#En 1868

[denisenini]

Le vrai Charles Ingalls

[noticiasarquelogicasjaponesas]

Capitulo 1:ヨーロッパの雰囲気が漂う五稜郭/Goryokaku a hallmark with European airs.

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Sean bienvenidos a una nueva entrega de cultura e historia japonesa, en este caso vamos a hablar sobre Goryokaku, localizado en Hakodate en la prefectura de Hokkaido al norte de la isla de Honshu.

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Toponimia de Hokkaido en, el siglo XIX se llamaba Ezo, fue el último reducto del shogunato contra el nuevo orden creando una república (1868-1869). Hay que destacar que Japón estuvo cerrado al mundo durante 260 años de su historia (1603-1868), este periodo se le conoce como periodo Edo, bajo el régimen militar Tokugawa.

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En 1854 finalizaron los tratados de amistad con Estados Unidos, Gran Bretaña, Rusia. Hakodate se convirtió en una ciudad portuaria abierta al mundo exterior y en 1858, concluyendo el tratado comercial y al año siguiente se convirtió en puerto comercial. Hisaburo Takeda, estudio en Europa y se formó en fortalezas tipo estrelladas de traza italiana, en 1864 se completaron las contribuciones de la fortaleza.

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Espero que os guste y nos vemos en próximas publicaciones.

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Welcome to a new installment of Japanese culture and history, in this case we are going to talk about Goryokaku, located in Hakodate in the Hokkaido prefecture north of the island of Honshu.

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Toponymy of Hokkaido in the 19th century was called Ezo, the last stronghold of the shogunate against the new order creating a republic (1868-1869). It should be noted that Japan was closed to the world for 260 years (1603-1868), this period is known as the Edo period, under the Tokugawa military regime.

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In 1854 the friendship treaties with the United States, Great Britain, and Russia ended. Hakodate became a port city open to the outside world and in 1858, concluding the commercial treaty and the following year it became a commercial port. Hisaburo Takeda, studied in Europe and trained in Italian star-type fortresses, in 1864 the contributions of the fortress were completed.

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日本の文化と歴史の新しい記事へようこそ。今回は、本州の北、北海道の函館にある五稜郭について話します。

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19 世紀の北海道の地名は蝦夷と呼ばれ、共和制を樹立する新秩序（1868～1869 年）に対抗する幕府の最後の拠点でした。 日本は 260 年間 (1603 年から 1868 年まで) 鎖国していたことに注意してください。この期間は、徳川軍事政権下の江戸時代として知られています。

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1854 年にアメリカ、イギリス、ロシアとの友好条約が終了しました。 函館は対外に開かれた港湾都市となり、1858年に通商条約を締結し、翌年には商業港となりました。 武田久三郎はヨーロッパに留学し、イタリアの星型要塞で訓練を受け、1864 年に要塞の建設を完了しました。

source/ソース:photos internet/写真インターネット

[hometoursandotherstuff]

Thanks to Curieously for sending this fine old 1868 southern mansion in Savannah, Georgia. 6bds, 4.5ba, $5.5M. Do you love the peachy color?

Grand side hall entrance with original stairs.

Walk past the stairs to take the elevator.

The sitting room is the height of elegance with it's carved arch, marble fireplace, wide moldings and floor-to-ceiling windows.

The equally elegant matching dining room.

Cozy den with a fireplace flanked by ceiling-high shelving and a bar with wine racks along an entire wall.

Lovely renovated kitchen in pale gray isn't very large and must be the original kitchen's footprint.

Lovely primary bedroom has a marble fireplace and a door to the terrace.

The en-suite bath reno is a perfect combination of old and new, using reproduction fixtures.

Bedroom #2 is equally beautiful and also has a door to the terrace.

And, it also has an en-suite.

Elegant home office.

Look at this. A full kitchen in this hallway.

Love the exposed brick in this bedroom suite.

What an amazing bedroom. If you use it as a guest room, they'll never leave. It also has a door to the garden.

What could be better than a craft space with exposed brick and plenty of storage.

Bath for this floor.

The terraces are wonderful, aren't they?

Imagine hangin' out here?

