#Federica Mogherini

[explo-bit]

https://www.fightimpunity.com/who-we-are

Sono un cinico materialista, ma mi sorgono delle domande riguardo ai membri della ONG fondata da Antonio Panzeri:

Sono pagati? Quanto? Da chi? Per fare cosa?

[thenationview]

Migrants, NGO denounces Salvini, Minniti and Mogherini: "Crimes against humanity"

Migrants, NGO denounces Salvini, Minniti and Mogherini: “Crimes against humanity”

The European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (Ecchr), an NGO of jurists, denounced Matteo Salvini, Federica Mogherini and Marco Minniti to the International Criminal Court (ICC). The NGO calls for the investigation of “crimes against humanity against migrants and refugees, intercepted at sea and systematically brought back and detained in Libya”, where they are subjected to “systematic…

[ilblogdellestorie]

In Iran è stata impiccata all'alba Reyhaneh Jabbari, la ragazza condannata a morte nel 2009 per aver ucciso un ex agente dei servizi segreti iracheni che avrebbe tentato di stuprarla. Lo ha reso l'uffico del procuratore di Teheran. La giovane era da cinque anni nel braccio della morte e a suo favore c'erano stati numerosi appelli internazionali, tra cui quelli di Papa Francesco, di Amnesty International, del ministro degli Esteri, Federica Mogherini, e di tantissimi intellettuali iraniani.  L'esecuzione era stata fissata per il 30 settembre ma era stata poi rinviata facendo sperare in un atto di clemenza. Venerdì alla madre era stato permesso di visitare Reyhaneh per un'ora, un segnale che l'impiccagione era imminente. Il relatore dell'Alto commissariato per i diritti umani dell'Onu aveva denunciato che il processo del 2009 era stato viziato da molte irregolarità e non aveva tenuto conto che si era trattato di legittima difesa di fronte a un tentativo di stupro. La 26enne Reyhaneh Jabbari era stata arrestata nel 2007, quando ne aveva 19, per aver ucciso Morteza Abdolali Sarbandi, ex 007 di Baghdad, che l'avrebbe attirata nel suo appartamento con la scusa di offrirle un incarico e poi avrebbe tentato di abusare di lei. Il perdono della famiglia della vittima avrebbe salvato Reyhaneh dalla forca, ma il figlio dell'uomo ha chiesto che la ragazza negasse di aver subito un tentativo di stupro e lei si è sempre rifiutata di farlo. Secondo l'Onu dall'inizio dell'anno in Iran sono già state giustiziate 250 persone.

[female-malice]

Opinion | Women are leading a revolution in Iran. When will Western feminists help?

By Masih Alinejad

A new popular uprising is taking place in Iran, and this time women are in the lead. It’s incredibly inspiring to see — for the first time I can remember — unveiled women marching at the front. They have overcome fear and are challenging one of the main pillars of the Islamic Republic of Iran: compulsory hijab.

These women are marching shoulder to shoulder with men, chanting against the whole regime. They are facing guns and bullets and demanding an end to a system of gender apartheid.

Mahsa Amini was only 22 years old. She wasn’t uncovered; only a few strands of her hair showed. And yet she was arrested by the so-called “morality police” and packed off to jail. Three days later she was dead. Many Iranians are convinced she was killed —a belief reinforced by countless individual experiences with the brutality of the security services.

The news of her death has triggered outrage throughout Iran. Tens of thousands of demonstrators are defying security forces to ask why an innocent young woman lost her life to religious radicals who merely wanted to show off their militant male power. The compulsory hijab is not just a small piece of cloth for Iranian women; it is the most visible symbol of how we are oppressed by a tyrannical theocracy. Now, by drawing attention to that injustice, Mahsa’s death has the potential to serve as a new turning point for Iranian women.

They deserve the support of their Western counterparts. Yet so far we see little evidence that women in Europe or North America are willing to take to the streets to show their solidarity for a women’s revolution in Iran.

