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fuyonggu · 4 years ago

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Cao Jiong’s “Discourse on the Six Dynasties”

This essay appears in the Wenxuan or Literary Selections, in Chapter 52, the second chapter on Discourses.

Cao Jiong was a distant relative of the Wei royal family; he was two generations senior to Cao Fang, so he may have been a cousin to Cao Pi. We are told that he did not attach his own name to this essay, but claimed it was the work of Cao Zhi, who had an established reputation as a literary genius; the true author was only cleared up during the early Jin dynasty, when Cao Zhi's son confirmed that Cao Jiong and not his father had written it. Since Cao Jiong mentions in the essay that the Wei dynasty had existed for "twenty-four years" by then, he probably wrote it in 244 or 245.

It was the policy during the Wei dynasty for members of the royal clan other than the Emperor and the Crown Prince to be kept entirely from power. Although many of them were granted nominal titles and fiefs, they wielded no real power or influence and were kept under strict supervision by the court. In this essay, Cao Jiong argues forcefully against this policy. Drawing upon numerous historical examples, he makes the case for greatly empowering the imperial clan to provide greater security in the realm and ensure that the Emperor and his immediate family will be safe from rebellion and usurpation. Since at the time he wrote this, the reigning Emperor, Cao Fang, was still a young child, the real target of the essay was one of Cao Fang's regents, Cao Shuang, who was the de facto ruler. However, Cao Shuang did nothing to follow the advice presented here, and the imperial clan remained powerless to prevent the coup of Sima Yi a few years later and the gradually usurpation of the Sima clan that ultimately led to the end of Wei.

Yet Cao Jiong had not written this essay in vain, for ironically, it found a ready audience in the form of the founding ruler of the subsequent Jin dynasty, Sima Yan or Emperor Wu. The many historical examples were only further bolstered by the immediate example of the fate of Wei, which had indeed been powerless to stop Emperor Wu's ancestors from seizing the throne. Determined not to make the same mistake, Emperor Wu went far in the other direction: he greatly empowered a large number of his own relatives and entrusted them with civil authority and control of military forces. Initially, the policy was a success: it prevented the attempted usurpations of the father of Emperor Wu's wife, Yang Jun, of his son's wife, Jia Nanfeng, and of his uncle, Sima Lun. Yet in the end, Emperor Wu's policy was one of many factors that led to the civil strife of the War of the Eight Princes, when a great number of the Princes fought for control of the realm. Perhaps one bright spot was that one of the Princes, Sima Rui or Emperor Yuan, was still able to refound a diminished version of Jin in the south afterwards.

A shorter version of this post without source text or notes is available here.

六代論曹元首

Discourse on the Six Dynasties

By Cao Yuanshou

〈論夏、殷、周、秦、漢、魏也。〉〈魏氏春秋曰：曹冏，字元首，少帝族祖也。是時，天子幼稚，冏冀以此論感悟曹爽，爽不能納，為弘農太守。少帝，齊王芳也。〉

(These "six dynasties" were Xia, Yin (Shang), Zhou, Qin, Han, and Cao-Wei.

The Annals of the Clans of Cao-Wei states, "Cao Jiong, styled Yuanshou, was a kinsman of the Young Emperor, two generations his senior." The Young Emperor was the Prince of Qi (Cao Fang).

At the time that Cao Jiong wrote this discourse, the Son of Heaven was still young and tender, and Cao Shuang was in control of the government. Cao Jiong hoped that the arguments he set forward here would move Cao Shuang and awaken him to the seriousness of the situation. But Cao Shuang could not follow Cao Jiong's advice, and instead he sent him away to serve as Administrator of Hongnong.)

昔夏殷周之歷世數十，而秦二世而亡。何則？三代之君與天下共其民，故天下同其憂；秦王獨制其民，故傾危而莫救。夫與人共其樂者，人必憂其憂；與人同其安者，人必拯其危。先王知獨治之不能久也，故與人共治之；知獨守之不能固也，故與人共守之。兼親疏而兩用，參同異而並進。是以輕重足以相鎮，親疏足以相衛，并兼路塞，逆節不生。及其衰也，桓文帥禮；苞茅不貢，齊師伐楚；宋不城周，晉戮其宰。王綱弛而復張，諸侯傲而復肅。二霸之後，寖以陵遲。吳楚憑江，負固方城，雖心希九鼎，而畏迫宗姬，姦情散於胸懷，逆謀消於脣吻，斯豈非信重親戚，任用賢能，枝葉碩茂，本根賴之與？

Among the dynasties of ancient times, Xia, Yin (Shang), and Zhou each lasted for dozens of generations, while Qin perished after only two. Why was this? Because the lords of those three dynasties shared control of the people of the realm, thus the lords of the realm saw the sovereign's concerns as their own concerns, while the kings of Qin monopolized control of the people, thus in times of danger and distress no one was willing to come to their aid. Those with whom you share your joys will likewise sympathize with your sorrows; those you make your peers in peace will be your saviors when danger comes. The ancient kings knew that the sovereign who reigned alone could not ensure an orderly realm for long, thus they shared power with others in order to obtain stability; they knew that the ruler who defended the realm alone could not guard it forever, thus they shared responsibility with others in order to attain security. Both their intimate relatives and their distant kinfolk were employed; both members of their clan and outsiders from other surnames were advanced. Those of more or less power worked together to protect each other; those of the same or different blood acted in concert to shield one another. There were neither instances of "total annexation", nor were "traitorous impulses" allowed to fester.

Even when the Zhou dynasty was in decline, Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin still treated the King with respect and acted on his behalf. When the state of Chu refused to present its tribute of grass and thatch to the King, the state of Qi led an army to punish them; when the state of Song refused to help build walls around the King's capital at Chengzhou (Luoyang), the state of Jin executed their minister. Though the King's laws became lax and loose for a time, they were once again enforced; though the feudal lords become arrogant for a season, they were once more reverent.

It was said that "after the age of these two Hegemons (Dukes Huan and Wen), the feudal lords became boorish and remiss". Indeed, the states of Wu and Chu were defiant, trusting in the Yangzi to be their bulwark and the stout square walls of their cities to be their rampart. Yet though in their hearts they sought to "inquire after the Nine Tripods" (as though they had more right to dominion than the King), even then they feared to go so far as to outright threaten or oppress the royal clan. Wicked feelings scattered in the breast; treasonous plots died on the lips. Was it not because the King had trusted and empowered his kinfolk and relatives and employed and used the worthy and able? Don't the branches and the leaves grow great and luxurious because the roots and the stem depend upon them?

