by the latter’s audacious strike on Oct. 7, has brought under the spotlight New Delhi’s diplomatic balance between a “new” Middle East and its traditional support for the “old.” The new is defined by New Delhi’s increasingly close proximity to the security ecosystem of the United States, while the old is highlighted by a visible shift away from the idea of nonalignment. India’s participation in new tools of economic diplomacy—such as the I2U2 minilateral between India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and the United States, as well as the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC) announced on sidelines of the G-20 summit in September—are evidence of these not-so-subtle changes in posture, led by a burgeoning consensus between New Delhi and Washington to push back against an increasingly aggressive China.

India has been a steadfast supporter of the Palestinian cause since its independence, viewing the crisis through moral support for Palestinian sovereignty and as an anti-colonial struggle. In 1975, India became the first non-Arab state to grant full diplomatic status to the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Its then-chief, Yasser Arafat, regularly visited New Delhi. That relationship has become more complicated.

Last month, Modi condemned Hamas terrorism just weeks before the youth wing of Jamaat-e-Islami in the southern state of Kerala, which has close ties with the Gulf, hosted a virtual talk by former Hamas leader Khaled Mashal—showcasing the wide range of views that have long existed within India.

After decades of leaning toward the Arab world, in 1992, then-Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao established full diplomatic ties with Israel. This was done at a time of great change in the across the subcontinent, marked by the country’s economic liberalization following years of crisis. However, Israel was quietly building a strong foundation for this eventuality over the previous decades, supplying India with military aid in two crucial wars that it fought against Pakistan in 1971, before normalization, and then again in 1999, after full diplomatic ties were established.

This normalization forced India to perform a balancing act between three poles of power in the region: the Arab world, Israel, and Iran. All three remain important to Indian interests. The larger Arab world hosts more than 7 million Indian workers, who send back billions of dollars into the Indian economy as remittances; Israel remains a critical technology and defense partner; and Iran’s strategic location helps promote Indian interests in both Central Asia and a now much more volatile Afghanistan under a Taliban regime.

Fast-forward to 2023, and Indian foreign policy toward the region increasingly looks more pragmatic in design, balancing opportunities and challenges in an increasingly fractured global order, or what scholars Michael Kimmage and Hannah Notte have aptly termed “the age of great-power distraction.” As India’s economy rapidly grows, setting its sights on becoming the third largest in the world by 2030, so does its desire for influence. And the Middle East, from a foreign-policy perspective, is where a lot of this influence is being tested.

A recent spat between India and Qatar offers an interesting example for managing inflection points. In October, Doha announced a verdict of death sentences for eight former Indian Navy officials who were working for a private contractor involved with Qatar’s defense modernization. They were charged, according to reports, of spying on behalf of Israel. Since then, New Delhi has responded legally, appealing the Qatari court’s verdict while both countries continue to keep the judicial verdict confidential.

This is not the first time New Delhi has become embroiled in the regional fissures of the Middle East. In 2012 and 2021, Israeli diplomats were targeted in bombings in the capital, and in both cases, India hinted at Iranian involvement and having to delicately manage the situation behind closed doors—effectively telling Iran and Israel not to let their conflict spread to Indian soil.

Today, India is becoming more of an economic stakeholder in the Middle East, and by association, its security postures. This is not just the result of New Delhi’s reoriented foreign policy designs, but also depends on the personal involvement of Modi himself.

In 2017, Modi became the first Indian Prime Minister to visit Israel. Considering his brand of politics, he also visited Ramallah in the West Bank in 2018 to maintain India’s diplomatic consistency. He hosted Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in 2019 at the height of the Jamal Khashoggi murder scandal, when the Saudis were not welcome in most capitals. And finally, Modi has visited the United Arab Emirates (UAE) five times since taking charge in 2015, and is often found referring to UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan as “brother.”

Since the start of the Israel-Hamas war, Modi has talked to six regional leaders to put India’s position across, from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi. The Modi government has attempted to walk a fine line between Israel’s counterterrorism aims against Hamas and the Palestinian humanitarian crisis. Countering terrorism has been an important tool for Modi’s international diplomacy, coming from India’s efforts to isolate Pakistan internationally for its state-sponsored terrorism.

But Indian diplomacy in the Gulf also has another objective: strengthening India’s position on Kashmir, which defines the India-Pakistan conflict, and weakening Islamabad’s case within organizations such as the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). In February 2019, India’s then-Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj became the first Indian minister to be invited to speak at the organization since 1969, an event hailed as a major victory of Indian diplomacy; Pakistan was represented by an empty chair during Swaraj’s speech.