Down in the garden. This is gorgeous.

Come down the spiral stairs to sit by the fountain.

You can see the private patio thru the gate, surrounded by a fence and wall.

5,401 sq. ft. lot.

https://www.realtor.com/realestateandhomes-detail/432-Abercorn-St_Savannah_GA_31401_M90444-38759

[tokidokitokyo]

All Photos by Ottavia Baldi

Takagi Shrine 高木神社

Located in Tokyo's Sumida ward

The theme of this shrine is onigiri (rice balls shaped as triangles) which also can be called musubi (which means to tie or to bind - en-musubi).

This is one of the few shrines in Japan dedicated to Takami-Musubi, an androgynous deity of creation and birth, who was born as the second entity in the universe’s history according to Japanese mythology.

However, when the shrine was established in 1468, Takami-Musubi was not the main subject of worship. At this time, Shinto and Buddhism were not yet separated (this would come in 1868) and the shrine was managed by the adjacent Buddhist temple and known as Dairokutensha, dedicated to Dairoku-Tenma-Ō (the Devil King of the Sixth Heaven). This Buddhist devil was known as an evil tempter and deceiver of monks, although there are still multiple shrines or temples to this devil around Japan. Some believe that they may have been influenced by Oda Nobunaga, the most infamous warlord of feudal Japan, who gave himself the moniker of the Devil King to instill fear into his enemies.

[chic-a-gigot]

La Mode illustrée, no. 11, 15 mars 1868, Paris. Chlamydes Kachmir. Collection of the Rijksmuseum, Netherlands

Robe en poult-de-soie brune de deux teintes (étoffe changeante), simplement bordée d'une grosse corde de soie; grande chlamyde-cachemire fond gros bleu à riches dessins orientaux, et frange assortie. Chapeau blanc en tulle, avec fleurs de pommier; brides-écharpes bordées de rouleaux en satin blanc.

Robe en faye gris d'argent, garnie avec trois rouleaux en velours gris qui garnissent le bord inférieur et remontent sur chaque côté d'une rangée de gros boutons en travers en même velours gris; mêmes ornements garnissant les poches, et formant sur le corsage montant une berthe carrée; chlamyde-cachemire fond blanc doublée de soie cerise, avec grands dessins persans et frange assortie. Chapeau en tulle noir moucheté, avec brodes-écharpes fixées sous le menton par un camée de jais; bandeau-diadème en velours noir, avec cinq camées en jais noir; ombrelle pareille à la robe, doublée de taffetas blanc; gants à trois boutons en peau de Suède.

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Dress in brown poult-de-silk of two shades (changing fabric), simply edged with a thick silk rope; large chlamyde-cashmere (cashmere mantle) on a blue background with rich oriental designs, and matching fringe. White tulle hat, with apple blossoms; scarf straps edged with rolls of white satin.

Dress in silver gray faye, trimmed with three rolls of gray velvet which garnish the lower edge and go up on each side with a row of large buttons across in the same gray velvet; same ornaments garnishing the pockets, and forming a square berthe on the rising bodice; chlamyde-cashmere (cashmere mantle) on a white background lined with cherry silk, with large Persian designs and matching fringe. Hat in speckled black tulle, with embroidered scarves attached under the chin with a jet cameo; black velvet tiara headband, with five black jet cameos; parasol similar to the dress, lined with white taffeta; three-button gloves in suede skin.

[eddy25960]

La Homosexualidad en Japón ( historia )

Japón tiene una compleja e interesante historia con la homosexualidad masculina. En el Japón antiguo las personas no se consideraban homosexuales, sólo sus actos. Este post es sobre la homosexualidad entre los samuráis japoneses...

Durante el periodo Edo (1600 - 1868), las relaciones amorosas y sexuales entre hombres eran comunes, especialmente entre los samuráis. Se consideraba que el amor de las mujeres te volvía demasiado "suave y femenino" (sic). Por ello, entre los samuráis existió una tradición conocida como shudo, en la cual un guerrero tomaba a uno más joven como aprendiz; lazo virtuoso y benéfico para ambas partes. No era regla, pero era común que esta relación también tuviera su lado romántico y sexual.

