#Electric Companies in Sherman

[topelectrician]

Top 10 Electric Companies in Sherman: Finding the Best Service Providers for Your Needs

Discover the top 10 electric companies in Sherman, Texas, and find the best service providers to meet your needs. Whether you’re searching out reliable strength, aggressive rates, or remarkable customer service, this manual highlights the leading electric companies in Sherman Texas, that will help you make an informed preference. Explore top-rated options and ensure you select the best utility provider for your home or business. Read More

[sushermanoaks]

At Solar Unlimited Sherman Oaks, we believe in the power of solar energy to transform the way you live and work. As the most trusted solar installation company in Sherman Oaks, we offer comprehensive solar solutions that allow you to cut down on energy costs and reduce your environmental impact.

Solar Unlimited Sherman Oaks 15060 Ventura Blvd, Sherman Oaks, CA 91403 (818) 617–9851

My Official Website: https://solarunlimited.com/solar-panel-sherman-oaks/ Google Plus Listing: https://maps.google.com/maps?cid=13307605373837822872

Service We Offer:

solar panel system solar repairs solar panel installation

Follow Us On:

Twitter: https://twitter.com/SolarOaks Pinterest: https://www.pinterest.com/SolarUnlimitedShermanOaksCA/ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/solarshermanoaks/

[robertreich]

From Robber Barons to Bezos: Is History Repeating Itself?

Ultra-wealthy elites…Political corruption…Vast inequality…

These problems aren’t new — in the late 1800s they dominated the country during America’s first Gilded Age.

We overcame these abuses back then, and we can do it again.

Mark Twain coined the moniker “The Gilded Age” in his 1873 novel to describe the era in American history characterized by corruption and inequality that was masked by a thin layer of prosperity for a select few.

The end of the 19th century and start of the 20th marked a time of great invention — bustling railroads, telephones, motion pictures, electricity, automobiles — which changed American life forever.

But it was also an era of giant monopolies — oil, railroad, steel, finance — run by a small group of men who had grown rich beyond anything America had ever seen.

They were known as “robber barons” because they ran competitors out of business, exploited workers, charged customers exorbitant prices, and lived like royalty as a result.

Money consumed politics. Robber barons and their lackeys donated bundles of cash to any lawmaker willing to do bidding on their behalf. And when lobbying wasn’t enough, the powerful turned to bribery — resulting in some of the most infamous political scandals in American history.

The gap between the rich and poor in America reached astronomical levels. Large numbers of Americans lived in squalor.

Anti-immigrant sentiment raged, leading to the enactment of racist laws to restrict immigration. And voter suppression, largely aimed at Black men who had recently won the right to vote, was rampant.

The era was also marked by dangerous working conditions. Children often as young as 10, but sometimes younger, worked brutal hours in sweatshops. Workers trying to organize labor unions were attacked and killed.

It seemed as if American capitalism was out of control, and American democracy couldn’t do anything about it because it was bought and paid for by the rich.

But Americans were fed up, and they demanded reform. Many took to the streets in protest.

Investigative journalists, often called “muckrakers” then, helped amplify their cries by exposing what was occurring throughout the country.

And a new generation of political leaders rose to end the abuses.

Politicians like Teddy Roosevelt, who warned that, “a small class of enormously wealthy and economically powerful men, whose chief object is to hold and increase their power,” could destroy American democracy.

After becoming president in 1901, Roosevelt used the Sherman Antitrust Act to break up dozens of powerful corporations, including the giant Northern Securities Company which had come to dominate railroad transportation through a series of mergers.

Seeking to limit the vast fortunes that were creating a new American aristocracy, Congress enacted a progressive income tax through the 16th Amendment, as well as two wealth taxes.

The first wealth tax, in 1916, was the estate tax — a tax on the wealth someone accumulated during their lifetime, paid by the heirs who inherited it. The second tax on wealth, enacted in 1922, was a capital gains tax — a tax on the increased value of assets, paid when those assets were sold.

The reformers of the Gilded Age also stopped corporations from directly giving money to politicians or political candidates.

And then Teddy Roosevelt’s fifth cousin — you may have heard of him — continued the work through his New Deal programs — creating Social Security, unemployment insurance, a 40-hour workweek, and requiring that employers bargain in good faith with labor unions.

But following the death of FDR and the end of World War II, when America was building the largest middle class the world had ever seen — we seemed to forget about the abuses of the Gilded Age.

Now, more than a century later, America has entered a second Gilded Age.

It is also a time of extraordinary invention.

And a time when monopolies are taking over vast swathes of the economy, so we must renew antitrust enforcement to bust up powerful companies.

Now, another generation of robber barons is accumulating unprecedented money and power. So once again, we must tax these exorbitant fortunes.  

Wealthy individuals and big corporations are once again paying off lawmakers, sending them billions to conduct their political campaigns, even giving luxurious gifts to Supreme Court justices. So we need to protect our democracy from Big Money, just as we did before.

Voter suppression runs rampant in the states as during the first Gilded Age, making it harder for people of color to participate in what’s left of our democracy. So it’s once again critical to defend and expand voting rights.

Working people are once again being exploited and abused, child labor is returning, unions are busted, the poor are again living in unhealthy conditions, homelessness is on the rise, and the gap between the ultra-rich and everyone else is nearly as large as in the first Gilded Age. So once again we need to protect the rights of workers to organize, invest in social safety nets, and revive guardrails to protect against the abuses of great wealth and power.