New Delhi’s other expanding relationship has been with the United States. In Asia, the institutionalization of mechanisms such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue has brought Washington and New Delhi closer than ever before as both look to work together to counter an increasingly erratic China. India’s buy-in with the United States has not been just about the Asian theater, but the Middle East as well, with measures such as the I2U2 and IMEEC taking shape.

However, India’s own domestic politics have often also presented a challenge. In 2022, comments made by a BJP spokesperson against the Prophet Mohammed invoked widespread condemnation by Islamic nations, including those building close partnerships with India. Previously, in private, Anti-Muslim narratives in Indian domestic politics have been an area of discussion between Arab states and New Delhi. During this period, India has also pushed back against reports by the U.S. State Department on what the department described as the country’s deteriorating religious freedoms, criticizing them as “biased.” Despite these differences, strategic cooperation has remained steadfast.

The establishment of I2U2 was a direct result of the signing of the Abraham Accords in 2021. Both Israel and the UAE have been quick to establish a strong economic bilateral relationship since then. The accords have also helped countries such as India to increase economic and political cooperation with greater ease.

It is important to note here that while the I2U2 is seen as an economic cooperation platform, all member states, have taken part in expansive military maneuvers in the region in some shape or form. And this includes India, where all three services of its armed forces, the Army, Navy, and the Air Force, have increased their outreach and participation.

Beyond the I2U2, the announcement of the IMEEC is New Delhi’s latest sign of alignment with U.S. geoeconomic objectives. Already positioned by some as a counter to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the idea is to connect the Middle East with Europe and India through a trade corridor that can rival the centrality of the Suez Canal.

But countries such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, central to IMEEC, are also members of the Belt and Road Initiative and have interest in developing close partnerships with Beijing. Propaganda outlets of the Chinese Communist Party have already labeled IMEEC as a mere “castle in the air” The European Union, the United States, and India alike have marketed the corridor as the next intracontinental highway for digital and economic connectivity. However, IMEEC is in nascent stages of development, and no blueprint is currently on offer on how it is going to function.

These new economic highways, minilaterals, and reoriented geopolitics are transforming Indian foreign policy from one that has always been risk-averse to one that is willing to be a little more adventurous. Today, India is much closer to the United States than it has been at any point in its independent history.

Between its increasingly West-centric defense and technology shopping list—a historical break away from having a predominantly Soviet-era military ecosystem that continues to rely on Russian know-how even today—and the India-U.S. 2+2 dialogues regularly setting new precedents, it is not that surprising to see India partner with the United States in theaters such as the Middle East, where the Abraham Accords have leveled the playing field in a limited fashion between Israel, the United States, and a part of the Arab world.

Simultaneously, a counterargument against deeper U.S. collaboration from India also comes from the time that India helped the United States with the Iran nuclear deal prior to its unceremonious end in 2018. New Delhi had let go of significant diplomatic access to align with U.S. requirements by ending nearly all oil imports from Iran, which has vast reserves, offers good deals, and is geographically conveniently located. This fed into the then-U.S. policy of strong sanctions against Tehran to push it to negotiate with the U.N. Security Council’s group of permanent members. Experiences such as the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the deal continue to fuel a strong undercurrent of distrust toward Washington in Indian political circles.

India’s own position of upholding its strategic autonomy and self-styled leadership of the global south may find it often at odds with its strategic role in the Middle East as a partner of the United States. One of India’s longest-serving successes in this region has been its embrace of nonalignment. The fact that the I2U2 was almost immediately identified by some observers as the Middle East Quad gave it a texture of being an extension of a core U.S. interest—that of containing China. While India has never officially used such terminology, these portrayals in the media were detrimental to the kind of neutrality that New Delhi still hopes to preserve.

Finally, India’s outlook toward the Middle East is looking beyond the traditional centrality of energy and migration. Today, from the beginning, it wants to be a partner in the region’s post-oil growth designs. Indian diplomats in the region, earlier almost exclusively bogged down with migrant matters, are now tasked to secure foreign direct investments from the large Arab sovereign wealth funds. Modi’s majority government, in power since 2015, has been palatable to Arab monarchs who do not have to navigate a labyrinth of India’s coalition politics looking for fast decision-making, which they are accustomed to.

Whether its own leaders like it or not, India has bought into aspects of future security architectures with its membership of the I2U2 and IMEEC in one of the world’s most flammable regions. This is a bold and commendable posture for an economy that will require significant global input for its challenging future economic goals. It is also palatable for the Middle East to have India as a major energy market to diversify its exports and offset Chinese influence over critical commodities such as oil and gas.