Las relaciones de este tipo estaban, sobre todo, centradas en los wakashu: pre-adolescentes (12 - 19 años) de apariencia andrógina que eran deseados y aparejados tanto por mujeres como por hombres. Existía un cierto tabú actual con estas personas debido a que sus relaciones existían grandes diferencias de edades que caerían en una concepción moderna de pederastía.

Como ejemplo de la normalización de la homosexualidad japonesa, está la novela del siglo XII "Genji Monogatari o Historia de Genji". Cuenta la historia de Hikaru Genji, el hijo de un emperador, a quien le quitaron sus derechos de sucesión y se convirtió en un ciudadano común. En "Genji Monogatari" el capítulo 2 relata como tras ser rechazado por una mujer, Genji termina durmiendo con el hermano de ella. Después de su encuentro, el joven se convierte en su amigo y decide ayudarlo a conquistar a su hermana.

Existen otros textos como el Kojiki y el Nihon Shoki. Estos tienen fragmentos sobre las relaciones sexoafectivas homosexuales de la clase guerrera, donde era costumbre para un joven ninja mantener relaciones con un shinobi más experimentado a fin de no "afeminizarse" (acobardarse (sic)) en su labor.

Cabe aclarar que en Japón la homosexualidad no ha sido considerada inmoral por una parte de la sociedad apegada a las tradiciones ancestrales. Fue juzgada ilegal durante un breve período entre 1873 y 1880 a causa de la religión católica y el occidente homofóbico, la cual es influencia actual para malmirar a la homosexualidad.

Richard Carasas.

[womblegrinch]

Georges de Feure (1868-1943) - Femme de buste fumant en profil

Graphite, gouache and watercolour on paper laid down on canvas. 21.25 x 16.75 inches, 54 x 42.3 cm.

Estimate: €30,000-50,000.

Sold Christie's, Paris, 17 Oct 2024 for €52,920 incl B.P.

[konjaku]

藪柑子[Yabukōji] Ardisia japonica

藪[Yabu] : Thicket, bush

柑子[Kōji] : Citrus leiocarpa

Another name is 十両[Jūryō](Ten ryō). 両 is a unit of currency used in the past. In the Edo period(1603-1868), it was said that 十両盗めば首が飛ぶ[Jūryō nusumeba kubi ga tobu](if you stole ten ryō, your head would fly off). https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tokugawa_coinage

The following is a story sent to the author from an unsigned philosopher.

封建時代に、江戸の或邸に一人の折助が居た。歳の暮に二分といふ金の必要に迫󠄁り、諸方を借りあるいたが、誰あつて貸す者が無いので、つく／"＼斯世をはかなく感じ、長屋の梁に帶を打懸け、首を吊つて往生した。其傍に落散つて居た辭世の歌に、 『死んだなら只つた二分だといふだらう生きて居たらば二朱も吳れまい』 人情󠄁の輕薄󠄁を喝破して、痛・骨󠄂に入る。千古の哲人、獨り君を推す。

[Hōken jidai ni, edo no aru yashiki ni hitori no orisuke ga ita. Toshi no kure ni nibu to iu kane no hitsuyō ni semari, shohō wo kari aruita ga, tare atte kasu mono ga nai node, tsukuzuku kono yo wo hakanaku kanji, nagaya no hari ni obi wo uchikake, kubi wo tsutte ōjō shita. Sono katawara ni ochi chitte ita jisei no uta ni, 『Shinda nara tatta nibu da to iu darō, ikite itaraba nishu mo kuremai』 Ninjō no keihaku wo kappa shite, tsū hone ni iru. Senko no tetsujin, hitori kimi wo osu.]