Recent experience has been discouraging. Over the past decade, we’ve seen female politicians from democratic countries — including Ségolène Royal from France, Catherine Ashton from the United Kingdom, and Federica Mogherini from Italy — don hijab on their visits to Iran. All these female politicians are quick to assert their feminist credentials in their own societies — but when it comes to Iran they go out of their way to show deference to the men who have elevated misogyny to a state principle. A regime that abuses and harasses millions of women each year does not deserve our respect. To do so makes a mockery of all our talk of universal human rights.

When the Women’s March took place in Washington, D.C., in 2017, I was happy to join. Along with the rest I chanted: “My body, my choice.” Some women might well choose to veil their faces and bodies in accordance with their religious or cultural beliefs — but that should be a matter of their own choice, not a rule imposed by the whips and clubs of men. Yet Western women seem only too happy to succumb to the standards dictated by the male tyrants in countries such as Afghanistan and Iran.

I don’t consider such feminists to be true advocates of women’s rights. The true feminists and women’s rights activists are those in Afghanistan and Iran who are stepping forward, at great cost, to resist the Taliban and Islamic republic. They are the true feminist leaders of the 21st century, risking their lives by facing guns and bullets. They will go on fighting against the regimes, and we who have the privilege to live in free countries should actively amplify their voices. This is the moment for women in the West to stand with Iran’s mothers, daughters and sisters.

I will not remain silent. I will continue to speak out until compulsory hijab laws are abolished. Like the women now taking to the streets in my home country, I, too, have been targeted by the regime. I have chosen to speak up despite that regime’s attacks on my family, and its attempts to have me abducted or killed. In this, I feel deep solitary with the thousands of women protesting in Iran. I will continue to do what I can to support their struggle, to help them achieve their rights.

My wish is for all of us to be louder than the tyrants. I call on the free world to join the protesters in calling for an end to the murderous regime of the ayatollahs. Iranian women are fighting to recover our dignity and exercise our personal freedoms — so that, one day, all Iranians can finally choose our government in free and fair elections. We shouldn’t be afraid of the religious fanatics and the jihadists. They are the ones who are frightened. It is why they seek to keep women down. Women in the streets are paying with their lives for change. But too many in the outside world are shaking hands with our murderers.

I am asking all Western feminists to speak up. Join us. Make a video. Cut your hair. Burn a headscarf. Share it on social media and boost Iranian voices. Use your freedom to say her name. Her name was Mahsa Amini.

[documenting-apartheid]

JULY 19 2018- JERUSALEM (Reuters) - "Israel passed a "nation-state" law on Thursday declaring that only Jews have the right of self-determination in the country, stirring anger from members of the Arab minority who said it was racist and drawing an expression of concern from the EU."

"The bill, backed by the right-wing government, passed through parliament after months of political argument and some Arab lawmakers shouted and ripped up their papers after the vote."

"Largely symbolic, the law was enacted just after the 70th anniversary of the birth of the state of Israel. It stipulates "Israel is the historical homeland of the Jewish people and they have an exclusive right to national self-determination in it".

"Palestinian leaders condemned the move. "No racist law will undermine the rights of our people. We are proud of being a strong nation deeply rooted in our homeland," Palestinian chief negotiator Saeb Erekat said in a statement."

"In Brussels, a spokeswoman for EU foreign affairs chief Federica Mogherini expressed concern at the move and said it would complicate a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict."

"The bill also removes Arabic as an official language alongside Hebrew, downgrading it to a "special status" that enables its continued use in Israeli institutions."

"Early drafts had gone further in what critics at home and abroad saw as discrimination towards Arabs, who have long said they are treated in Israel as second-class citizens."

Clauses that were dropped after political wrangling would have enshrined in law establishment of Jewish-only communities. A more vaguely-worded final version said: "The state views the development of Jewish settlement as a national value and will act to encourage and promote its establishment."

"Even after the changes, critics said the new law will deepen a sense of alienation within the Arab minority."

[felipeandletizia]

Felipe and Letizia retrospective: February 16th

2005: Inauguration of the new Palacio de los Deportes stadium in Madrid.

2006: Audiences at la Zarzuela (1, 2) & Lunch offered to the presidents of Italy and Portugal

2007: “Young Entrepeneur” awards

2010: Meeting of the Advisory Council of the Prince of Girona Foundation

2011: Inauguration of the Technological Institute “La Marañosa”

2012: Inauguration of ARCO 2012.