The question now is the same as it was at the start of the 20th century: Will we fight for an economy and a democracy that works for all rather than the few?

We’ve done it before. We can — and must — do it again.

[misfitwashere]

From the Robber Barons to Elon Musk: Will History Repeat Itself?

Preparing for the Trump Regime, Part 1. 

ROBERT REICH

JAN 3

Friends,

Ultra-wealthy elites. Political corruption. Corporate monopolies. Anti-immigrant nativism. Vast inequality. 

These problems aren’t new. In the late 1800s, they dominated the country during America’s first Gilded Age. We overcame these abuses then, and we can do so again. 

Mark Twain coined the moniker “The Gilded Age” in his 1873 novel to describe the era in American history characterized by corruption and inequality that was masked by a thin layer of prosperity for a select few.

The end of the 19th century and start of the 20th marked a time of great invention — bustling railroads, telephones, motion pictures, electricity, automobiles — that changed American life forever.

But it was also an era of giant monopolies — oil, railroad, steel, finance — run by a small group of men who had grown rich beyond anything America had ever seen.

They were known as “robber barons” because they ran competitors out of business, exploited workers, charged customers exorbitant prices, and lived like royalty as a result.

Money consumed politics. Robber barons and their lackeys donated bundles of cash to any lawmaker willing to do bidding on their behalf. When lobbying wasn’t enough, the powerful moneyed interests turned to bribery — resulting in some of the most infamous political scandals in American history.

The gap between rich and poor in America reached record levels. Large numbers of Americans lived in squalor.

Anti-immigrant sentiment raged, leading to the enactment of racist laws to restrict immigration. It was also a time of voter suppression, largely aimed at Black men who had recently won the right to vote.

The era was also marked by dangerous working conditions. Children often as young as 10, but sometimes younger, worked brutal hours in sweatshops. Workers trying to organize labor unions were attacked and killed.

It seemed as if American capitalism was out of control, and American democracy couldn’t do anything about it because it was bought and paid for by the rich.

But America reached a tipping point. The nation was fed up. The public demanded reform. Many took to the streets in protest. Investigative journalists, often called “muckrakers” then, helped amplify their cries by exposing what was occurring throughout the country.

A new generation of political leaders rose to end the abuses.

Teddy Roosevelt warned that “a small class of enormously wealthy and economically powerful men, whose chief object is to hold and increase their power,” could destroy American democracy.

After becoming president in 1901, Roosevelt used the Sherman Antitrust Actto break up dozens of powerful corporations, including the giant Northern Securities Company, which had come to dominate railroad transportation through a series of mergers.

Seeking to limit the vast fortunes that were creating a new American aristocracy, Congress enacted a progressive income tax through the 16th Amendment, as well as two wealth taxes.

The first wealth tax, in 1916, was the estate tax — on the wealth someone accumulated during their lifetime, paid by the heirs who inherited it. The second tax on wealth, enacted in 1922, was a capital gains tax — on the increased value of assets, paid when those assets were sold.

The reformers of the Gilded Age also stopped corporations from giving money directly to politicians or political candidates.

Then Teddy Roosevelt’s fifth cousin (you may have heard of him) continued the work through his New Deal programs, creating Social Security,unemployment insurance, and a 40-hour workweek and requiring that employers bargain in good faith with labor unions.

But following the death of FDR and the end of World War II, and after America had built the largest middle class the world had ever seen, we seemed to forget about the abuses of the Gilded Age. 

The reforms that followed the first Gilded Age withered.

Starting with Reagan, taxes on the wealthy were lowered. Campaign finance laws were weakened. Social safety nets became frayed. Corporations stopped bargaining in good faith with labor unions.

Now, more than a century later, America has entered a second Gilded Age.

Monopolies are once again taking over vast swaths of the economy. So we must strengthen antitrust enforcement to bust up powerful companies.

Now another generation of robber barons, exemplified by Elon Musk, is accumulating unprecedented money and power. So, once again, we must tax these exorbitant fortunes.

Wealthy individuals and big corporations are once again paying off lawmakers, sending them billions to conduct their political campaigns, even giving luxurious gifts to Supreme Court justices. So we must protect our democracy from Big Money, just as we did before.

As it was during the first Gilded Age, voter suppression is too often making it harder for people of color to participate in our democracy. So it’s once again critical to defend and expand voting rights.

Working people are once again being exploited and abused, child labor is returning, unions are being busted, the poor are again living in unhealthy conditions, homelessness is on the rise, and the gap between the ultra-rich and everyone else is nearly as large as in the first Gilded Age. 

So once again we need to protect the rights of workers to organize, invest in social safety nets, and revive guardrails to protect against the abuses of great wealth and power.

Seeking these goals may seem quixotic right now, just weeks before Trump and his regime take power with a bilious bunch of billionaires. 

But if history is any guide, they will mark the last gasp of America’s second Gilded Age. We will reach the tipping point where Americans demand restraints on robber-baron greed. 

The challenge is the same as it was at the start of the 20th century: To fight for an economy and a democracy that works for all rather than the few. 