In the feudal era, there was a samurai’s attendant who lived in a mansion in Edo. At the end of the year, he was in need of Ni-bu(Half the amount of One ryō) and went around to borrow it, but no one would lend it to him. So, he hung a kimono sash on a beam of the tenement and hanged himself. And, the death poem that had fallen nearby said: 『If I die, they will say, "(He committed suicide) for only Ni-bu". But if I were alive, they wouldn't even give me Ni-shu(Quarter the amount of Ni-bu)』 He sees through the frivolity of humanity, and I feel it strongly in my heart. The eternal philosopher, I have a high opinion of you. From 無名の哲人[Mumei no tetsujin](Unsigned philosopher) By 福本 日南[Fukumoto Nichinan] Source : https://dl.ndl.go.jp/pid/952075/1/69

Every year on December 12, "Kanji of the Year" is announced at Kiyomizu-dera, Kyoto, and this year it was 金[Kin](Gold), which is also read as kane and means money. https://www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/en/news/20241212_14/

[yama-bato]

Maison et Jardins de Georges Clemenceau

Gilbert Bellan

" Bélébat - Le jardin face à la mer "... C'est vers 1925 que le peintre Gilbert Bellan (1868-1951) réalise ce tableau (gouache - aquarelle-fusain) depuis la maison de Georges Clemenceau. L'artiste intègre le cercle de Belébat en 1924. Georges Clemenceau lui demande alors de peindre le ciel et la mer de Belébat, et le vieux chêne vert du bois du Veillon, baptisé «l’Ancêtre». Gilbert Bellan peint et dessine des centaines de vues du lieu.

[absolute-immunities]

Travis Crum, The Lawfulness of the Fifteenth Amendment, 97 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1543, 1578–80 (2022) (footnotes omitted):

Although there were irregularities in the South for the ratifications of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments, Indiana presents a unique problem as a Northern State whose initial ratification [of the Fifteenth Amendment] is questionable.

Indiana’s ratification involved a series of political machinations. During the 1868 campaign, Republicans nationwide and in Indiana adopted a compromise position that advocated for black male suffrage in the South but not the North. After the Fifteenth Amendment’s passage by Congress, Democrats cried foul. State Representative John Coffroth, a leading Indiana Democrat, proposed that Democrats could delay the Fifteenth Amendment’s ratification by resigning en masse to deny the state legislature a quorum. On March 5, 1869, thirty-eight Democratic representatives and seventeen Democratic state senators did just that, plunging the state legislature into chaos. Under Indiana’s Constitution, a quorum of two-thirds of total members was required for each house.

In response, the Republican governor called for special elections to be held on April 8, 1869, to fill the seats. The Democrats promptly won back their seats and returned to Indianapolis following an agreement to help pass a budget and that a vote on the Fifteenth Amendment would not occur until the end of the session.

On May 13, 1869, the Democrats once again decided to resign en masse. This time, however, their plan failed. In the state senate, “the doors were ordered locked and the roll was called.” Although sixteen state senators had sent letters of resignation to the governor, many of them were still present in the chamber. The senate’s presiding officer ruled that, because those senators had not submitted resignation letters to the senate, they had not yet resigned. A quorum was declared and the Fifteenth Amendment passed 27–1, with eleven senators marked present but not voting. That same afternoon, Speaker of the Indiana House George Buskirk determined that the house lacked a quorum due, in part, to the resignation of twenty-seven Democratic representatives.

But the next day, Buskirk changed his mind following pressure from Indiana’s U.S. Senator, Oliver Morton. Buskirk decreed that a vote could proceed even though only fifty-seven members were present. When pressed by Coffroth to justify this ruling, Buskirk stated that Indiana’s Constitution required a quorum “for legislative business of any ordinary character” but not to ratify a constitutional amendment. In other words, the ratification process, as an act of federal lawmaking, need not follow the particularities of state law. The Indiana House then voted 54–3 to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment.

As such, Indiana’s state legislature was arguably a rump legislature when it adopted the Fifteenth Amendment. Nevertheless, Secretary Fish ignored the quorum issue and counted Indiana as a ratifying State. Indeed, unlike his discussion of New York and Georgia, Fish gave no indication that anything untoward happened in Indiana.

:')

[dailyanarchistposts]

A.3.8 What is “anarchism without adjectives”?