2015: National Culture Awards (1, 2) & Audiences: Federica Mogherini& Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson

2016: Attended a meeting of the Royal Patronage of the National Museum of the Prado at El Prado Museum.

2017: Military audiences

2021: Audiences at la Zarzuela & Visited the “Concepción Arenal. La Pasión Humanista 1820-1893” exhibition

2023: Inauguration of the exhibition “Sorolla a través de la luz”

F&L Through the Years: 1134/??

[korrektheiten]

Federica Mogherini: Ehemalige EU-Kommissarin auf einem EU-Rektorenposten

Tichy:»Eigentlich wird diese EU ja ohnehin seit langem als Endstation für abgehalfterte Politiker in Europa angesehen. Die derzeitige Kommissionspräsidentin mit ihren endlosen SMS- und Nicht-SMS-Skandalen ist da nur ein Beispiel von vielen. Was passiert aber eigentlich, wenn so ein europäischer Acker- oder Streitgaul auch in Brüssel wieder von seinem Halfter befreit ist? Wohin soll er Der Beitrag Federica Mogherini: Ehemalige EU-Kommissarin auf einem EU-Rektorenposten erschien zuerst auf Tichys Einblick. http://dlvr.it/Sqk32Y «

[whileiamdying]

Politics of Culture and Communication and the Islamic Republic of Iran

Mehdi Semati Northern Illinois University, DeKalb, IL, USA msemati@niu.edu

The Islamic Republic of Iran remains a foreign policy ‘challenge’ to the prevailing international order, though it might be more accurate to call it international disorder. The disorder came into sharp view recently when Mohammad Javad Zarif, Iranian foreign minister, accompanied Federica Mogherini, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, as she unveiled elaborate plans to undermine the administration of Donald Trump and salvage the ‘Iran Deal’. The plan involved a ‘special vehicle’ conceived to circumvent the new and renewed US financial sanctions against Iran and companies that seek to do business there. As if to make the disorder even more pronounced, France, Germany, Britain, Russia and China announced their support for the plan in a joint statement. The gap that separates the European Union and the United States regarding Iran is as much about American belligerence and Trump’s shenanigans in the Middle East as it is about the Islamic Republic of Iran’s survival instinct and its strategic and geopolitical steps and missteps. Regardless of how one characterizes the internal and external factors at play, the Islamic Republic of Iran remains very much a ‘problem’ on the global stage.

That gap between the European Union and the United States is also fueled by the internal contradictions of the discursive position Iran occupies as an ‘Islamic nation’ and a ‘trouble spot’ in the ‘Middle East’ in Western geopolitical and popular imaginaries. These contradictions include an insistence on the backward character of Iranian rulers (and Iran as a nation of ‘fundamentalists’) while warning about Iran’s capabilities of enriching uranium, nuclear technology and long-range ballistic missiles. In other words, we are warned about a

backward nation with fanatical rulers who have nevertheless managed to build technologically advanced (and lethal) weaponry, with nuclear technology as well. More important, the Western imaginary is confounded by contradictions: Iran is a morbid object of geopolitical discourse and it is the place from which remarkable cultural forms and productions continue to emerge.

The contributors to this special issue of the Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication engage with these cultural forms and institutions and the sociopolitical contexts of their production, circulation, reception and operation. These cultural forms include popular music, theater, poetry, museums, cinema and art. The contributors address the politics of the Western discourses on Iran as they discuss these cultural forms at the intersection of political, social and cultural registers and their co-constitutive relationships.

In her contribution to this collection of essays, Theresa Steward examines the fraught relationship between Iranian musicians and the Western media and their audiences. For example, once moving beyond the novelty of rock or pop music in Iran, Western observers often look for signs of ‘resistance’ and ‘revolutionary’ culture of artist seeking to escape the repression of the ayatollahs. In this scenario, Iranian musicians are engaged in a constant battle for survival against a loathsome state in a closed and oppressive social space. This reductive tendency, which collapses all aspects of culture into a ‘political’ dimension, is a feature of much writing on culture in Iran. The reality is far more interesting and complicated than such depictions or descriptions allow. As Steward shows, musicians are aware of this Western appetite for ‘resistance’ narratives, and some, with a Western audience in mind, use it to their strategic advantage. In her essay, Steward focuses on Bahman Ghobadi’s No One Knows About Persian Cats (2009) (a film about the ‘underground’ music scene in Iran), to demonstrate how Iranian musicians occupy a multi-faceted and complex position that goes well beyond alleged perpetual ‘protest’ and ‘defiance.’