〈紀年曰：凡夏自禹以至于桀，十七王。殷自成湯滅夏以至于受，二十九王。大戴禮曰：殷為天子二十餘世，而周受之。周為天子三十餘世，而秦受之。秦為天子，二世而亡，何﹖殷周有道而長，秦無道而暴也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：孝宣帝稱曰：與我共此者，其唯良二千石乎？〉〈班固漢書贊曰：昔周盛，則周、召相，其治致刑措，衰則五伯扶其弱，與共守之。〉〈賈誼過秦曰：秦并兼諸侯山東三十郡。漢書，主父偃說上曰：今以法割削諸侯，則逆節萌起。〉〈齊桓、晉文。〉〈左氏傳曰：齊侯伐楚，楚子使與師言曰：不虞君之涉吾地，何故？管仲對曰：爾貢苞茅不入，王祭不共，無以縮酒，寡人是徵。又曰：晉魏舒合諸侯之大夫于翟泉，將以城成周，宋仲幾不受功，曰：滕、薛、郳，吾役也，為宋役亦職也。士伯怒曰：必以仲幾為戮。乃執仲幾歸諸京師。〉〈漢書曰：二霸之後，寖以陵遲。〉〈左氏傳，屈完對齊侯曰：楚國方城以為城，漢水以為池。又曰：楚子觀兵于周疆，問鼎之大小輕重焉，王孫滿對曰：周德雖衰，天命未改，鼎之輕重，未可問也。〉〈班固漢書述曰：公族蕃滋，枝葉碩茂。〉

(According to the historical records, the Xia dynasty had seventeen kings, from Yu the Great to Jie; the Yin (Shang) dynasty had twenty-nine kings, from Cheng Tang and his conquest of Xia down to their surrender of the Mandate of Heaven. The Book of Rites of Master Dai states, "The lords of Yin (Shang) were Sons of Heaven for more than twenty reigns, before Zhou inherited the Mandate from them; the lords of Zhou were Sons of Heaven for more than thirty reigns before they too surrendered the right. But Qin ruled for only two reigns before it fell. Why was this? Because Yin and Shang ruled with principle, thus they long endured; Qin ruled without principle, and so it was destroyed."

In the Book of Han's Biographies of Upright Officials, Emperor Xuan is quoted as saying, "The reason why the people are able to tend to their fields in peace and have no mournful lamentations or hearts filled with hatred is because of good governance and careful examination. I do not rule alone; it is the Administrators of the commandaries and the other Two Thousand Bushel salary officials who do the ruling with me."

In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of the Feudal Lords, Ban Gu remarks, "When the Zhou dynasty was ascendant, the Dukes of Zhou and Shao served as chief ministers, and they governed so well that punishments were greatly reduced; when the Zhou dynasty was in decline, the Five Lords (the Five Hegemons) aided the young rulers and shared the governance of the realm with them."

Cao Jiong uses the expressions "total annexation" and "traitorous impulses". The first of these quotes from Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin: "Qin totally annexed the lands of the feudal lords east of the mountains and organized their former domains into thirty commandaries." The second quotes from a petition from Zhufu Yan to Emperor Wu of Han: "Now is the time to use the law to cut the lands of the feudal lords down to size, so that no traitorous impulses may arise."

Cao Jiong refers to "Huan and Wen"; he means Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin.

Regarding Chu's failure to send tribute, the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "When the Marquis of Qi led a campaign against Chu, the Viscount of Chu sent envoys to speak to the Qi commander and ask, 'Just what has caused you to trespass on our lands?' Guan Zhong told them, 'You have failed to send in your tribute of grass and thatch, causing the King's sacrificial offerings to be insufficient and the royal wine to be lacking. Thus we are punishing you.'"

Regarding Song's failure to build the walls of Chengzhou, the same source states, "Jin, Wei, and Shu assembled the chief ministers of the feudal lords at Diquan, planning to build the walls of the King's capital at Chengzhou. But Zhongji of Song, who felt that Song would gain no merit for participating in this labor, objected, 'Has Song not already done such work at Teng, Xue, and Ni? Let that count as our share.' This angered Shi Bo of Jin, who said, 'We must slay Zhongji for this.' And they arrested Zhongji and brought him back to the capital."

Cao Jiong quotes from the Book of Han in speaking of the feudal lords becoming "boorish and remiss".

The Zuo Commentary states, "Qu Wan said to the Marquis of Qi, 'Chu perceives the square walls of their cities as their rampart and the Han River as their moat.'"

Regarding the act of "inquiring after the Nine Tripods", which were a symbol of Zhou's right to rule, the Zuo Commentary states, "The Viscount of Chu was reviewing his troops at Zhoujiang. He inquired about the size and weight of the royal Tripods. Wangsun Man told him, 'Though the virtue of Zhou may be in decline, the Mandate of Heaven has not passed from them. The weight of the Tripods is not for you to ask about.'")

自此之後，轉相攻伐。吳并於越，晉分為三，魯滅於楚，鄭兼於韓。暨乎戰國，諸姬微矣，唯燕衛獨存。然皆弱小，西迫強秦，南畏齊、楚，救於滅亡，匪遑相卹。至於王赧，降為庶人，猶枝幹相持，得居虛位。海內無主，四十餘年。秦據勢勝之地，騁譎詐之術，征伐關東，蠶食九國。至於始皇，乃定天位。曠日若彼，用力若此，豈非深根固蔕，不拔之道乎？易曰：「其亡其亡，繫于苞桑。」周德其可謂當之矣。

But from that time on, incessant fighting broke out between the states. Wu was taken over by Yue, and Jin split into three; Lu was conquered by Chu, and Zheng was annexed into Hann. Although originally most of the families of the feudal lords had come from the royal Ji family, by the time of the Warring States era, most of these royal relatives were long gone, and only in the states of Yan and Wey did they still rule. What was left of the King's domain was small and pathetic, threatened by powerful Qin to the west and menaced by fearsome Qi and Chu to the south; though they sought deliverance from their destruction, there was no one left to take pity on them. And even after King Nan was deposed to become a commoner, still the branches of the state grasped at each other's power, squabbling over an empty title. For more than forty years, the land within the Seas had no master.

The state of Qin occupied a powerful and influential region and was crafty at the arts of lying and deceit. Thus they were successful in their campaigns against the lords east of the mountains and were able to nibble the Nine States down to nothing. And by the time of the First Emperor, the imperial throne was once again filled. Yet when Qin employed force like this and a lack of virtue like that, how could they expect to last? In what sense did they have deep roots or a thick stem, to prevent themselves from being yanked up?

The Book of Changes states, "Though they cry 'perish, perish', he plants himself firm like a mulberry." Zhou was virtuous, and their longevity was because of it; such a verse could well describe them.

〈史記曰：越王勾踐自會稽歸，拊循其士民伐吳，大破之，吳王自殺。又曰：魏武侯、韓哀侯、趙敬侯滅晉後，而三分其地。又曰：楚考烈王伐滅魯。又曰：韓哀滅鄭，并其國。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：暨于王赧，降為庶人，用天年終，號位已絕於天下，尚猶枝葉相持，莫得居其虛位。海內無主，四十餘年也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：秦據勢勝之地，騁狙詐之兵，蠶食山東，一切取勝。賈誼過秦曰：九國之師遁逃而不敢進。〉〈尚書曰：天位艱哉。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：至始皇乃并天下。以德若彼，用力如此，其艱難也。〉〈老子曰：有國之母，可以長久，是謂深根固蔕，長生久視之道。班固漢書贊曰：所以親親賢賢，褒表功德，深根固本，為不可拔者也。〉〈周易否卦之辭也。鄭玄曰：苞，植也。否世之人，不知聖人有命，咸云其將亡矣，其將亡矣，而聖乃自繫於植桑，不亡也。王弼曰：心存將危，乃得固也。〉

(The Records of the Grand Historian mentions the destruction of the states mentioned here: "King Goujian of Yue returned from Kuaiji, then organized and led his officers and troops to campaign against Wu. He greatly routed them, and the King of Wu killed himself."

And, "Marquis Wu of Wei, Marquis Ai of Hann, and Marquis Jing of Zhao killed the descendants of the ruler of Jin, then partitioned Jin into three states."

And, "King Xiaolie of Chu campaigned against Lu and conquered it."