In the words of historian George Richard Esenwein, “anarchism without adjectives” in its broadest sense “referred to an unhyphenated form of anarchism, that is, a doctrine without any qualifying labels such as communist, collectivist, mutualist, or individualist. For others, … [it] was simply understood as an attitude that tolerated the coexistence of different anarchist schools.” [Anarchist Ideology and the Working Class Movement in Spain, 1868–1898, p. 135]

The originator of the expression was Cuban born Fernando Tarrida del Marmol who used it in November, 1889, in Barcelona. He directed his comments towards the communist and collectivist anarchists in Spain who at the time were having an intense debate over the merits of their two theories. “Anarchism without adjectives” was an attempt to show greater tolerance between anarchist tendencies and to be clear that anarchists should not impose a preconceived economic plan on anyone — even in theory. Thus the economic preferences of anarchists should be of “secondary importance” to abolishing capitalism and the state, with free experimentation the one rule of a free society.

Thus the theoretical perspective known as “anarquismo sin adjetives” (“anarchism without adjectives”) was one of the by-products of a intense debate within the movement itself. The roots of the argument can be found in the development of Communist Anarchism after Bakunin’s death in 1876. While not entirely dissimilar to Collectivist Anarchism (as can be seen from James Guillaume’s famous work “On Building the New Social Order” within Bakunin on Anarchism, the collectivists did see their economic system evolving into free communism), Communist Anarchists developed, deepened and enriched Bakunin’s work just as Bakunin had developed, deepened and enriched Proudhon’s. Communist Anarchism was associated with such anarchists as Elisee Reclus, Carlo Cafiero, Errico Malatesta and (most famously) Peter Kropotkin.

Quickly Communist-Anarchist ideas replaced Collectivist Anarchism as the main anarchist tendency in Europe, except in Spain. Here the major issue was not the question of communism (although for Ricardo Mella this played a part) but a question of the modification of strategy and tactics implied by Communist Anarchism. At this time (the 1880s), the Communist Anarchists stressed local (pure) cells of anarchist militants, generally opposed trade unionism (although Kropotkin was not one of these as he saw the importance of militant workers organisations) as well as being somewhat anti-organisation as well. Unsurprisingly, such a change in strategy and tactics came in for a lot of discussion from the Spanish Collectivists who strongly supported working class organisation and struggle.

This conflict soon spread outside of Spain and the discussion found its way into the pages of La Revolte in Paris. This provoked many anarchists to agree with Malatesta’s argument that ”[i]t is not right for us, to say the least, to fall into strife over mere hypotheses.” [quoted by Max Nettlau, A Short History of Anarchism, pp. 198–9] Over time, most anarchists agreed (to use Nettlau’s words) that “we cannot foresee the economic development of the future” [Op. Cit., p. 201] and so started to stress what they had in common (opposition to capitalism and the state) rather than the different visions of how a free society would operate. As time progressed, most Communist-Anarchists saw that ignoring the labour movement ensured that their ideas did not reach the working class while most Collectivist-Anarchists stressed their commitment to communist ideals and their arrival sooner, rather than later, after a revolution. Thus both groups of anarchists could work together as there was “no reason for splitting up into small schools, in our eagerness to overemphasise certain features, subject to variation in time and place, of the society of the future, which is too remote from us to permit us to envision all its adjustments and possible combinations.” Moreover, in a free society “the methods and the individual forms of association and agreements, or the organisation of labour and of social life, will not be uniform and we cannot, at this moment, make and forecasts or determinations concerning them.” [Malatesta, quoted by Nettlau, Op. Cit., p. 173]

Thus, Malatesta continued, ”[e]ven the question as between anarchist-collectivism and anarchist-communism is a matter of qualification, of method and agreement” as the key is that, no matter the system, “a new moral conscience will come into being, which will make the wage system repugnant to men [and women] just as legal slavery and compulsion are now repugnant to them.” If this happens then, “whatever the specific forms of society may turn out to be, the basis of social organisation will be communist.” As long as we “hold to fundamental principles and … do our utmost to instil them in the masses” we need not “quarrel over mere words or trifles but give post-revolutionary society a direction towards justice, equality and liberty.” [quoted by Nettlau, Op. Cit., p. 173 and p. 174]