I realize how frightening and depressing the future may look right now. But we have succeeded before, when we fought against the abuses of the first Gilded Age. We can — and must — do so again now, in America’s second Gilded Age. 

[archivist-crow]

THE CENTENNIAL LIGHT, THE PHOEBUS CARTEL & PLANNED OBSOLESCENCE

So, I happened on the below meme-ish post in my wanderings, and I have a problem with it. The problem is the word “evidence,” which implies that it is not already a matter of historical record that manufacturers purposely engage in the practice of “planned obsolescence.” This is false.

The photo is of the so-called Centennial Light. Currently, it is illuminating Fire Station #6 in Livermore, Ca. I know because I’m looking at a live webcam of it right now. It is recognized as the oldest known continuously operating light bulb. It was first installed in 1901 and has only been turned off a few times since—one of the reasons it has lasted this long. The bulb was made by the Shelby Electric Co. and was originally a 60w bulb but now burns at 4w.

In 1925, representatives of several international light bulb manufacturers—including Tungsram, Osram, General Electric, Associated Electrical Industries, and Philips—met in Geneva, Switzerland, to discuss limiting the lifespans of bulbs. It was a growing concern to the group that they were losing money because their bulbs were simply lasting too long. Together, the cartel decided to not only raise prices but also reduce the lifespan of standard bulbs from 2,500 hours down to 1,000 hours.

In the group’s original charter, the cartel was supposed to last until 1955, but with the outbreak of World War II the group disbanded in 1940. However, the lifespan of light bulbs remained capped at 1,000 hours. While the cartel is not the earliest known example of corporate planned obsolescence, it may be the earliest example of multiple international companies colluding to install obsolescence into their products. Through the course of several court trials and government inquiries, it has been argued that there are legitimate engineering reasons to limit watt hours. However, in 1949, the US District Court of New Jersey found that General Electric violated the Sherman Anti-trust Act due in part to its involvement with the Phoebus cartel, and that G.E.’s main consideration in setting the lifespans of bulbs was profit.

So, the fact that the Centennial Light is pre-1925 may play a significant role in its longevity, and no further evidence of planned obsolescence is necessary. It is already an established fact.

[northstar612]

The Last Warning

On January 15, 2025, President Joe Biden gave his farewell address. It wasn’t a victory lap. It was a warning. He spoke plainly about power, lies, and what happens when both go unchecked.

“An oligarchy is taking shape in America,” he began. The numbers were clear. According to Federal Reserve data, the top 1% now hold more wealth than the bottom 90% combined. Billionaires like Elon Musk, worth over $421 billion, control industries shaping the future — electric cars, artificial intelligence, and space. Mark Zuckerberg, through Meta, shapes what billions see and believe. Biden was blunt. “When so few control so much, democracy falters.”

Critics might call this anti-capitalist, but it’s not. Biden’s message wasn’t against wealth or success; it was about unchecked power. Capitalism works best when competition is fair and opportunity is shared. “Breaking up monopolies isn’t about ending capitalism. It’s about saving it,” Biden said.

He compared this to the Gilded Age (1870–1900) when tycoons like Rockefeller and Carnegie ran unchecked. Americans fought back — the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 curbed monopolistic practices. In 1911, Standard Oil was split into 34 companies. Public utility monopolies also faced reforms in the 1930s.

The problem isn’t just money. It’s misinformation. A 2023 Princeton study found that 62% of Americans encounter false information daily on social media. Companies have cut back on moderation. Profits come first. Truth comes last. “When lies spread faster than facts, democracy suffers,” Biden said.

In the 2024 elections, billionaires spent $3.4 billion on campaigns—15% more than in 2020. That money bought more than ads. It bought influence. “This isn’t democracy. It’s corruption.”

Biden offered solutions: Dismantle monopolies, as Standard Oil was. Make tech companies disclose how their algorithms work — reform campaign finance laws to limit billionaire influence. Teach citizens to spot lies, as Finland does with media literacy. “Democracy isn’t given. It’s fought for.”

If we check our politics at the door, the core of this message becomes clear. It’s about fairness, honesty, and ensuring the system works for everyone—not just a few. This isn’t about one party or another. It’s about protecting what’s right: a fair shot, truthful information, and a democracy where everyone has a voice. These aren’t partisan ideas. They’re American values.

He started and ended with hope. He announced a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas and an agreement for dozens of hostages, including two Americans, to be released. “Even in dark times, progress is possible.”

This wasn’t a farewell. It was a call to action. Will Americans fight for their democracy or watch it slip away? Biden left the room. The rest is up to the people.

[mirandamckenni1]