And, "Marquis Ai of Hann conquered Zheng and annexed its lands."

In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of the Feudal Lords, Ban Gu remarks, "After King Nan was deposed to become a commoner, so that the Heavenly calendar was ended and the royal title and position were cut off for the realm, still the branches of the state grasped at each other's power, though none of their squabbling could gain them the empty title. For more than forty years, the land within the Seas had no master."

And, "The state of Qin occupied a powerful and influential region and practiced the strategies of ambush and deceit. Thus they were were able to nibble the lands east of the mountains down to nothing and conquer all."

And, "By the time of the First Emperor, Qin had annexed all the realm. By virtue had Zhou ruled, by force had Qin; their position was indeed perilous."

And, "When the ruler treats their kin as kin and the worthy as worthy, and when they appreciate and extol the accomplished and the virtuous, then the state will be like a plant that has deep roots and a firm stem, and cannot be pulled up."

In The Faults of Qin, Jia Yi remarked, "The leaders of the Nine States shrank back and hid from Qin, not daring to advance against them."

The Book of Documents states, "What a perilous place, the Heavenly seat!"

The Daodejing states, "He who possesses the mother of the state may continue long. His case is like that (of the plant) of which we say that its roots are deep and its flower stalks firm: - this is the way to secure that its enduring life shall long be seen."

Cao Jiong quotes from the Fifth Nine Undivided verse of the Book of Changes. Zheng Xuan's commentary to that verse states, "The term 苞 means 'plant'. The ignorant people, unaware that the sage ruler still possesses the Mandate, all proclaim that the state is about to 'perish, perish'. Yet the sage ruler binds themself fast like a plant or a mulberry tree, and they perish not." Wang Bi's commentary states, "The heart is preserved though disaster looms, thus the state endures.")

秦觀周之弊，將以為以弱見奪，於是廢五等之爵，立郡縣之官，棄禮樂之教，任苛刻之政。子弟無尺寸之封，功臣無立錐之土，內無宗子以自毗輔，外無諸侯以為蕃衛。仁心不加於親戚，惠澤不流於枝葉，譬猶芟刈股肱，獨任胸腹；浮舟江海，捐棄楫櫂。觀者為之寒心，而始皇晏然，自以為關中之固，金城千里，子孫帝王萬世之業也。豈不悖哉！是時，淳于越諫曰：「臣聞殷、周之王，封子弟功臣，千有餘歲。今陛下君有海內，而子弟為匹夫，卒有田常六卿之臣，而無輔弼，何以相救？事不師古而能長久者，非所聞也。」始皇聽李斯偏說而絀其義。至身死之日，無所寄付，委天下之重於凡夫之手，託廢立之命於姦臣之口，至令趙高之徒，誅鋤宗室。胡亥少習剋薄之教，長遵凶父之業，不能改制易法，寵任兄弟，而乃師謨申商，諮謀趙高，自幽深宮，委政讒賊，身殘望夷，求為黔首，豈可得哉？遂乃郡國離心，衆庶潰叛，勝廣唱之於前，劉項斃之於後。向使始皇納淳于之策，抑李斯之��，割裂州國，分王子弟，封三代之後，報功臣之勞，土有常君，民有定主，枝葉相扶，首尾為用，雖使子孫有失道之行，時人無湯武之賢，姦謀未發，而身已屠戮，何區區之陳項，而復得措其手足哉？故漢祖奮三尺之劍，驅烏集之衆，五年之中，而成帝業。自開闢以來，其興功立勳，未有若漢祖之易者也。夫伐深根者難為功，摧枯朽者易為力，理勢然也。

When the First Emperor of Qin considered the decline of Zhou, he felt that it was the weakness of the Zhou kings that had caused them to lose power. Thus he abolished the old system of the Five Noble Titles and organized the realm into commandaries and counties instead, and he threw out the methods of teaching the people through music and ritual behavior in favor of imposing stern and harsh government. His younger relatives received not an inch of land as fief, and his accomplished ministers had not a spade of land to call their own. Within, there were no royal relatives who might assist the state, and without, there were no feudal lords who might shield the realm from harm. He did not show a benevolent heart towards his flesh and blood, nor extend any kindness towards those who might have served as his branches and leaves. He was like a person who cuts off their own arms and legs, content to live as a mere torso; he was like a ship which, before crossing a wide river or a deep ocean, throws away its oars. There were many whose hearts turned cold when considering the danger of such a situation. Yet the First Emperor remained serene, believing that the capital area of Guanzhong was such an impenetrable region, a "bastion of golden walls and a thousand li", that his descendants would rule as sovereigns for ten thousand generations. Wasn't it ridiculous?

At the time, Chunyu Yue tried to remonstrate with him. He told the First Emperor, "I have heard that the Kings of Yin and Zhou granted fiefs to their relatives and their accomplished ministers, and their dynasties lasted for more than a thousand years. Now Your Majesty has become lord of all the realm within the Seas, yet your relatives are no more than commoners. Someday our dynasty might face the same threat of usurpation as happened with Tian Chang in Qi or the Six Ministerial Clans in Jin, yet Your Majesty has not provided for any powerful subjects who might help to guide affairs in the capital; who would step in to save the royal family? I have never once heard of any state which failed to heed the teachings of the ancients in these matters and yet long endured."

But the First Emperor dismissed these principles and heeded the advice of Li Si instead. And thus, on the day of his death, there was no one to whom he could entrust the future of the state. The weighty decisions of the realm were left in the hands of a miscreant, and the power to decide who and who would not inherit the throne was left to the words of a wicked subject. People like Zhao Gao were even able to bring about the slaughter and uprooting of the royal family.

Ying Huhai (the Second Emperor) had been instructed in the teachings of severity and oppression since youth, and he honored the philosophies of violent men as an adult. Rather than change the regulations and alter the laws of his father, he continued the models of Shen Buhai and Shang Yang, he consulted and plotted with Zhao Gao, he isolated himself deep within the palace, and he entrusted the governance of the realm to slanderous bandits. When at the last he met his end at Wangyi Palace, though he begged to be spared to live as a commoner, how could he have expected anyone to show him mercy?

Thus were the commandaries and the states alienated from Qin, and the people deserted and rose against them in rebellion; Chen Sheng and Wu Guang were the first to sound the call against them, and Liu Bang and Xiang Yu buried them in the end. If only the First Emperor has accepted the advice of Chunyu Yue and rejected the words of Li Si, if he had carved up the provinces and fiefs, empowered his younger relatives as Princes, granted domains to the descendants of the three dynasties (Xia, Shang, and Zhou), and repaid the deeds of his subjects by rewarding them with their own domains! Then the regions of the realm would have had settled lords and the people familiar masters. Branches and leaves could support one another; the head and the tail could work in tandem. Even if some of the successors of the Son of Heaven went astray, there were no great heroes in those days like Tang of Shang or King Wu of Zhou; the leader of any wicked plan would have been snuffed out before anything could be done, and how could the rabble of people like Chen Sheng or Xiang Yu have gotten anywhere?

When Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang) drew his three-foot sword and led his flock of crows to war, it only took five years before he had completed his imperial enterprise. In all of history, no one was ever able to achieve such a thing as easily as he did. But it was only natural. To chop down a tree with a thick trunk is a difficult undertaking, while to smash a bunch of rotten wood is easily accomplished.