[brookstonalmanac]

Events 11.5 (before 1940)

1138 – Lý Anh Tông is enthroned as emperor of Vietnam at the age of two, beginning a 37-year reign. 1499 – The Catholicon, written in 1464 by Jehan Lagadeuc in Tréguier, is published; this is the first Breton dictionary as well as the first French dictionary. 1556 – Second Battle of Panipat: Fighting begins between the forces of Hem Chandra Vikramaditya, the Hindu king at Delhi and the forces of the Muslim emperor Akbar. 1605 – Gunpowder Plot: Guy Fawkes is arrested in the cellars of the Houses of Parliament, where he had planted gunpowder in an attempt to blow up the building and kill King James I of England. 1688 – Prince William III of Orange lands with a Dutch fleet at Brixham to challenge the rule of King James II of England (James VII of Scotland). 1757 – Seven Years' War: Frederick the Great defeats the allied armies of France and the Holy Roman Empire at the Battle of Rossbach. 1768 – The Treaty of Fort Stanwix is signed, the purpose of which is to adjust the boundary line between Indian lands and white settlements set forth in the Royal Proclamation of 1763 in the Thirteen Colonies. 1780 – French-American forces under Colonel LaBalme are defeated by Miami Chief Little Turtle. 1811 – Salvadoran priest José Matías Delgado rings the bells of La Merced church in San Salvador, calling for insurrection and launching the 1811 Independence Movement. 1828 – Greek War of Independence: The French Morea expedition to recapture Morea (now the Peloponnese) ends when the last Ottoman forces depart the peninsula. 1834 – Founding of the Free University of Brussels by Pierre-Théodore Verhaegen. 1862 – American Civil War: Abraham Lincoln removes George B. McClellan as commander of the Army of the Potomac. 1862 – American Indian Wars: In Minnesota, 303 Dakota warriors are found guilty of rape and murder of whites and are sentenced to death. Thirty-eight are ultimately hanged and the others reprieved. 1872 – Women's suffrage in the United States: In defiance of the law, suffragist Susan B. Anthony votes for the first time, and is later fined $100. 1881 – In New Zealand, 1600 armed volunteers and constabulary field forces led by Minister of Native Affairs John Bryce march on the pacifist Māori settlement at Parihaka, evicting upwards of 2000 residents, and destroying the settlement in the context of the New Zealand land confiscations. 1895 – George B. Selden is granted the first U.S. patent for an automobile. 1898 – Negrese nationalists revolt against Spanish rule and establish the short-lived Republic of Negros. 1911 – After declaring war on the Ottoman Empire on September 29, 1911, Italy annexes Tripoli and Cyrenaica. 1912 – Woodrow Wilson is elected the 28th President of the United States, defeating incumbent William Howard Taft. 1913 – King Otto of Bavaria is deposed by his cousin, Prince Regent Ludwig, who assumes the title Ludwig III. 1914 – World War I: France and the British Empire declare war on the Ottoman Empire. 1916 – The Kingdom of Poland is proclaimed by the Act of 5th November of the emperors of Germany and Austria-Hungary. 1916 – The Everett massacre takes place in Everett, Washington as political differences lead to a shoot-out between the Industrial Workers of the World organizers and local police. 1917 – Lenin calls for the October Revolution. 1917 – Tikhon is elected the Patriarch of Moscow and of the Russian Orthodox Church. 1925 – Secret agent Sidney Reilly, the first "super-spy" of the 20th century, is executed by the OGPU, the secret police of the Soviet Union.

[todayworldnews2k21]

CM Yogi On Surprise Visit To New Delhi, Likely To Meet PM Modi, Amit Shah And Nadda

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath is on a visit to New Delhi where he is expected to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi.  CM Yogi is also expected to meet BJP President JP Nadda and Union Home Minister Amit Shah later in the evening. The meeting scheduled between UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and PM Narendra Modi will be the first meet after the June 4 results of the Lok Sabha…

[tfgadgets]

Devendra Fadnavis, Ashok Chavan's daughter in BJP's 1st list of 99 candidates for Maharashtra polls

Mumbai, New Delhi: Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis is among the heavyweight names in the BJP’s first list of candidates for the November 20 Maharashtra Assembly polls. The list, which was announced this afternoon, has 99 names. Maharashtra Assembly has 288 seats and the BJP is likely to contest nearly 160. The remaining seats are being contested by its allies Shiv Sena and the Ajit…