Erum Naqvi’s contribution addresses the thriving theater scene in Iran. It might be accurate to say that Iran has never had such a dynamic theater scene, from mainstream and well-known Iranian and foreign plays, to experimental and musical theaters. Arguably, theater in Iran has never been as popular as it is today; many shows in Tehran and other major cities are regularly sold out. In addition, newer genres, such as ‘horror’ (vahshat), are refashioning this ancient art form. These are remarkable developments that repudiate ignorant comments about Iranian cultural and social space made by those who wish to vilify the Islamic Republic. More importantly, the developments are noteworthy, as they shed light on the dynamism of the cultural sphere, in spite of the state.

This dynamism can be observed, for example, in the way art collectives run by younger artists are reimagining and rearticulating historical art forms (e.g., ruhowzi) that were deemed too ‘un-Islamic’ to be performed in public spaces after the revolution in 1979. Naqvi’s essay presents this re-articulation as a vibrant cultural re-production of the boundaries of various genres, which are constantly renegotiated, reimagined and playfully reworked. These reimaginings are not attempts at resistance but are reformulations of the classical canons of theater in Iran, with inflections of joy, aspirations, fears and anxieties that are relevant in the contemporary conjuncture. In this playful rearticulation, where the past is restated in the aesthetic grammar of today, we find the pleasures of the popular.

Shareah Taleghani’s essay addresses the poetry of Solmaz Sharif, an Iranian-American poet whose work has been celebrated for her experimentation with form and uncompromising critique of ‘war on terror’ and her denunciation of militarism and war. Taleghani’s focus on Sharif ’s poetry in Look (2016) is partly informed by the post-colonial literature on translation theory (with which she examines Sharif’s work as a subversive act of ‘translation’ as cultural practice), and as an assessment of the efficacy of intralingual modes of translation.

Sharif ’s poems render the English language unfamiliar and foreignize it; the audience’s complicity in the sanitizing effects of militarized language is unsettled. Taleghani explores how, by reappropriating military discourse, Sharif’s poetry is a form of ‘resistant domestication’ that reflects the experience of diaspora, exile, immigration, transnational identity, belonging and estrangement, all shaped by her own experience as a member of the Iranian-American diasporic community.

In her contribution to this collection, Anna Vanzan addresses the topic of museums in Iran. As a product of the Enlightenment era, Vanzan identifies how museums are instruments to rationalize human affairs and their place in the cosmological order. The efforts by the Iranian state to build museums is not unique; many states have done so. By focusing on the Holy Defense Museum and the Martyrs’ Museum, Vanzan shows the ideological interests of the state in aestheticizing the war via religious iconography and symbolism and mobilizing collective memory as projects of political identity and popular mobilization. I would argue that the Iranian state’s recent interest in building lavish museums is no longer an attempt to ‘stage a revolution’ (Chelkowski and Dabashi 1999), but more an effort to revive it, and resuscitate its affective power and ideological allure, at times also injecting nationalistic mythologies (i.e., elements of pre-Islamic and Persian identities) into it. In fact, such attempts by the state reflect its anxieties about its perceived failure to maintain a revolutionary state and to acknowledge tacitly the unfulfilled promises of a forty-year-old revolution. Today, many cultural forms, implicitly and sometimes explicitly contain elements of ‘popular history’ that entertain narratives about such promises and about life before the 1979 revolution.