Similarly, in the United States there was also an intense debate at the same time between Individualist and Communist anarchists. There Benjamin Tucker was arguing that Communist-Anarchists were not anarchists while John Most was saying similar things about Tucker’s ideas. Just as people like Mella and Tarrida put forward the idea of tolerance between anarchist groups, so anarchists like Voltairine de Cleyre “came to label herself simply ‘Anarchist,’ and called like Malatesta for an ‘Anarchism without Adjectives,’ since in the absence of government many different experiments would probably be tried in various localities in order to determine the most appropriate form.” [Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible, p. 393] In her own words, a whole range of economic systems would be “advantageously tried in different localities. I would see the instincts and habits of the people express themselves in a free choice in every community; and I am sure that distinct environments would call out distinct adaptations.” [“Anarchism”, Exquisite Rebel, p. 79] Consequently, individualist and communist anarchist “forms of society, as well as many intermediations, would, in the absence of government, be tried in various localities, according to the instincts and material condition of the people … Liberty and experiment alone can determine the best forms of society. Therefore I no longer label myself otherwise than ‘Anarchist’ simply.” [“The Making of An Anarchist”, The Voltairine de Cleyre Reader, pp. 107–8]

These debates had a lasting impact on the anarchist movement, with such noted anarchists as de Cleyre, Malatesta, Nettlau and Reclus adopting the tolerant perspective embodied in the expression “anarchism without adjectives” (see Nettlau’s A Short History of Anarchism, pages 195 to 201 for an excellent summary of this). It is also, we add, the dominant position within the anarchist movement today with most anarchists recognising the right of other tendencies to the name “anarchist” while, obviously, having their own preferences for specific types of anarchist theory and their own arguments why other types are flawed. However, we must stress that the different forms of anarchism (communism, syndicalism, religious etc) are not mutually exclusive and you do not have to support one and hate the others. This tolerance is reflected in the expression “anarchism without adjectives.”

One last point, some “anarcho”-capitalists have attempted to use the tolerance associated with “anarchism without adjectives” to argue that their ideology should be accepted as part of the anarchist movement. After all, they argue, anarchism is just about getting rid of the state, economics is of secondary importance. However, such a use of “anarchism without adjectives” is bogus as it was commonly agreed at the time that the types of economics that were being discussed were anti-capitalist (i.e. socialistic). For Malatesta, for example, there were “anarchists who foresee and propose other solution, other future forms of social organisation” than communist anarchism, but they “desire, just as we do, to destroy political power and private property.” “Let us do away,” he argued, “with all exclusivism of schools of thinking” and let us “come to an understanding on ways and means, and go forwards.” [quoted by Nettlau, Op. Cit., p. 175] In other words, it was agreed that capitalism had to be abolished along with the state and once this was the case free experimentation would develop. Thus the struggle against the state was just one part of a wider struggle to end oppression and exploitation and could not be isolated from these wider aims. As “anarcho”-capitalists do not seek the abolition of capitalism along with the state they are not anarchists and so “anarchism without adjectives” does not apply to the so-called “anarchist” capitalists (see section F on why “anarcho”-capitalism is not anarchist).

This is not to say that after a revolution “anarcho”-capitalist communities would not exist. Far from it. If a group of people wanted to form such a system then they could, just as we would expect a community which supported state socialism or theocracy to live under that regime. Such enclaves of hierarchy would exist simply because it is unlikely that everyone on the planet, or even in a given geographical area, will become anarchists all at the same time. The key thing to remember is that no such system would be anarchist and, consequently, is not “anarchism without adjectives.”