〈班固漢書贊曰：秦既稱帝，患周之敗，以為諸侯力爭，四夷交侵，以弱見奪。於是削去五等。史記，李斯奏曰：置諸侯不便。始皇於是分天下以為三十六郡，置守尉監也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：秦竊自號謂皇帝，而子弟為匹夫。內亡骨肉本根之輔，外亡尺土蕃翼之衛。莊子曰：堯、舜有天下，子孫無置錐之地。〉〈法言曰：灝灝之海，濟樓航之力也。航人無楫，如航何？通俗文：櫂，謂楫也。〉〈賈誼過秦曰：天下已定，始皇之心，以為關中之固，金城千里，子孫帝王萬世之業也。〉〈史記曰：齊簡公立田常、監止為左右相。田氏殺監止，簡公出奔。田氏執簡公于徐州，遂殺之。又曰：晉昭公卒，六卿強，公室卑。六卿謂：范氏、中行氏、智氏及趙、韓、魏也。論語，糾滑讖曰：陳滅齊，六卿分晉。尚書曰：事不師古，以克永代，匪說攸聞。〉〈史記曰：始皇崩，趙高乃與胡亥，丞相李斯陰破去始皇所封書賜公子扶蘇者，而更詐為丞相受始皇遺詔，立子胡亥為太子。更為書賜公子扶蘇死。〉〈史記曰：二世尊用趙高，申法令，乃行誅大臣及諸公子。春秋合誠圖曰：誅鋤民害。〉〈史記曰：趙高故常教胡亥書，及獄律令法事。史記，太史公曰：商君，其天資刻薄人也。〉〈史記，李斯上書二世曰：能明申、韓之術，而修商君之法，法修術明而天下亂者，未之聞也。應劭漢書注曰：申不害，韓昭侯相。衛公孫鞅，秦孝公相。李奇曰：法皆深刻無恩。史記曰：二世常居禁中，與趙高決事，事無大小，輒決於高。蒼頡篇曰：委，任之也。〉〈史記曰：二世齋望夷宮，欲祠涇，使使責讓趙高以盜事，高懼，乃陰與其女婿咸陽令閻樂謀易上。樂前，即謂二世曰：足下其自為計。二世曰：願得妻子為黔首。閻樂麾其兵進，二世自殺也。〉〈尚書曰：受有億兆夷人，離心離德。左氏傳曰：人逃其上曰潰。〉〈史記曰：吳廣為假王，擊秦。班固漢書贊曰：秦竊自號謂皇帝，而子弟為匹夫，吳、陳奮其白挺，劉、項隨而斃之。〉〈曾子曰：烏合之衆，初雖相歡，後必相咋也。〉〈漢書曰：高祖五年斬羽東城，即皇帝位於汜水之陽。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：漢無尺土之階，繇一劍之任，五年而成帝業，書傳所未嘗有焉。何則？古代相革皆承聖王之烈，今漢獨收孤秦之斃。鐫金石者難為功，摧枯朽者易為力，其勢然也。〉

(In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of Princes and Feudal Lords Not From The Liu Clan, Ban Gu remarked, "After the First Emperor declared himself Emperor, he dreaded the mistakes which Zhou had made that brought about their downfall. He felt that it had been the great power and strife among the feudal lords and the incursions and ravages of the barbarians which had weakened Zhou until it lost power. Thus the First Emperor abolished and did away with the system of the Five Noble Titles."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "Li Si argued that it would not be beneficial to establish feudal lords to govern the regions of the realm. So the First Emperor divided the realm into thirty-six commandaries under central control, and he appointed Administrators and Commandants to govern these commandaries."

The Book of Han states, "The First Emperor of Qin presumed to call himself Emperor, yet his relatives were nothing more than commoners. Within, no members of his flesh and blood were empowered to guide the capital region; without, not an inch of ground was granted to relatives who might have defended the borders."

The Zhuangzi states, "Yao and Shun possessed the whole realm, yet their descendants had not a spade of land as their own."

Yang Xiong's Exemplary Sayings states, "To cross the vast ocean, one needs the strength of a large storied boat. But if the boatmen have no oars, how will they drive it?"

The Tongsuwen states, "The term 櫂 means 'oar'."

Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin states, "After the realm was settled, in his heart the First Emperor believed that Guanzhong was such an impenetrable region, a bastion of golden walls and a thousand li, that his descendants would rule as sovereigns for ten thousand generations."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "During the reign of Duke Jian of Qi, Tian Chang and Jian Zhi served as his Chancellors of the Left and Right. The Tian clan killed Jian Zhi, and Duke Jian fled the state. The Tian clan captured Duke Jian at Xuzhou and killed him."

And, "After Duke Zhao of Jin passed away, the Six Ministerial Clans of Jin were powerful while the Duke's family was weak. These Six Clans were the Fan, Zhongxing, Zhi, Zhao, Hann, and Wei clans." The Annotations to the Analects states, "Chen was conquered by Qi, and the Six Ministerial Clans fragmented Jin among themselves."

The Book of Documents states, "That the affairs of one, not making the ancients his masters, can be perpetuated for generations, is what I have not heard."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "When the First Emperor passed away, Zhao Gao, Ying Huhai, and the Prime Minister, Li Si, plotted together. They destroyed the will that the First Emperor had left behind, which appointed his son Ying Fusu as his successor, and instead forged a will that the First Emperor had supposedly left to Li Si, proclaiming Ying Huhai as the Crown Prince instead. Then they sent Ying Fusu a letter commanding him to kill himself."

And, "The Second Emperor honored and employed Zhao Gao and followed his thinking and advice, thus he had the great ministers and the other princes all put to death."

And, "Zhao Gao had often instructed Ying Huhai from Legalist texts, and so the Second Emperor imposed incarceration, investigations, and harsh laws."

And, "Li Si sent a letter to the Second Emperor, writing, 'I have never heard of an instance where the ruler was able to make clear the principles of Shen Buhai and Han Fei and practice the laws of Lord Shang (Shang Yang) and yet the realm fell into disorder."

And, "The Second Emperor often secluded himself within the palace; he entrusted affairs to Zhao Gao, who decided everything, no matter how great or small." The text Cangxiepian states, "The term 委 'entrust' means 'to grant a role to'."

And, "When the Second Emperor traveled to Wangyi Palace, planning to offer sacrifices to the Jing River there, he sent agents to rebuke and chastise Zhao Gao for having failed to deal with the rebellions in the realm. Zhao Gao feared for his life. So he secretly plotted with the Prefect of Xianyang, his son-in-law Yan Yue, to depose the Second Emperor. When Yan Yue stood before the Second Emperor, he told him, 'You had better take responsibility.' The Second Emperor begged, 'I am willing to live with my wife and children as mere commoners.' But Yan Yue still ordered his soldiers to advance, so the Second Emperor killed himself."

And, "Wu Guang was appointed as Acting King, and he attacked Qin."

Ying Shao's Annotations to the Book of Han states, "Shen Buhai was the Chancellor of Marquis Zhao of Hann. Gongsun Yang of Wey (Shang Yang) was the Chancellor of Duke Xiao of Qin." Li Qi remarked, "Legalism was a philosophy of strict harshness without pity."

The Hexiantu commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals has the phrase, "They slaughtered and uprooted the people, doing them harm."

Sima Qian's commentary of Shang Yang states, "He was a harsh and meager man by nature."

The Book of Documents states, "Though Shou has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, they are divided in heart and divided in practice."

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "When people abandon their sovereign, they 潰 'desert' him."