Niloo Sarabi’s contribution offers a rereading of Marzieh Meshkini’s Roozi ke zan shodam (The day I became a woman), a critically acclaimed film that takes up the question of gender and women’s position in the Islamic Republic. This film was released nearly two decades ago and is clearly a testament to the ongoing and relentless assertion of the agency of Iranian women; furthermore, it illustrates that popular culture in the Islamic Republic has long been a contentious cite of struggle over the meaning of gender, womanhood and women’s role in society. As Hamid Naficy argued, with regard to Iranian cinema, ‘a unique and unexpected achievement of this cinema has been the significant and signifying role of women both behind and in front of the camera, leading to “women’s cinema” ’ (Naficy 2003: 138). One of the paradoxes of ‘Islamicization’ of Iranian society has been the opening of various cultural industries to women, who, in turn, have challenged the terms of their representation. As Sarabi argues, the visual codes of representation of women in this context have entailed both limitations and opportunities with regard to the portrayal of women in the cinema and their presence in the film industry. Moreover, her discussion acknowledges the longstanding internal debates in Iran on gender and gender roles. Sarabi reflects on the ways in which Meshkini’s visual aesthetics, the formal characteristics of her film, and its other narrative properties contribute to debates in Iran on the veil, gender norms, social mobility and women’s pleasure.

Alice Bombardier’s essay addresses painting and art in Iran. Nothing seems to embody the contradictions of the Islamic Republic like the art scene in Iran.

Just as the US sanctions were renewed and the Iranian currency is in decline, art auctions at posh hotel ballrooms in North Tehran have brought large sums for various works of arts, especially paintings. A recent headline states, ‘Iran art auction rakes in millions amid pressure over sanctions’ (Najib 2019). At an auction in Tehran recently, a journalist told me that art journalists in Iran believe that collecting expensive art is a good way for billionaires to ‘park’ cash. More ominously, and perhaps cynically, another journalist joked that buying expensive art is one of the best methods of laundering money. Thus, the renewed interest in the art scene in Iran is propelled by its connection to the global art market and by the participation of contemporary Iranian artists in the global art scene. The interest is also driven by recent scholarship on Iranian art, to which Bombardier has contributed. In some ways, the renewed interest in painting might also reflect a desire to rediscover the suppressed history of painting as a cultural form, suppressed by a history born out of authoritarian state (under the Pahlavi monarchy), geopolitical developments (e.g., the red scare of the Cold War era) and post-revolution domestic politics (a religious state and its cultural revolution).

Bombardier’s research is distinctive, in the sense that her work is grounded in a historical framework that is cognizant of both continuity and breaks in the ongoing fate of painting. In her contribution to this collection, Bombardier traces the origins of ‘New Painting’, a term she prefers over the Persian renditions of ‘contemporary painting’ (naqqashi-i muasir) or ‘modern painting’ (naqqashi-i modern). The artists of ‘new painting’ were innovative in many respects. They introduced new methods, forms, and, perhaps more important, ‘social innovations through new channels of collective creation’ (e.g., associations, galleries/clubs, conferences, journals). Yet, for all the innovations of these pioneers introduced, their history and contributions have been forgotten, or even erased, from most accounts of painting in Iran. Bombardier offers explanations grounded in an analysis of the political and social contexts of the era in which these pioneers made their contribution and of the subsequent contexts of the reception of their work. Her essay is an important step in recovering their legacy.

The articles in this collection, individually and collectively, challenge the prevailing views regarding Iran and cultural production and practices in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The contributors question simplistic explanations about Iran and the Islamic Republic, a feature of far too much commentary about Middle Eastern societies and cultures. The analyses of these authors demonstrate that the realities of Iran and its people are far more complicated, interesting and dynamic than the prevailing discourses about Iran would suggest. It might be safe to say, Iran is no exception in being misunderstood as a country in the Middle East, an ‘imaginative geography,’ to use Edward Said’s (1979) language.

References

Bombardier, Alice (2017). Les pionniers de la Nouvelle peinture en Iran. Œuvres méconnues, activités novatrices et scandales au tournant des années 1940. Bern: Peter Lang.

Chelkowski, Peter and Hamid Dabashi (1999). Staging a Revolution: The Art of Persuasion in the Islamic Republic of Iran. New York: New York University Press.

Grigor, Talinn (2014). Contemporary Iranian Art: From the Street to the Studio. London: Reaktion Books.