Chappell Roan - Red Wine Supernova (Magician's Cut) Listen to "Red Wine Supernova" now: https://ift.tt/24pS03v Creative Direction by Ramisha Sattar Cinematography by Ryan Clemens Production Design by Sam Neidenbach Executive Producers: Gia Rigoli & Vero Kompalic Producer: Andres White Associate Producer: Grace Perkins Production Company: Discordia 1st Assistant Director: Julia Ponce Diaz Production Assistant: Frank Pfeifer 1st Assistant Camera: Jake O’Connor 2nd Assistant Camera: Justin Wall Key Grip: Alexander Barrett Gaffer: Em Shaffer Best Boy Grip: Ellia Thornburg Best Boy Electric: Tyler Maynard G&E Swing: June Bernardin Art Director: Amber Krieg Wardrobe Stylist: Genesis Webb Key Make-Up Artist: Chloe Gingold Make-Up Assistant: Nancy Lazaro Book Artwork by Jenifer Prince POST PRODUCTION Editor: Raven Peterson Colorist: Strack Azar VFX Artist: Anderson Mills Lyrics & Graphics: Ramisha Sattar CAST Magician: Magical Katrina Old Woman: Patty Sherman Management: Nick Bobetsky & Ruby Anton Island Records: Natasha Kilibarda & Liv Kooker Subscribe for more official content from Chappell Roan: https://ift.tt/s8BmVoE Connect with Chappell Roan: https://ift.tt/Cm52taL https://ift.tt/HsZIEjg https://ift.tt/aC5Id7o https://twitter.com/chappellroan https://ift.tt/ru3tCDi https://ift.tt/bGthW50 https://ift.tt/nu8R5IA #ChappellRoan #RedWineSupernova #MagiciansCut LYRICS She was a playboy Brigitte Bardot She showed me things I didn’t know She did it right there Out on the deck Put her canine teeth In the side of my neck I’m in the hallway waitin’ for ya Mini skirt and my go-go boots I just want you to make a move So slow down, sit down, it’s new I just wanna get to know ya Guess I didn’t quite think it through Fell in love with the thought of you Now I’m choked up, face down, burnt out Baby, why don’t you come over? Red wine supernova Falling into me (Let’s pick it up now) I don’t care that you’re a stoner Red wine supernova Fall right into me I like (I like) what you like (what you like) Long hair (no bra), that’s my type (that’s right) You just told me want me to fuck you Baby I will ‘cause I really want to I just wanna get to know ya Guess I didn’t quite think it through Fell in love with the thought of you Now I’m choked up, face down, burnt out Baby, why don’t you come over? Red wine supernova Falling into me (Okay y’all, let’s pick it up now) I don’t care that you’re a stoner Red wine supernova Fall right into me Well, back at my house I got a California king Okay, maybe it’s a twin bed and some roommates, don’t worry we’re cool I heard you like magic I got a wand and a rabbit So baby let’s get freaky, get kinky Let’s make this bed get squeaky Baby, why don’t you come over? Red wine supernova Falling into me I don’t care that you’re a stoner Red wine supernova Fall right into me via YouTube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VS6ixn2berk

[steelbluehome]

Variety

‘The Apprentice’ Review: Sebastian Stan Plays Donald Trump in a Docudrama That Nails Everything About Him but His Mystery (click for article)

Ali Abbasi's film is arresting when it shows us Donald Trump being schooled by Roy Cohn. But was that enough to make him the Trump we know?

By Owen Gleiberman

Alot of people would disagree with me, but I think there’s a mystery at the heart of Donald Trump. Many believe there’s no mystery, just a highly visible and documented legacy of bad behavior, selfishness, used-car-salesman effrontery, criminal transgressions, and abuse of power. They would say that Trump lies, slurs, showboats, bullies, toots racist dog whistles so loudly they’re not whistles anymore, and is increasingly open about the authoritarian president he plans to be.

All totally true, but also too easy. What it all leaves out, about the precise kind of man Donald Trump is, is this:

When Trump made “Stop the steal” the new cornerstone of his ideology, arguing, from the 2020 Election Night onward, that Joe Biden had stolen the election, was it simply the mother of all Trump lies? (In other words, did he know it wasn’t true?) Or was it a lie that Trump told so often, in such an ego-shoring-up way, that he had come to believe it himself? The latter phenomenon would be far stranger than the former. And I would argue that it’s a profound question. I’d also argue that if you try to meditate too long on which scenario is correct, your head will explode.

If all you care about is behavior and its consequences, then maybe the answer is trivial. But if, like me, you think that what motivates people — even famous corrupt leaders — is the key to their reality, then knowing whether Donald Trump believes his own lies is part of our reality.

And that, in its way, is the hook of “The Apprentice.” Written by journalist Gabriel Sherman, and directed by Ali Abbasi (who made a splash two years ago with the Iranian serial-killer drama “Holy Spider”), the movie is a spirited, entertaining, and not overly cheeky docudrama about the years in which Donald Trump came to be Donald Trump. Which is to say: He wasn’t always.

“The Apprentice” is sharp and scathing, but it avoids cheap shots. It’s not a comedy; it’s out to capture what really happened. The film opens in 1973, when Trump (Sebastian Stan) is a 27-year-old playboy who’s vice president of his father’s real-estate company. In the first scene, Donald is seated at Le Club, the members-only restaurant and nightclub on E. 55th St. that he’d recently joined. He’s chatting up a model, but his eyes are fixated on the men in the room, people like Si Newhouse, who have what Trump craves: power.

And that’s when a pair of eyes fixate on him. Seated at a table in the next room is Roy Cohn (Jeremy Strong), the infamous HUAC lawyer and Red Scare architect who became notorious for being the man who sent the Rosenbergs to the electric chair. Twenty years later, he’s a private lawyer and fixer who’s friends with everyone that counts (mobsters, politicians, media barons). He eyes Donald Trump like a hungry dragon looking at a virgin. Cohn’s head is tilted down, his black eyes are tilted up (so that there’s half an inch of white at the bottom of them). This is the Cohn Stare, and it can accurately be described as a look of homicide. It’s not that he wants to kill you. It’s that he wants to kill something — it will be you, or it will be another party on your behalf.