The Book of Han states, "Wu Guang and Chen Sheng rose their white lances against Qin, and Liu Bang and Xiang Yu came after to complete Qin's destruction."

Cao Xiong describes Liu Bang's army as 烏集之衆 "a flock of crows". Zengzi states, "A flock of crows are glad to assemble at first, but eventually they will peck at each other."

The Book of Han states, "In the fifth year of his reign (202 BC), Liu Bang took Xiang Yu's head at Dongcheng, and he declared himself Emperor on the north side of the Si River."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "Liu Bang was originally just one man with a sword, without an inch of land to serve as his foundation. Yet within five years, he had completed his imperial enterprise. The histories and traditions had no precedent for such a thing. How was this possible? Because the ancient dynasties had all endured by preserving the spirit of the sage kings, while Han only needed to deal with the wreckage of the isolated Qin dynasty. It is a difficult thing to cut your way through metal or stone, but simple enough to force your way through rotten wood, which is only natural.")

漢鑒秦之失，封植子弟。及諸呂擅權，圖危劉氏，而天下所以不能傾動，百姓所以不易心者，徒以諸侯強大，盤石膠固，東牟朱虛授命於內，齊代吳楚作衛於外故也。向使高祖踵亡秦之法，忽先王之制，則天下已傳，非劉氏有也。然高祖封建，地過古制，大者跨州兼域，小者連城數十，上下無別，權侔京室，故有吳楚七國之患。賈誼曰：「諸侯強盛，長亂起姦。夫欲天下之治安，莫若衆建諸侯而少其力。令海內之勢，若身之使臂，臂之使指，則下無背叛之心，上無誅伐之事。」文帝不從。至於孝景猥用朝錯之計，削黜諸侯。親者怨恨，疏者震恐，吳楚唱謀，五國從風。兆發高祖，釁成文景，由寬之過制，急之不漸故也。所謂末大必折，尾大難掉。尾同於體，猶或不從，況乎非體之尾，其可掉哉？

Gaozu reflected upon Qin's mistakes, and he granted fiefs to his younger relatives. Thus when the clan of Empress Lü Zhi monopolized power in the capital and plotted to seize control from the Liu clan, the reason why the realm did not support them or the common people lose faith in the dynasty was because the feudal lords were great and powerful and the foundation of the dynasty was firm and deep. The Marquis of Dongmou (Liu Xingju) and the Marquis of Zhuxu (Liu Zhang) upheld the dynasty from within the capital, while the Princes of Qi (Liu Xiang), Dai, Wu, and Chu acted as guardians without. If Gaozu had followed in the footsteps of Qin and forgotten the systems of the ancient kings, then the realm would have passed from their hands then and there, and the Liu clan would have been supplanted.

Yet in his granting of fiefs and domains, Gaozu went beyond what the ancient kings had done. The greatest of the Princes had territories that straddled provinces and combined regions, while the lesser ones still controlled dozens of cities. There was no distinction between the Emperor and the Princes, for they wielded power on par with that of the royal family. This was what led to the Rebellion of the Seven Princes, Wu and Chu foremost among them. Jia Yi tried to warn of the impending danger, saying, "The feudal lords have become too strong and prosperous, and if the situation continues, turmoil will arise. For those who wish to ensure peace and order in the realm, there can be no greater policy than to multiply the number of the feudal lords while diminishing the power of each one. For when the spread of power within the Seas is like the relation of the arms to the body, or of the fingers to the arms, only then will those below lack hearts of treason or rebellion and those above lack any need to attack or punish the lords." Yet Emperor Wen did not listen to his advice, and his successor Emperor Jing rashly heeded Chao Cuo's plan to directly strip territory from the feudal lords; this only brought about anger and resentment among the close relatives and fear and trembling among the distant ones, and when the Princes of Wu and Chu sounded their call of rebellion, the other five Princes joined them.

What was sown during the reign of Gaozu reached fruition during the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing; fiefs and domains were granted more generously than had been the case in ancient times, and the attempted solution was too hasty. When the tip is too large, it breaks off; when the tail is too big, it is difficult to move. Even when the tail is proportional to the body, sometimes it is still difficult to make it move; how much more does this apply when the tail has grown beyond all reason?

〈漢書，太后崩，上將軍呂祿、相國呂產專兵秉政，謀作亂。賈逵國語注曰：權，秉，即柄字也。〉〈漢書，宋昌曰：高帝王子弟，所謂盤石之宗也。莊子曰：待膠漆而固者，是侵其德者也。范曄後漢書曰：鄭泰曰，以膠固之衆，當解合之勢。〉〈漢書，宋昌曰：諸呂擅權專制，太尉卒以滅之。內有朱虛、東牟之親，外畏吳、楚、齊、代之強。又曰：齊悼惠王肥，高祖六年立。又曰：齊悼惠王子章，高后封為朱虛侯。章弟興居為東牟侯。〉〈王逸楚辭注曰：踵，繼也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：漢興，懲戒亡秦孤立之敗，於是封王子弟，大者跨州兼郡，小者連城數十，宮室百官，制同京師。〉〈漢書賈誼上疏之文。〉〈漢書曰：朝錯數言吳過可削，文帝寬不忍罰。及景帝即位，錯曰：高帝初定天下，諸子弱，故大封同姓。今吳謀作亂逆，削之亦反，不削亦反。於是方議削吳。吳王恐，因欲發謀舉事。諸侯既新削罰，震恐，多怨錯。及吳先起兵，膠西、膠東、淄川、濟南、楚、趙亦皆反。猥，曲也。〉〈左氏傳，楚子問於申無宇曰：國有大城，何如？對曰：末大必折，尾大不掉，君所知也。杜預曰：折，折其本也。〉

(According to the Book of Han, after Empress Lü Zhi passed away, the Supreme General, Lü Lu, and the Chancellor of State, Lü Chan, assembled troops and monopolized power, plotting to usurp control of the state.

Jia Kui's Annotations to the Discourses of the States states, "Power and authority are the handles of the state."

In the Book of Han, Song Chang remarked, "Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) made Princes of his younger relatives, forming a rock out of the royal clan. The Lü clan monopolized power and wielded authority, but in the end the Grand Commandant (Zhou Bo) was able to purge them. Within, there were the imperial relatives, the Marquises of Zhuxu and Dongmou, and without there were the powerful Princes of Wu, Chu, Qi, and Dai, whom the Lü clan feared."

The Zhuangzi states, "In employing glue and varnish to make things firm, you must violently interfere with their qualities."

In Fan Ye's Book of Later Han, Zheng Tai states, "A host bound by glue and varnish will disperse a force hastily assembled."

According to the Book of Han, the first Prince of Qi was Prince Daohui of Qi, Liu Fei, appointed in the sixth year of Liu Bang's reign (201 BC). Two of his sons were Liu Zhang and Liu Xingju, whom Empress Lü Zhi appointed as Marquis of Zhuxu and Marquis of Dongmou.

Wang Yi's Annotations to the Songs of Chu states, "To 踵 'follow in the footsteps' means 'to continue'."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "When the Han dynasty began, they sought to take warning from Qin's downfall, brought about from the isolation of its rulers. So they made Princes of younger relatives. The greatest of the Princes had territories that straddled provinces and combined regions, while the lesser ones still controlled dozens of cities, and their palaces, estates, and ministries all used the same systems as those employed at the imperial capital."

Cao Jiong quotes from Jia Yi's petition to Emperor Wen as it appears in the Book of Han.