[denisenini]

Laura Ingalls Wilder

[noticiasarquelogicasjaponesas]

Sean bienvenidos japonistasarqueológicos, una nueva entrega en esta ocasión hablaremos del Tanabata una vez dicho esto pónganse cómodos que empezamos. - ¿Qué es el tanabata?¿Cuándo se celebra?¿Cuál es su origen?El tanabata, surge en China en la dinastía Han que posteriormente llegará a Japón durante el período Nara (710 d.C.- 794 d.C.) a través de la nobleza ,pero no fue hasta el período Edo (1600-1868) que se hizo popular. Esto lo podemos ver en el anime como es el caso de Doraemon (ドラえもん), pero hay montones de animes que tratan esta temática una película que trata estos temas podrían ser: Amor de Gata, Kimi no Nawa, Kimetsu no Yaiba podría hacer una lista que nunca acabaria de la cantidad de anime que hay que trata el Tanabata. ¿Qué es el tanabata? Cuenta la leyenda de Orihime y Hikoboshi que solo se pueden ver la séptima luna del séptimo mes, se crea un puente que les permite cruzar y estar juntos ¿Cuándo se celebra? Se celebra el 7 de julio y lo más característico de esta festividad son los fuegos artificiales y en Tokyo por ejemplo: el templo Zojoji, pero cualquier templo lo podréis apreciar muy bien. tanzaku ¿En qué consiste? Se coloca un trozo de papel con tu deseo y se colocan en árboles de bambú. Para terminar me gustaría mencionar que hay una constelación que representa esta maravillosa historia. - Espero que os haya gustado y nos vemos en próximas publicaciones que pasen una buena semana. - ようこそ、日本の考古学者たちへ。今回は七夕についてお話します。 - 七夕とは何か、いつ祝うのか、その起源は？ 七夕は中国の漢の時代に始まり、奈良時代に貴族を通じて日本に伝わった。 ドラえもんなどのアニメに見られるが、このテーマを扱ったアニメはたくさんある：七夕を扱ったアニメは枚挙にいとまがない。織姫と彦星は七夕の日に��か会えないという伝説がある。 いつ祝うの？月7日に行われます。このお祭りの最大の特徴は花火で、東京では増上寺が有名ですが、どこのお寺でもよく鑑賞できます。 短冊 短冊とはどんなものですか？願い事を書いた紙を竹に貼る。最後に、この素晴らしい物語を象徴する星座があることをお伝えしたい。 - それでは、また次の記事でお会いしましょう。

Welcome to the Japanese archaeologists, this time we are going to talk about Tanabata, so make yourselves comfortable and let's get started. - What is tanabata, when is it celebrated, what is its origin? Tanabata, which originated in China in the Han dynasty, later came to Japan during the Nara period (710 AD - 794 AD) through the nobility, but it was not until the Edo period (1600-1868) that it became popular. This can be seen in anime such as Doraemon (ドラえもん), but there are lots of anime that deal with this theme, a movie that deals with these themes could be: Love of Cat, Kimi no Nawa, Kimetsu no Yaiba I could make a list that would never end of the amount of anime out there that deals with Tanabata. what is tanabata? Legend has it that Orihime and Hikoboshi can only see each other on the seventh moon of the seventh month, a bridge is created that allows them to cross and be together. When is it celebrated? It is celebrated on the 7th of July and the most characteristic of this festivity are the fireworks and in Tokyo for example: the Zojoji temple, but you can appreciate it very well in any temple. tanzaku What does it consist of? You put a piece of paper with your wish on it and place it on bamboo trees. Finally, I would like to mention that there is a constellation that represents this wonderful story. - I hope you liked it and see you in the next posts have a nice week.

[hometoursandotherstuff]

Beautiful 1868 Second Empire Victorian in Southport, Connecticut has 5bds, 5ba, $3.450M (cut by $400K). I'm thinking that the price was cut b/c the outside is so elegant and it has the wonderful mansard roof, but a buyer walks in, expecting to see a spectacular Victorian, they see a completely modernized home.

Look at how stately it is, with the original iron fence.

The entrance foyer and the stairs all painted in shades of white, gray, and black. There are still original architectural elements, but the wood is completely painted.

The sitting room is devoid of all character. The floor is a modern dark wood with gray tones.

Here's what they did to the dining room. If you embrace the painted wood and paint or wallpaper the walls, it can look more Victorian.

And, the kitchen. I wonder if a designer did this.

Well, at least the fireplace is still here.

Here is a guest powder room.

The primary bedroom.

Older homes didn't have en-suite baths, but this home has one for each bedroom.

Most of the en-suites have large walk-in showers and gray sink cabinets.

This bedroom is set up as a home office.