Cohn summons Trump over to his table, and Jeremy Strong, speaking in a fast, clipped voice that fires insults like bullets, instantly possesses us. With silver-gray hair cut short and those eyes that see all, Strong does a magnetic impersonation of the Roy Cohn who turned bullying into a form of cutthroat vaudeville (and a new way to practice law), putting his scoundrel soul right out there, busting chops and balls with his misanthropic Jewish-outsider locker-room wit. He’s not just cutting, he’s nasty. And that’s to his friends! Trump, by contrast, seems soft — maybe shockingly soft if you’ve never seen a clip of him from the ’70s. He’s like a big shaggy overgrown boy, and though he’s got his real-estate ambition, his power-broker dreams (he drives a Caddy with a license plate that says DJT), he has no idea how ruthless he’s going to have to be to get them.

Cohn the reptile looks at Trump and sees a mark, an ally, maybe a kid with potential. He’s very good-looking (people keep comparing him to Robert Redford), and that matters; he’s also a lump of unmolded clay. As Trump explains, his family is in a pickle that could take them down. The Justice Department has filed a lawsuit against the Trump Organization for discriminating against Black people when it comes to who they’ll rent their apartments to. Since the family is, in fact, guilty, there doesn’t seem to be a way out of it. But Cohn, right there, floats a plan for how to do it. He says: countersue the government. It’s part of his strategy of attack, attack, attack (the first of his three rules for living).

Trump goes back to his family’s home in Flushing, and as they’re having dinner, we see how the family works. The father and leader, Fred Trump (perfectly played by an unrecognizable Martin Donovan), dominates the business — and the family — like a Mob boss. He treats his sons with cruelty, especially his namesake, Freddy (Charlie Carrick), who’s like the Fredo of the family; his father openly mocks him for being an airline pilot. Donald is the Michael Corleone: innocent and untested, knuckling under to his father, but with a cool gleam in his eye. Through Roy, he thinks he’s found a way to save the family. More than that, Roy is the father his own father wouldn’t be: the one who teaches him to get power, instead of squashing it out of rivalry.  

That Roy Cohn successfully beat the government on behalf of the Trump Organization, neutering the discrimination suit, is a famous story. If Gabriel Sherman’s script is to be believed, “The Apprentice” tells an even more scandalous version. In the movie, Cohn is going to lose the case and knows it. (The Trump Organization has rent forms by Black applicants marked with the letter “C.”) So at a diner, he and Donald have a casual meeting with the federal official who’s authorizing the case. He won’t budge. But then Cohn pulls out a manila envelope. Inside it are photographs of the official frolicking with cabana boys in Cancun. Cohn, who is gay, turns his own closeted existence into a form of power. A deal is struck. And Trump is off and running, his empire built on a poison pill.

New York, at this point, is in its shabby edge-of-bankruptcy ’70s dystopian era, and Donald is determined to change that. His dream is to buy the boarded-up Commodore Hotel on 42nd St., right next to Grand Central Terminal, and turn it into a glittering luxury Grand Hyatt hotel. The area is so decrepit that most people think he’s nuts. But this is where we can see something about Trump: that he wasn’t just a charlatan with a big mouth — that he had a perception of things. He was right about New York: that it would come back, and that deals like his could be part of what brought it back. But the art of the deal, in this case, comes from Roy Cohn. He’s the one who greases the wheels to make it happen. And Donald is now his protégé.

Ali Abbasi stages the “The Apprentice” with a lot of jagged handheld shots that look a bit too much like television to my eyes, but they do the job; they convince us of the reality we’re seeing. So does the décor — as Trump starts to develop a taste for more lavish surroundings, the movie recreates every inch of baroque merde-gold vulgarity. And Sebastian Stan’s performance is a wonder. He gets Trump’s lumbering geek body language, the imposing gait with his hands held stiffly at his sides, and just as much he gets the facial language. He starts out with an open, boyish look, under the mop of hair we can see Donald is obsessed with, but as the movie goes on that look, by infinitesimal degrees, turns more and more calculated.

Donald is now the life of the party, rubbing shoulders with people like Rupert Murdoch, George Steinbrenner, and Andy Warhol, who he meets without even knowing who he is (though the film suggests they have a lot in common). At Le Club, he meets Ivana Zelníčková (Maria Bakalova), a Czechoslovakian party girl who’s every bit as tough as he’s becoming. He woos her through a combination of charm and stalkerish relentlessness. We see Trump absorb Cohn’s three lessons, the other two being: admit nothing, deny everything; and no matter how beaten you are, never admit defeat. But Cohn’s real lesson is one of attitude — that killer stance. We see it bleed, bit by bit, into Trump.

For its first half, “The Apprentice” is kind of a knockout: the inside look at how Trump evolved that so many of us have imagined for so long, and seeing it play out is both convincing and riveting. Yet I have an issue with the movie, and it all pivots around the mystery of Trump. I don’t think “The Apprentice” ever penetrates it.