The Book of Han states, "Chao Cuo often advised Emperor Wen that the Prince of Wu had committed sufficient offenses to justify carving off part of his territory. But Emperor Wen was tolerant and could not bear to charge the Prince of Wu with any crimes. After Emperor Jing came to the throne, Chao Cuo told him, 'When Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) first settled the realm, his own sons were still young and tender, thus he granted great fiefs to other members of his clan. But by now, the Prince of Wu is plotting to commit treason and cause chaos. He is going to rebel whether you carve off part of his domain or not.' Thus Emperor Jing began discussing taking away some of the Prince of Wu's land. The Prince was afraid, thus he decided to carry out his plot and put his plans into motion. And some of the other Princes had also just had parts of their territory taken away as well, so they feared for their positions and many of them hated Chao Cuo. Thus when the Prince of Wu rose up, the Princes of Jiaoxi, Jiaodong, Zaichuan, Jinan, Chu, and Zhao rebelled as well." The term 猥 means "crooked".

In the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, the Viscount of Chu asks Shen Wuyu, "If the state has large cities, what trouble is it?" Shen Wuyu told him, "Great branches are sure to break the roots; a great tail cannot be moved about. You know these things." Du Yu's Annotations to the text states, "Where Shen Wuyu says that the branches will 'break', he means they will break the roots.")

武帝從主父之策，下推恩之命。自是之後，齊分為七，趙分為六，淮南三割，梁代五分遂以陵遲，子孫微弱，衣食租稅，不豫政事，或以酎金免削，或以無後國除。至於成帝，王氏擅朝。劉向諫曰：「臣聞公族者，國之枝葉。枝葉落，則本根無所庇蔭。方今同姓疏遠，母黨專政，排擯宗室，孤弱公族，非所以保守社稷，安固國嗣也。」其言深切，多所稱引。成帝雖悲傷歎息而不能用。至乎哀平，異姓秉權，假周公之事，而為田常之亂。高拱而竊天位，一朝而臣四海，漢宗室王侯，解印釋綬，貢奉社稷，猶懼不得為臣妾，或乃為之符命，頌莽恩德，豈不哀哉！由斯言之，非宗子獨忠孝於惠文之間，而叛逆於哀平之際也，徒以權輕勢弱，不能有定耳。

Emperor Wu of Han followed the strategy of Zhufu Yan, by implementing a policy of "grace", splitting up the inheritance of the feudal lords by distributing their domains among all their sons. Thus the princely fief of Qi was split into seven parts, Zhao into six, Liang and Dai into five, and Huainan was cut into three. And in later years the feudal lords were bullied and cowed, their descendants becoming ever weaker; they only received sufficient pensions and supplies to provide for themselves, but no longer took any hand in governing their fiefs. Some had their territories reduced on charges of failing to provide sacrificial wine and gold; some had their titles abolished when they died without heirs.

By the time of Emperor Cheng, the Wang clan, imperial relatives by marriage, had taken control of court affairs. Liu Xiang remonstrated with Emperor Cheng for allowing the situation to come to such a state, saying, "I have heard that the imperial clan are the branches and leaves of the state. When the branches and leaves have fallen, then the roots and the stem no longer have any support or shade. By now, your relatives of the Liu clan are all distant and remote, while the partisans of your mother's family monopolize control and keep the royal family from power. To leave the royal clan weak and helpless is no way to preserve the altars of state or ensure the succession of the imperial line." But though Emperor Cheng was moved to grief by this plea, still he was unable to implement Liu Xiang's advice.

Thus it was that in the reigns of Emperors Ai and Ping, the Wang clan's control of the court was absolute; Wang Mang passed himself off as a wise regent like the Duke of Zhou, but in truth he was a usurper like Tian Chang. Though presenting a lofty salute, he had his eyes on the throne; in a single morning, he became master of all within the Four Seas. The princes and nobles of the imperial clan all surrendered their seals and handed over their ribbons of office to him and presented tribute to the altars of state. Yet some of them, still worried that they would not be able to save the lives of themselves and their families, went so far as to invent reports of omens approving of Wang Mang's usurpation and even sang his praises to extol his grace and virtue! Was it not pathetic?

Why did these things happen? Not because the members of the imperial clan were loyal and faithful during the reigns of Emperors Hui and Wen and traitors and opportunists during the era of Emperors Ai and Ping, but simply because their power and influence had grown so weak and useless that they no longer had any hopes of securing their positions.

〈漢書，主父偃說上曰：今諸侯或連城數十，願陛下令諸侯，得推恩分子弟，以地侯之，彼人人喜得所願，上以德施，實分其國，必稍自銷弱矣。上從其計。又，班固贊曰：武帝施主父之策，下推恩之令，使諸侯得分戶邑以封子弟，不行黜陟而國自析。自是齊分為七，趙分為六，梁分為五，淮南分為三也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：景帝遭七國之難，抑損諸侯，諸侯唯得衣食租稅，不與政事。〉〈漢書曰：列侯坐獻黃金酎祭宗廟，不如法奪爵者百六人。漢儀注，王子為侯，侯歲以戶口酎黃金於漢廟，皇帝臨受獻金助祭。大祀曰飲酎，飲酎受金，小不如斤兩色惡者，王削縣，侯免國。漢書曰：趙哀王福薨，無子，國除。〉〈漢書劉向上疏之文。〉〈漢書曰：成帝即位，向數上疏，言得失，陳法戒。書數十上，以助觀覽，補遺闕。上雖不能盡用，然嘉其言，常嗟嘆之。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：至哀、平之際，王莽知中外殫微，因母后之權，假伊、周之稱，詐謀既成，遂據南面之尊。漢諸侯王厥角稽首，奉上璽韍，唯恐在後，或乃稱美頌德，以求容媚，豈不哀哉！��常篡齊，已見上文。漢書曰：王莽廢漢藩王。廣陵王嘉獻符命，封扶策侯。又曰：郚鄉侯閔以莽篡位，獻神書言莽，得封列侯。郚音吾。〉

(In the Book of Han, Zhufu Yan advises Emperor Wu, "These days, some of the feudal lords control dozens of cities. I implore Your Majesty to issue an edict concerning the feudal lords, saying that you are going to advance the cause of good grace by distributing the inheritance among all the sons and granting each of them a fief to hold as a marquis. Then each of the sons will be pleased to accept what you offer, and you will gain a reputation for virtue. In truth, you will be splitting up the overlarge fiefs, which will weaken of their own accord." And Emperor Wu followed his strategy. In his commentary, Ban Gu remarked, "Emperor Wu implemented Zhufu Yan's plan, advancing the cause of 'grace', and commanding the feudal lords to divide their inheritances among their sons so that each would hold a title. Thus, without having to take direct action to demote or disturb any existing titles, the great fiefs broke up off their own accords. Qi was split into seven fiefs, Zhao into six, Liang into five, and Huainan into three."

And, "After Emperor Jing experienced the Rebellion of the Seven Princes, the feudal lords had their powers stripped away; they received only sufficient pensions and supplies to sustain themselves, but no longer had any role in governing their fiefs."