Hirsh, Michael (2018). Is Iran Deal Finally Dead? Foreign Policy. Accessed 18 Jan. 2019, online: https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/09/25/iran‐nuclear‐deal‐last‐stand/, 25 September 2018.

Keshmirshekan, Hamid (2014). Contemporary Iranian Art: New Perspectives. London: Saqi Books.

Naficy, Hamid (1991). Women and the Semiotics of Veiling and Vision in Cinema. American Journal of Semiotics 8 (1–2): 47–64.

Naficy, Hamid (1994). Veiled Visions/Powerful Presences: Women in Postrevolutionary Iranian Cinema. In Mahnaz Afkhami and Erika Friedl (eds.), In the Eye of the Storm: Women in Postrevolutionary Iran, pp. 131–150. London: I.B. Tauris.

Naficy, Hamid (2003). Poetics and Politics of Veil, Voice, and Vision in Iranian Postrevolutionary Cinema. In David A. Bailey and Gilane Tawadros (eds.), Veil: Veiling, Representation and Contemporary Art, pp. 136–159. London: Institute of International Visual Arts with Modern Art Oxford.

Najib, Mohammad Ali (2019). Iran Art Auction Rakes in Millions amid Pressure over Sanctions. Aljazeera. Accessed 18 January 2019 online: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/iran‐art‐auction‐rakes‐millions‐pressure‐sanctions‐19011217355 9995.html, 14 January 2019.

Nooshin, Laudan (2017). Whose Liberation? Iranian Popular Music and the Fetishization of Resistance. Popular Communication: The International Journal of Media and Culture 15 (3): 163–191.

Said, Edward (1979). Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books.

Said, Edward (1994). Culture and Imperialism. New York: Vintage Books.

Semati, Mehdi (2017). Sounds Like Iran: On Popular Music of Iran. Popular Communication: The International Journal of Media and Culture 15 (3): 155–162.

[eurekadiario]

La OTAN tiene un plan si Pedro Sánchez pierde las elecciones

Las elecciones generales del próximo 23 de julio no son sólo el principal foco de atención a nivel nacional, por el hecho de comprobar quién será el próximo inquilino de La Moncloa en los próximos cuatro años, sino también en la política exterior, especialmente en la OTAN.

Según desveló ‘Antena 3′, la Alianza Atlántica continúa con el proceso de buscar un sustituto para relevar en sus funciones al actual secretario general, Jens Stoltenberg. Entre todos los candidatos se encuentra el Presidente del Gobierno, Pedro Sánchez. La mencionada cadena de televisión también señaló que en la OTAN esperarán al resultado final de los comicios que tendrán lugar en nuestro país.

En caso de una derrota del actual mandatario y un triunfo del Partido Popular liderado por Alberto Núñez Feijóo, sus probabilidades de ocupar el cargo podrían aumentar. La misma televisión también destacó que el perfil de Sánchez gusta en la OTAN. La intención inicial de la OTAN era dar a conocer el relevo de Stoltenberg en la cumbre de Vilna (Lituania) prevista para los días 11 y 12 de julio, aunque la falta de consenso para determinar quién será el sucesor podría provocar el aplazamiento del anuncio.

Será en octubre cuando el noruego abandone su cargo de secretario general de la OTAN, y a partir de dicho mes, su sucesor ejercerá las correspondientes funciones. De hecho, el nombre de Sánchez también gustaba en la Unión Europea para ejercer un alto cargo en Bruselas, aunque la opción de la Alianza Atlántica podría hacer cambiar de opinión al presidente, cuya vocación por la política exterior despertó el interés de los principales organismos internacionales.

Candidatos más para relevar a Jens Stoltenberg

Sin embargo, Pedro Sánchez no es el único candidato que aspira a ocupar el puesto de secretario general de la OTAN. Entre los aspirantes también se encuentran otros Primeros Ministros europeos. Por ejemplo, ‘20 Minutos’ informó que entre los nombres barajados está el del mandatario neerlandés, Mark Rutte.