There’s a moment when Trump is getting too big for his britches, ignoring another lesson that’s there in the Cohn worldview, which is that you have to maneuver in the real world. Cohn questions Trump’s obsession with building a casino in Atlantic City, a place Cohn says has “peaked.” He’s right. Trump winds up making bad investments, flying too close to the sun, and ultimately shutting Roy out ­— treating Roy the

way that Roy treats everyone else. It’s an evolution of supreme hubris, especially when you think back to the slightly sheepish kid from Flushing who lined up to kiss Cohn’s ring.

The trouble is, we don’t fully see where that side of Trump comes from. In a relatively quick period, starting from around the time of the Atlantic City deal, and building through the moment when he pisses off the Mobster and Cohn crony Tony Salerno (Joe Pingue), which results in the half-built Trump Tower being set on fire by Salerno’s goons, Donald turns into the Trump we know today: the toxically arrogant man-machine of malignant narcissism, who treats everyone around him like crap. His marriage to Ivana devolves into a loveless debacle. He turns on his downward-spiraling alcoholic brother like a stranger. He becomes so heartless that he makes Roy Cohn look civil. He turns on Cohn, in part because Cohn has AIDS, which freaks Donald out.

We know Donald Trump did all these things. But what we don’t see, watching “The Apprentice,” is where the Sociopath 3.0 side of Trump comes from. His daddy issues, as the film presents them, won’t explain it (not really). The fact that he gets hooked on amphetamines, popping diet pills around the clock, is part of it. Yet the Trump we see goes through a looking glass of treachery, leveraging his empire — and what’s left of his emotions — to within an inch of his life. And once that happens, we’re simply watching a well-acted TV-movie made up of familiar anecdotes built around the Trump we already know. At that point, “The Apprentice,” good as much of it is, becomes far less interesting. The mystery the movie never solves is what Trump was thinking, deep down, when he chose to become Donald Trump.  

[topelectrician]

Why should we hire a professional electrician?

Do you want to ensure that your electrical work is safe and efficient? Learn why hiring a professional electrician is essential. Our infographic highlights the advantages, such as specialist knowledge, adherence to codes, and consistent results. Avoid DIY mistakes and potential consequences. Licenced electricians in Texas provide superior service and peace of mind. Check out our graphic guide to learn why a professional is the best option!

[itsnothingbutluck]

How Jack Welch Created $400 Billion of Value By Transforming General Electric National Bestseller.One of the 100 Best Business Books of All Time “Facinating… There is at least as much to be learned here as from reading Peter Drucker John Kenneth Galbraith or Michael Porter.” –Boston Globe Acknowledged as the outstanding business leader of the late twentieth century, Jack Welch made General Electric one of the world’s most competitive companies. This dynamic CEO defined the standard for organizational change, creating more than $400 billion in shareholder value by transforming a bureaucratic behemoth into a nimble, scrappy winner in the global marketplace. Here, Tichy and Sherman extract the enduring leadership lessons from the revolution Welch wrought at GE. Of these, the most essential is the limitless power of learning. Leadership has its mysteries, but it is a skill that anyone can acquire and enhance. Above all, great leaders select great people and lure them into an endless process of learning and adaptation.

[truck-fump]

From Robber Barons to Bezos: Is History Repeating...

New Post has been published on https://robertreich.org/post/730907453424795648

From Robber Barons to Bezos: Is History Repeating...

From Robber Barons to Bezos: Is History Repeating Itself?

Ultra-wealthy elites…Political corruption…Vast inequality…

These problems aren’t new — in the late 1800s they dominated the country during America’s first Gilded Age.

We overcame these abuses back then, and we can do it again.

Mark Twain coined the moniker “The Gilded Age” in his 1873 novel to describe the era in American history characterized by corruption and inequality that was masked by a thin layer of prosperity for a select few.

The end of the 19th century and start of the 20th marked a time of great invention — bustling railroads, telephones, motion pictures, electricity, automobiles — which changed American life forever.

But it was also an era of giant monopolies — oil, railroad, steel, finance — run by a small group of men who had grown rich beyond anything America had ever seen.

They were known as “robber barons” because they ran competitors out of business, exploited workers, charged customers exorbitant prices, and lived like royalty as a result.

Money consumed politics. Robber barons and their lackeys donated bundles of cash to any lawmaker willing to do bidding on their behalf. And when lobbying wasn’t enough, the powerful turned to bribery — resulting in some of the most infamous political scandals in American history.

The gap between the rich and poor in America reached astronomical levels. Large numbers of Americans lived in squalor.

Anti-immigrant sentiment raged, leading to the enactment of racist laws to restrict immigration. And voter suppression, largely aimed at Black men who had recently won the right to vote, was rampant.

The era was also marked by dangerous working conditions. Children often as young as 10, but sometimes younger, worked brutal hours in sweatshops. Workers trying to organize labor unions were attacked and killed.

It seemed as if American capitalism was out of control, and American democracy couldn’t do anything about it because it was bought and paid for by the rich.

But Americans were fed up, and they demanded reform. Many took to the streets in protest.

Investigative journalists, often called “muckrakers” then, helped amplify their cries by exposing what was occurring throughout the country.

And a new generation of political leaders rose to end the abuses.

Politicians like Teddy Roosevelt, who warned that, “a small class of enormously wealthy and economically powerful men, whose chief object is to hold and increase their power,” could destroy American democracy.