Regarding the tribute of sacrificial wine and gold, the Book of Han states, "The nobles had the duty of presenting gold and wine for use in sacrifices at the clan temple in the capital. A hundred and six of them were charged with having failed to fulfill this duty. According to Han traditions, the sons of Princes who did not inherit their father's title were appointed as Marquises, and they had the duty of presenting annual tributes to the capital of population registers, sacrificial wine, and gold for the ancestral temple which the Emperor would come to receive and to use to assist with the sacrifices. The great sacrifices were called the 'consumption of sacrificial wine', at which the gold was presented. If a noble failed to provide the minimum of at least two catties of gold, they would have their fief reduced if a Prince or their title abolished if a Marquis."

And, "When Prince Ai of Zhao, Liu Fu, died without heirs, his fief was abolished."

Cao Jiong quotes from Liu Xiang's petition as it appears in the Book of Han. The Book of Han states, "After Emperor Cheng rose to the throne, Liu Xiang sent him several petitions speaking of his gains and losses and explaining laws and warnings. He sent dozens of these letters to help Emperor Cheng realize and reflect upon the situation and to help amend his faults. Although Emperor Cheng was unable to follow all of Liu Xiang's advice, he still praised his words and often sighed in admiration of them."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "By the age of Emperors Ai and Ping, Wang Mang knew that everyone both within the court and out in the provinces were too weak and powerless to oppose him, and he had the Empress Dowager's influence to count on. He pretended to be another Yi Yin or Duke of Zhou, all the while plotting for his designs to reach fruition so that he could face south as a sovereign and rule the realm in his own name. Han's princes and nobles all bared their heads and kowtowed to him, presenting him their seals on their knees, and some of them, fearing lest their descendants might even yet be endangered, went so far as to sing Wang Mang's praises in odes in order to curry his favor and flatter him. Was it not pathetic?"

The incident of Tian Chang usurping the state of Qi was already mentioned above.

The Book of Han states, "After Wang Mang stripped the Han princes of their titles, one of them, the Prince of Guangling, Liu Jia, presented reports of favorable omens to Wang Mang, for which he was appointed as the Marquis of Fuce ('Marquis Who Presents The Omens')."

And, "After Wang Mang usurped the throne, the Marquis of Wuxiang, Liu Min, presented him with a letter of supposedly divine approval. He was appointed as a minor marquis.")

賴光武皇帝挺不世之姿，禽王莽於已成，紹漢祀於既絕，斯豈非宗子之力耶？而曾不鑒秦之失策，襲周之舊制，踵亡國之法，而僥倖無疆之期。至於桓靈，奄竪執衡，朝無死難之臣，外無同憂之國，君孤立於上，臣弄權於下，本末不能相御，身手不能相使。由是天下鼎沸，姦凶並爭，宗廟焚為灰燼，宮室變為蓁藪。居九州之地，而身無所安處，悲夫！

It was thanks to Emperor Guangwu's peerless character and abilities that he was able to destroy the dynasty that Wang Mang had already put into place and restore the severed lineage of the Han dynasty. How else to explain this feat except that it was the work of a scion of the royal clan? Yet Emperor Guangwu failed to reflect upon the mistaken policies which had brought about Qin's downfall or to return to the old system as practiced by Zhou. Thus he trod the path of a doomed state, and he was fortunate that there was no trouble during his own reign.

But by the time of Emperors Huan and Ling, eunuchs manipulated the levers of authority. In the court, there were no servants willing to risk death for the sake of the state, and in the provinces, there were no subjects who saw the interests of the royal family as their own. Above, the sovereign stood alone, while below, his ministers grasped for power. The roots and the branches were unable to work in conjunction; the body and the hands could not help one another. Thus the realm descended into chaos like a roiling cauldron, and villains and wastrels sprang up on every side; the ancestral temples of the imperial clan were burned to ashes, and the palaces became overgrown with weeds and grasses. In all the Nine Provinces (the whole realm) there was not a single place of peace or safety. Was it not lamentable?

〈杜篤論都賦曰：于時聖帝，兼不世之姿。〉〈范曄後漢書曰：桓帝立，曹騰以定策功，遷大長秋。又曰：靈帝時，大將軍竇武謀誅中官，曹節矯詔誅武等。鄭玄尚書注曰：稱上曰衡。〉〈班固漢書序曰：漢興，懲戒亡秦孤立之敗。〉〈張超牋曰：中外雲擾，萬夫鼎沸。〉〈杜預左氏傳注曰：燼，火餘木也。〉

(Du Du's Rhapsody Discussing The Capital has the verse, "The time was ripe for a sage Emperor, with peerless character and abilities."

Fan Ye's Book of Later Han states, "After Emperor Huan rose to the throne, Cao Teng was chosen as Merit Evaluator, then was transferred to be Superintendent of the Empress' Household."

And, "During the reign of Emperor Ling, the Grand General, Dou Wu, plotted to execute the palace eunuchs. But Cao Jie forged an edict commanding Dou Wu and others to be executed."

Zheng Xuan's Annotations to the Book of Documents states, "The term 衡 means 'to claim superiority'."

Ban Gu's Prelude to the Book of Han states, "During the rise of Han, they sought to take warning from and avoid the mistakes of Qin, whose isolated sovereigns were led to their downfall."

Zhang Chao's letter states, "Those within and those without were trembling with fear; the affairs of the realm were like a roiling cauldron."

Du Yu's Annotations to the Zuo Commentary states, "燼 'Ashes' are the remnants of burnt wood.")

魏太祖武皇帝，躬聖明之資，兼神武之略，恥王綱之廢絕，愍漢室之傾覆，龍飛譙沛，鳳翔兗豫，掃除凶逆，剪滅鯨鯢。迎帝西京，定都潁邑。德動天地，義感人神。漢氏奉天，禪位大魏。大魏之興，于今二十有四年矣。觀五代之存亡，而不用其長策；睹前車之傾覆，而不改其轍跡。子弟王空虛之地，君有不使之民；宗室竄於閭閻，不聞邦國之政。權均匹夫，勢齊凡庶，內無深根不拔之固，外無盤石宗盟之助，非所以安社稷為萬代之業也。且今之州牧、郡守，古之方伯、諸侯，皆跨有千里之土，兼軍武之任，或比國數人，或兄弟並據。而宗室子弟，曾無一人間廁其間，與相維持，非所以強榦弱枝，備萬一之慮也。今之用賢，或超為名都之主，或為偏師之帥。而宗室有文者必限以小縣之宰，有武者必置於百人之上，使夫廉高之士，畢志於衡軛之內，才能之人，恥與非類為伍，非所以勸進賢能，褒異宗族之禮也。

The Grand Progenitor of our Wei dynasty, Emperor Wu (Cao Cao), was a man of wise and sage character and possessed divine martial prowess and cunning. He lamented the fact that the sovereign's laws had sunk to such a pitiful state, and he pitied the dire plight of the Han royal family. Rising like a dragon from Qiao and Pei and soaring like a phoenix from Yanzhou and Yuzhou, he purged and swept away the villains and evildoers of the land, and he cut out and annihilated the behemoths and leviathans of the realm. He welcomed the Emperor's arrival from the western capital (Chang'an) and established a new capital at Yingyi (Xu). His virtue impressed Heaven and Earth, and his righteousness touched the people and the spirits. Thus the Han royal family recognized the will of Heaven and abdicated their position to the Wei dynasty.