Por otro lado, ‘Antena 3′ mencionó que son candidatas las Primeras Ministras de Dinamarca (Mette Frederiksen) y Estonia (Maja Kallas), además de la viceprimera ministra de Canadá, Chrystia Freeland y la socialista italiana Federica Mogherini. Otro de los candidatos que también suena con fuerza, y mostró un especial interés, fue el ministro de Defensa del Reino Unido, Ben Wallace. Un nombre propio que también destaca en las quinielas es el de Úrsula von der Leyen, actual presidenta de la Comisión Europea. Una opción que no sería demasiado sorpresiva teniendo en cuenta su experiencia previa como ministra de Defensa de Alemania.

Cómo se elige al secretario general de la OTAN

El secretario general de la OTAN se elige una vez realizadas “consultas diplomáticas informales entre los países miembros, que presentan candidatos para el puesto”, según recoge la propia organización en sus estatutos. Asimismo, se requiere un consenso general entre los aliados para tomar la decisión final. El único español en ejercer dicho cargo fue el exministro de Asuntos Exteriores y Educación con Felipe González, y exalto representante de la UE, Javier Solana, que fue secretario general entre 1995 y 1999.

Fuente: http://as.com/

[andrewtheprophet]

On 5th Year Of JCPOA Withdrawal, Calls To End Another Obama Iran Deal: Daniel 8

Officials announcing Iran nuclear agreement in Vienna in July 2015. (From left to right) Foreign ministers/secretaries of state Wang Yi (China), Laurent Fabius (France), Frank-Walter Steinmeier (Germany), Federica Mogherini (EU), Mohammad Javad Zarif (Iran), Philip Hammond (UK), John Kerry (USA) On 5th Year Of JCPOA Withdrawal, Calls To End Overtures To Iran Tuesday, 05/09/20233…

[ifreakingloveroyals]

Through the Years → Felipe VI of Spain (1,695/∞)

16 February 2015 | King Felipe VI of Spain receives to Federica Mogherini at Zarzuela Palace in Madrid, Spain. (Photo by Juan Naharro Gimenez/Getty Images)

[salimsellami]

♦ INSIDE FIGHT IMPUNITY, L'ONG DERRIÈRE LE SCANDALE DU QATARGATE

Au sein de Fight Impunity, l’ONG bruxelloise au cœur du scandale de corruption au Qatar,Federica Mogherini et Bernard Cazeneuve faisaient partie du conseil d’administration de la campagne de défense des droits humains de Panzeri. Maintenant, ils ont démissionné et il est en prison.C’était l’un des groupes de défense des droits de l’homme les mieux connectés à Bruxelles, avec un bureau à quelques…

[telodogratis]

Ong denuncia Salvini, Minniti e Mogherini alla Corte Penale Internazionale

Ong denuncia Salvini, Minniti e Mogherini alla Corte Penale Internazionale

AGI – Matteo Salvini, Marco Minniti, Federica Mogherini: sono i tre esponenti politici e “alti funzionari” italiani denunciati alla Corte penale internazionale (Cpi) dall’European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (Ecchr) affinchè questa indaghi su “crimini contro l’umanità nei confronti di migranti e rifugiati, intercettati in mare e sistematicamente riportati in Libia”, dove sono…

[ildalil]

L'Europa sui migranti? Non pervenuta

L’Europa sui migranti? Non pervenuta

L’Europa sui migranti? Non pervenuta Ci sorge un sospetto: l’accordo con la Germania per ricevere i 25 miliardi del Recovery Fund ha forse, come contropartita, trattenere entro i nostri confini le ondate di extracomunitari? Diciamolo con chiarezza, direi definitiva. L’Europa sui migranti non c’è, non c’è stata e non ci sarà. Occorre portare prove a carico dell’imputata? Eccole. Vi ricordate il…

[saxafimedianetwork]

UAE Reiterates Commitment To Somalia's Unity, Security And Stability

UAE Reiterates Commitment To Somalia’s Unity, Security And Stability

(more…)

[toscanoirriverente]

Dal territorio libanese partono verso Israele dei razzi dimostrativi, artigianali che non sono lanciati per colpire davvero ma solo per segnalare la (r)esistenza in vita...

Federica Mogherini, 2009