In the finished attic there is a game room that features a batting cage.

In the yard there's a basketball hoop.

Plus a pool with a pergola.

The lot measures .54 acre.

[chic-a-gigot]

La Mode illustrée, no. 24, 14 juin 1868, Paris. Toilettes de Mme Bréant-Castel, 28 r. Nve. des Pts. Champs. Manteaux des Grands Magasins du Louvre, 164 r. de Rivoli. Collection of the Rijksmuseum, Netherlands

Description de toilettes (Bibliothèque Forney):

Robe de taffetas bleu, avec tablier simulé par un bouillonné encadré de dentelle noire étroite, partant de la taille, s'écartant sur chaque côté, et bordant toute la robe (moins le devant); au-dessus de ce bouillonné se trouvent deux autres bouillonnés pareils, séparés par une dentelle noire; sur le devant de la robe (non garni de bouillonnés), des nœuds composés de quatre bouclettes, sans pans, sont posés en guise de boutons. Grand manteau de voiture, fait en cachemire noir, doublé de taffetas rouge, orné de frange et de galons en or, à manche large et fendue. Chapeau de dentelle noire, avec diadème en métal doré.

Robe de taffetas changeant (gorge de pigeon), garnie d'un volant plissé à tête; mantelet en dentelle noire, se rattachant au chapeau; le corsage de la robe est à moitié décolleté, et se complète par une guimpe de mousseline blanche; les manches, justes, sont garnies de trois rouleaux en taffetas; la ceinture est bordée de chaque côté avec un même rouleau. Gants demi-longs, en peau de Suède; ombrelle en taffetas changeant, pareil à celui de la robe, doublée de gros de Naples blanc; haute frange changeante.

—

Dress of blue taffeta, with apron simulated by a swirl framed in narrow black lace, starting from the waist, spreading out on each side, and bordering the whole dress (minus the front); above this bouillonné are two other similar bouillonnés, separated by black lace; on the front of the dress (not trimmed with bouillonnés), bows made up of four loops, without sides, are placed as buttons. Grand mantle, made of black cashmere, lined with red taffeta, adorned with fringe and gold stripes, with wide and split sleeves. Black lace hat with golden metal tiara.

Dress of changing taffeta (gorge de pigeon), trimmed with a pleated flounce with a head; black lace cloak, attaching to the hat; the bodice of the dress is half-necked, and is completed by a white muslin skirt; the tight sleeves are trimmed with three rolls of taffeta; the belt is bordered on each side with an even roller. Half-length gloves, suede; parasol in changing taffeta, similar to that of the dress, lined with white gros de Naples; high changing fringe.

[jartita-me-teneis]

La fotografía fue tomada en 1925 por el fotógrafo puneño Martín Chambi, en su estudio en la ciudad del Cusco. En la imagen aparece el señor Juan de la Cruz Sihuana junto al joven dibujante cusqueño Víctor Mendívil.

Juan de la Cruz, fue un poblador nacido en el anexo de Molle, en el distrito de Santo Tomás en la provincia de Chumbivilcas en 1868, llegó a medir hasta los 2.31 metros, de acuerdo con la última talla.

Sobre él se escribieron varios reportajes, el primero de ellos del periodista cusqueño Carlos Ríos Pagaza o "Urashima", en 1925 en donde presumía que no sufría gigantismo sino que se trataba de un quechua de sangre pura.

Chambi conoció a Sihuana en el Mercado de Cusco y, habiendo sido impresionado por su altura, le invitó a ser fotografiado en su estudio de la calle Marqués. Desconocida su identidad por mucho tiempo, fue llamado gigante de Paruro. Tras una investigación realizada por el fotoperiodista Herman Schwarz, se pudo establecer que se trataba de un personaje de la provincia de Chumbivilcas. Schwarz encontró la imagen del gigante publicada en La Crónica, con fecha de 1925 en un reportaje sobre el viaje del aviador Alejandro Velasco Astete al Cuzco. La fotografía posee un pie de imagen con los datos del personaje: «Juan de la Cruz Sihuana, gigante de Llusco, provincia de Chumbivilcas.