It has now been twenty-four years since the founding of Wei. Have we not had ample time to consider the factors which led to the rise and fall of the five dynasties before ours? Yet we do not follow the policies which would ensure our longevity. We have seen the carts in front of ours topple and fall, yet we do nothing to change our course. The younger relatives of the imperial clan hold empty titles and only nominally possess their lands, and in no sense do they preside over their people; the imperial relatives only scurry about the streets and lanes, and they are given no voice in how to govern the state. Their authority is no greater than the commoners, and their influence counts for no more than the average person. Within, the state has no deep roots to fortify it against being pulled up; without, it has no foundation of relatives and friends who could help defend it. This is no policy to preserve the altars of state for ten thousand generations.

Furthermore, the Governors of provinces and the Administrators of commandaries in our times have become the modern equivalents of the Border Lords and the feudal nobles of antiquity. They hold sway over territories of a thousand li, and they wield military as well as civil authority. Some of them control regions comparable in size to princely fiefs, and in some instances brothers from the same family all hold such offices simultaneously. At the same time, not a single one of the imperial kinfolk or the younger relatives of the crown hold any position that might check the power of these local leaders or band together to guard against them. This is no way to strengthen the trunk and weaken the branches, or provide against any emergency.

Of the worthy servants of the dynasty from other families, some have reputations so great that they are household names in the capital, and some are commanders of powerful armies. Meanwhile, even those members of the imperial clan who possess civil talents are limited to positions no greater than supervisors of small counties, while even those with martial abilities lead bands of no greater than a hundred soldiers. These are honest and lofty men, and yet their ambitions can rise no higher than to bear a yoke; they are talented and capable fellows, yet they are shamed by being lumped in with those who are not their peers. This is no way to encourage and promote the worthy and able, or praise and distinguish members of the imperial clan with ceremony.

〈晉灼漢書注曰：資，材量也。〉〈魏志曰：太祖武皇帝，沛國譙人，為兗州牧。後太祖遷都於許。許屬豫州。東京賦曰：龍飛白水，鳳翔參墟。〉〈左氏傳曰：楚子曰：古者明王伐不敬，取其鯨鯢而封以為大戮。杜預曰：鯨鯢，大魚。以喻不義之人也。〉〈魏志曰：天子東遷，敗於曹陽，太祖乃遣曹洪將兵，西迎天子還雒。董昭勸太祖都許。漢書，潁川郡有許縣。〉〈晏子曰：諺曰：前車覆，後車戒也。〉〈左氏傳曰：周之宗盟，異姓為後。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：徙吏二千石於諸陵，蓋亦強榦弱枝也。〉〈衡軛，車之衡軛也。言王者之御群臣，猶人之��牛馬，故以衡軛喻焉。畢志其內，未得騁其駿足也。〉

(Jin Zhuo's Annotations to the Book of Han states, "The term 資 means 'talents and potential'."

The Annals of Emperor Wu (Cao Cao) in the Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "Taizu, Emperor Wu, was a native of Qiao county in the Pei princely fief. He served as Governor of Yanzhou. Later, he shifted the capital to Xu, which was part of Yuzhou." The Rhapsody On The Eastern Capital has the verse, "He (Cao Cao) rose like a dragon over the Bai River and soared like a phoenix amidst the ruins."

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "In ancient times, the wise kings campaigned against the disrespectful; they took these 鯨鯢 'leviathans' and buried them as the great punishment." Du Yu's Annotations states, "鯨鯢 'Leviathan' was a great fish. It was an expression meaning an unrighteous person."

The Annals of Emperor Wu states, "The Son of Heaven (Emperor Xian) came east, but was defeated at Caoyang. Cao Cao then sent Cao Hong to lead troops to escort him, and they welcomed the Son of Heaven to the west and brought him back to Luo (Luoyang). Dong Zhao urged Cao Cao to make Xu the capital." According to the Book of Han, there was a Xu county in Yingchuan commandary.

Yanzi states, "The proverb tells us, 'When the front cart topples, let the rear cart take warning.'"

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "The house of Zhou records the names of its own kin first, and those of different surnames come afterwards."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "They shifted the families of the Two Thousand Bushel salary officials to live among the various imperial tombs (in the capital region), in order to strengthen the trunk and weaken the branches."

衡軛 "Yoke" refers to the yoke of a cart. Cao Jiong was saying that princes were pulling the yokes of subjects, like an ox or a horse pulls the yoke for a human; it is an expression. And by "their ambitions can rise no higher" than this, he means they would never be able to roam free like a prized stallion.)

夫泉竭則流涸，根朽則葉枯。枝繁者蔭根，條落者本孤。故語曰：「百足之蟲。至死不僵，扶之者衆也。」此言雖小，可以譬大。且墉基不可倉卒而成，威名不可一朝而立。皆為之有漸，建之有素。譬之種樹，久則深固其根本，茂盛其枝葉。若造次徙於山林之中，植於宮闕之下，雖壅之以黑墳，暖之以春日，猶不救於枯槁，何暇繁育哉？夫樹猶親戚，土猶士民，建置不久，則輕下慢上，平居猶懼其離叛，危急將如之何？是聖王安而不逸，以慮危也；存而設備，以懼亡也。故疾風卒至，而無摧拔之憂；天下有變，而無傾危之患矣。

When the spring runs dry, it is because the groundwater has stopped flowing; when the trunk is rotten, it is because the leaves have withered. When the branches are abundant, they shelter the stem; when the twigs fall away, the trunk is left exposed. Thus it is said, "The centipede has its hundred feet; even in death, it does not collapse, for its numerous legs still keep it up." It is a little saying, but it illustrates a great principle.

Furthermore, the foundation of a stout wall cannot be laid all at once, nor can power and legitimacy be established in a single morning. In both cases, these things can be achieved only gradually and secured only over time. It is like a plant or a tree, which requires a great deal of time to grow before the roots extend deep and the trunk becomes strong, and greater still for its branches and leaves to multiply and flourish. Can someone who casts a seed among stones and thickets or beneath the palace gates expect the plant to grow fruitful and tall? Even if they surround it with blackish and rich soil and warm it by the springtime sun, they will not even be able to save it from withering. And what are the imperial relatives but trees sown by the sovereign, and what are the people but the soil which receives them? Unless the relatives be planted among them for a long time, then there will be obstinate below and disdain above. Even in peaceful times, there would still be the prospect of alienation or rebellion; how much moreso when some emergency arises?

The sage ruler does not relax during times of peace, but is always thinking of future dangers. Though their dynasty seems secure, still they make preparations to guard against threats to its destruction. Only then may they have no fear of being uprooted, though the storms and gales may blow; only then may they be assured the state will not collapse, though the realm be full of turmoil.

〈魯連子曰：百足之蟲，至斷不蹶者，持之者衆也。〉〈司馬相如諫獵書曰：此言雖小，可以喻大。〉〈文子曰：人主之有人，猶城之有基，木之有根，根深即本固，基厚即上安也。〉〈尚書曰：厥土惟黑墳。孔安國曰：色黑而墳起也。〉

(Lu Lianzi states, "The centipede has its hundred feet; even when it is severed, it does not fall down, for its numerous legs still keep it up."

Sima Xiangru likewise uses the phrase "It is a little saying, but it illustrates a great principle" in his letter to Emperor Wu of Han remonstrating against his hunting practices.

The Wenzi states, "The ruler of the people has their supporters, just as a wall has its foundation or a tree has its roots. When the roots are deep, then the trunk is sturdy; when the foundation is broad, then the wall is secure."

Cao Jiong describes the soil as 黑墳 "blackish and rich". The Book of Documents states, "The soil of this province was 黑墳." Kong Yingda's Annotations to the text states, "This meant the soil was black in color and fertile to produce growth.")

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