After becoming president in 1901, Roosevelt used the Sherman Antitrust Act to break up dozens of powerful corporations, including the giant Northern Securities Company which had come to dominate railroad transportation through a series of mergers.

Seeking to limit the vast fortunes that were creating a new American aristocracy, Congress enacted a progressive income tax through the 16th Amendment, as well as two wealth taxes.

The first wealth tax, in 1916, was the estate tax — a tax on the wealth someone accumulated during their lifetime, paid by the heirs who inherited it. The second tax on wealth, enacted in 1922, was a capital gains tax — a tax on the increased value of assets, paid when those assets were sold.

The reformers of the Gilded Age also stopped corporations from directly giving money to politicians or political candidates.

And then Teddy Roosevelt’s fifth cousin — you may have heard of him — continued the work through his New Deal programs — creating Social Security, unemployment insurance, a 40-hour workweek, and requiring that employers bargain in good faith with labor unions.

But following the death of FDR and the end of World War II, when America was building the largest middle class the world had ever seen — we seemed to forget about the abuses of the Gilded Age.

Now, more than a century later, America has entered a second Gilded Age.

It is also a time of extraordinary invention.

And a time when monopolies are taking over vast swathes of the economy, so we must renew antitrust enforcement to bust up powerful companies.

Now, another generation of robber barons is accumulating unprecedented money and power. So once again, we must tax these exorbitant fortunes.  

Wealthy individuals and big corporations are once again paying off lawmakers, sending them billions to conduct their political campaigns, even giving luxurious gifts to Supreme Court justices. So we need to protect our democracy from Big Money, just as we did before.

Voter suppression runs rampant in the states as during the first Gilded Age, making it harder for people of color to participate in what’s left of our democracy. So it’s once again critical to defend and expand voting rights.

Working people are once again being exploited and abused, child labor is returning, unions are busted, the poor are again living in unhealthy conditions, homelessness is on the rise, and the gap between the ultra-rich and everyone else is nearly as large as in the first Gilded Age. So once again we need to protect the rights of workers to organize, invest in social safety nets, and revive guardrails to protect against the abuses of great wealth and power.

The question now is the same as it was at the start of the 20th century: Will we fight for an economy and a democracy that works for all rather than the few?

We’ve done it before. We can — and must — do it again.

[financespiders0]

The Birth Of J.P. Morgan & Co.: How He Built His Financial Empire

In the annals of financial history, few stories are as compelling as the rise of J.P. Morgan and the establishment of J.P. Morgan & Co. His journey from a young banker to the architect of one of the most influential financial empires in the world is a testament to his vision, acumen, and unwavering commitment to excellence.

Early Beginnings: John Pierpont Morgan, known as J.P. Morgan, was born in 1837 into a family of wealth and influence. His father, Junius Spencer Morgan, was a successful banker, and young J.P. Morgan was exposed to the world of finance from an early age. His education at prestigious institutions like the University of Göttingen in Germany further honed his financial knowledge.

The Wall Street Apprenticeship: J.P. Morgan's career truly took off when he joined the New York banking firm Duncan, Sherman & Company in the 1850s. He quickly made a name for himself as a shrewd and diligent banker. In 1871, he partnered with Anthony Drexel to establish Drexel, Morgan & Co., a firm that focused on banking and securities. This marked the beginning of Morgan's ascent in the financial world.

The Birth of J.P. Morgan & Co.: In 1895, J.P. Morgan made a pivotal decision that would shape his legacy. He reorganized his firm, and J.P. Morgan & Co. was born. The firm's primary focus was on corporate finance, and it quickly gained a reputation for providing financial solutions to some of the largest and most influential companies of the time.

The Power of Trust: One of the key factors behind J.P. Morgan's success was the trust he inspired. In an era of financial uncertainty, his name became synonymous with reliability and integrity. Companies and individuals sought his counsel and financial backing, knowing that his involvement meant stability and credibility.

Mergers and Acquisitions: Morgan's firm played a pivotal role in some of the most significant corporate mergers and acquisitions of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Notable deals included the formation of General Electric and U.S. Steel. These mergers not only reshaped industries but also solidified J.P. Morgan's status as a financial titan.

Legacy Beyond Banking: J.P. Morgan's influence extended beyond the realm of banking. He was a patron of the arts, amassing an impressive collection of art and rare books. He also played a philanthropic role in society, contributing to the founding of institutions like the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

In conclusion, the birth of J.P. Morgan & Co. marked a pivotal moment in the history of finance. J.P. Morgan's journey from his early days in banking to the establishment of his own financial empire is a testament to his vision, business acumen, and the enduring power of trust. His legacy continues to shape the world of finance and serves as an inspiration for generations of financial leaders.

[sushermanoaks]

Solar Unlimited is a solar installation company in Sherman Oaks that provides the latest and most innovative solar panels. We are dedicated to being the best in the industry, and they have been installing solar panels for many years. Solar Unlimited Sherman Oaks offers a wide range of services for all types of customers, including home owners, commercial property owners and businesses.

Solar Unlimited Sherman Oaks 15060 Ventura Blvd, Sherman Oaks, CA 91403 818-843-1633

My Official Website:- https://solarunlimited.com/solar-panel-sherman-oaks/ Google Plus Listing:- https://maps.google.com/maps?cid=13307605373837822872

Service We Offer:-

solar panel system solar repairs solar panel installation

Follow Us On:-

Twitter:- https://twitter.com/SolarOaks Pinterest:- https://www.pinterest.com/SolarUnlimitedShermanOaksCA/ Instagram:- https://www.instagram.com/solarshermanoaks/

[topnotchelectrician01]

Electrician In Sherman, Texas  | Top Notch Electrician

Whether you own a commercial building or a residential home in Frisco or the surrounding areas, you may eventually need a qualified electrician to resolve an issue for you, and Top Notch Electrician is ready to help. We have references available as a testament to our high-quality work and will answer any of your questions about our services in a straightforward manner.

Read More:-https://topnotchelectrician.com/sherman-electrician/

[guerrerense]

UP 4014 Big Boy por Tim and Renda Por Flickr: Louisiana Trip August 19-23, 2021 The Great 4014 Train Chase Keeping his eyes on the rails, Ed Dickens, senior manager of the Union Pacific Heritage Operations hangs out the locomotive's window while maintaining control of the 604 ton iron horse, UP Big Boy 4014. The 4014 is one of 25 Big Boy class locomotives built by the American Locomotive Company (ALCO) for the Union Pacific Railroad from 1941 to 1948. The simple articulated 4-8-8-4 steam locomotive has the longest engine body of any reciprocating steam locomotive at 132 feet long, It was the second-heaviest steam locomotive ever built, weighing in with a total weight (Locomotive Tender combined) at 599 tons. The Big Boy locomotives were built to haul freight over the Wasatch mountains between Ogden, Utah and Green River, Wyoming. In the late 1940s, they were reassigned to Cheyenne, Wyoming, where they hauled freight over Sherman Hill to Laramie, Wyoming. With the shift to diesel-electric power by most railroads, the reign of the Big Boy was coming to an end. The last revenue train hauled by a Big Boy ended its run early in the morning on July 21, 1959. Most were placed in storage and only four remained in operational condition at Green River, Wyoming until 1962. Only 8 Big Boys survived and placed in museums throughout the United States. ALCO built the 4014 in November 1941 and delivered to Union Pacific the following month. The 4014 traveled 1,031,205 miles during its twenty years of revenue service. No. 4014 completed its final revenue run on July 21, 1959, just hours before the last revenue run by any Big Boy. Union Pacific retired 4014 on December 7, 1961 and soon afterwards the railroad donated the locomotive to the Southern California chapter of the Railway and Locomotive Historical Society in Pomona, California. In 2012, Union Pacific officials announced that they would obtain a Big Boy locomotive, restore it to operating condition, and use it in excursion service. The 4014 was chosen and Southern California chapter of the Railway and Locomotive Historical Society agreed to transfer ownership of No. 4014 back to Union Pacific on July 23, 2013. On November 14, 2013 the 4014 was pulled from the museum's grounds to began the long journey to UP's steam shop in Cheyenne, Wyoming, arriving on May 8, 2014. On May 1, 2019, the 4014 moved under it's own power for the first time in more than 59 years. Louisiana 3219 at Louisiana Highway 18, in the Moonshine Community, St. James Parish, Louisiana. 11:39 AM, August 20, 2021. P2021-0820T113935 Canon EOS Rebel T6i Last update 9/30/2021, 7:56 PM

[beardedmrbean]

The husband suspected of killing his wife and then himself outside a Jehovah’s Witnesses worship hall on Christmas Day previously pledged to kill his wife and shoot a union representative after he was fired from his job as an electrician in 2021, his former employer alleged in court filings.

Thornton police say either Enoch Apodaca, 46, or his wife, Melissa Martinez, 44, threw three pipe bomb-style devices through a window of the Thornton worship building Sunday before Apodaca fatally shot his wife and then himself.

The Adams County Sheriff’s Office bomb squad also responded that day to the IBEW Local Union 68 building in North Washington as well as to an address that matched Apodaca’s home in the High View Mobile Home Community mobile home park in Westminster to check for explosive devices, an agency spokesperson, Sgt. Adam Sherman, said.

It was not immediately clear what was found. A Local 68 union representative declined comment when contacted Tuesday, and Thornton police did not return requests for more information.

In 2021, Apodaca told a union representative at the “Local 68” that he would shoot the representative, Apodaca’s wife, and then “will come after the people responsible” for firing him, according to an application for a civil protection order filed in December 2021 by a representative of Apodaca’s former employer, Sturgeon Electric Company Inc.

A company representative at the time wrote that Apodaca had been fired in June 2021. The temporary protection order application does not say why Apodaca was fired.

It was not clear from court records whether the request for a protection order was granted, but the incident raises questions about Apodaca’s behavior before Christmas Day, when authorities believe he and Martinez went to Kingdom Hall at 951 Milky Way and one of them threw the pipe bomb-style devices into the building, which was empty but for one person. The devices did not explode, police said.

The married couple were former members of the Jehovah Witnesses’ congregation, Thornton police have said.

Sturgeon representatives could not immediately be reached. Family members of Apodaca and Martinez either could not be reached or declined to comment. The dead couple were identified Wednesday by the Office of the Coroner of Adams and Broomfield Counties.

Colorado Bureau of Investigation records show Apodaca was arrested in 2003 on a felony theft charge. The case was ultimately dismissed by the district attorney’s office. Court records detailing the case were not immediately available.