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fuyonggu · 5 years ago

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Cao Jiong’s “Discourse on the Six Dynasties”

This essay appears in the Wenxuan or Literary Selections, in Chapter 52, the second chapter on Discourses.

Cao Jiong was a distant relative of the Wei royal family; he was two generations senior to Cao Fang, so he may have been a cousin to Cao Pi. We are told that he did not attach his own name to this essay, but claimed it was the work of Cao Zhi, who had an established reputation as a literary genius; the true author was only cleared up during the early Jin dynasty, when Cao Zhi's son confirmed that Cao Jiong and not his father had written it. Since Cao Jiong mentions in the essay that the Wei dynasty had existed for "twenty-four years" by then, he probably wrote it in 244 or 245.

It was the policy during the Wei dynasty for members of the royal clan other than the Emperor and the Crown Prince to be kept entirely from power. Although many of them were granted nominal titles and fiefs, they wielded no real power or influence and were kept under strict supervision by the court. In this essay, Cao Jiong argues forcefully against this policy. Drawing upon numerous historical examples, he makes the case for greatly empowering the imperial clan to provide greater security in the realm and ensure that the Emperor and his immediate family will be safe from rebellion and usurpation. Since at the time he wrote this, the reigning Emperor, Cao Fang, was still a young child, the real target of the essay was one of Cao Fang's regents, Cao Shuang, who was the de facto ruler. However, Cao Shuang did nothing to follow the advice presented here, and the imperial clan remained powerless to prevent the coup of Sima Yi a few years later and the gradually usurpation of the Sima clan that ultimately led to the end of Wei.

Yet Cao Jiong had not written this essay in vain, for ironically, it found a ready audience in the form of the founding ruler of the subsequent Jin dynasty, Sima Yan or Emperor Wu. The many historical examples were only further bolstered by the immediate example of the fate of Wei, which had indeed been powerless to stop Emperor Wu's ancestors from seizing the throne. Determined not to make the same mistake, Emperor Wu went far in the other direction: he greatly empowered a large number of his own relatives and entrusted them with civil authority and control of military forces. Initially, the policy was a success: it prevented the attempted usurpations of the father of Emperor Wu's wife, Yang Jun, of his son's wife, Jia Nanfeng, and of his uncle, Sima Lun. Yet in the end, Emperor Wu's policy was one of many factors that led to the civil strife of the War of the Eight Princes, when a great number of the Princes fought for control of the realm. Perhaps one bright spot was that one of the Princes, Sima Rui or Emperor Yuan, was still able to refound a diminished version of Jin in the south afterwards.

A shorter version of this post without source text or notes is available here.

六代論曹元首

Discourse on the Six Dynasties

By Cao Yuanshou

〈論夏、殷、周、秦、漢��魏也。〉〈魏氏春秋曰：曹冏，字元首，少帝族祖也。是時，天子幼稚，冏冀以此論感悟曹爽，爽不能納，為弘農太守。少帝，齊王芳也。〉

(These "six dynasties" were Xia, Yin (Shang), Zhou, Qin, Han, and Cao-Wei.

The Annals of the Clans of Cao-Wei states, "Cao Jiong, styled Yuanshou, was a kinsman of the Young Emperor, two generations his senior." The Young Emperor was the Prince of Qi (Cao Fang).

At the time that Cao Jiong wrote this discourse, the Son of Heaven was still young and tender, and Cao Shuang was in control of the government. Cao Jiong hoped that the arguments he set forward here would move Cao Shuang and awaken him to the seriousness of the situation. But Cao Shuang could not follow Cao Jiong's advice, and instead he sent him away to serve as Administrator of Hongnong.)

昔夏殷周之歷世數十，而秦二世而亡。何則？三代之君與天下共其民，故天下同其憂；秦王獨制其民，故傾危而莫救。夫與人共其樂者，人必憂其憂；與人同其安者，人必拯其危。先王知獨治之不能久也，故與人共治之；知獨守之不能固也，故與人共守之。兼親疏而兩用，參同異而並進。是以輕重足以相鎮，親疏足以相衛，并兼路塞，逆節不生。及其衰也，桓文帥禮；苞茅不貢，齊師伐楚；宋不城周，晉戮其宰。王綱弛而復張，諸侯傲而復肅。二霸之後，寖以陵遲。吳楚憑江，負固方城，雖心希九鼎，而畏迫宗姬，姦情散於胸懷，逆謀消於脣吻，斯豈非信重親戚，任用賢能，枝葉碩茂，本根賴之與？

Among the dynasties of ancient times, Xia, Yin (Shang), and Zhou each lasted for dozens of generations, while Qin perished after only two. Why was this? Because the lords of those three dynasties shared control of the people of the realm, thus the lords of the realm saw the sovereign's concerns as their own concerns, while the kings of Qin monopolized control of the people, thus in times of danger and distress no one was willing to come to their aid. Those with whom you share your joys will likewise sympathize with your sorrows; those you make your peers in peace will be your saviors when danger comes. The ancient kings knew that the sovereign who reigned alone could not ensure an orderly realm for long, thus they shared power with others in order to obtain stability; they knew that the ruler who defended the realm alone could not guard it forever, thus they shared responsibility with others in order to attain security. Both their intimate relatives and their distant kinfolk were employed; both members of their clan and outsiders from other surnames were advanced. Those of more or less power worked together to protect each other; those of the same or different blood acted in concert to shield one another. There were neither instances of "total annexation", nor were "traitorous impulses" allowed to fester.

Even when the Zhou dynasty was in decline, Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin still treated the King with respect and acted on his behalf. When the state of Chu refused to present its tribute of grass and thatch to the King, the state of Qi led an army to punish them; when the state of Song refused to help build walls around the King's capital at Chengzhou (Luoyang), the state of Jin executed their minister. Though the King's laws became lax and loose for a time, they were once again enforced; though the feudal lords become arrogant for a season, they were once more reverent.

It was said that "after the age of these two Hegemons (Dukes Huan and Wen), the feudal lords became boorish and remiss". Indeed, the states of Wu and Chu were defiant, trusting in the Yangzi to be their bulwark and the stout square walls of their cities to be their rampart. Yet though in their hearts they sought to "inquire after the Nine Tripods" (as though they had more right to dominion than the King), even then they feared to go so far as to outright threaten or oppress the royal clan. Wicked feelings scattered in the breast; treasonous plots died on the lips. Was it not because the King had trusted and empowered his kinfolk and relatives and employed and used the worthy and able? Don't the branches and the leaves grow great and luxurious because the roots and the stem depend upon them?

〈紀年曰：凡夏自禹以至于桀，十七王。殷自成湯滅夏以至于受，二十九王。大戴禮曰：殷為天子二十餘世，而周受之。周為天子三十餘世，而秦受之。秦為天子，二世而亡，何﹖殷周有道而長，秦無道而暴也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：孝宣帝稱曰：與我共此者，其唯良二千石乎？〉〈班固漢書贊曰：昔周盛，則周、召相，其治致刑措，衰則五伯扶其弱，與共守之。〉〈賈誼過秦曰：秦并兼諸侯山東三十郡。漢書，主父偃說上曰：今以法割削諸侯，則逆節萌起。〉〈齊桓、晉文。〉〈左氏傳曰：齊侯伐楚，楚子使與師言曰：不虞君之涉吾地，何故？管仲對曰：爾貢苞茅不入，王祭不共，無以縮酒，寡人是徵。又曰：晉魏舒合諸侯之大夫于翟泉，將以城成周，宋仲幾不受功，曰：滕、薛、郳，吾役也，為宋役亦職也。士伯怒曰：必以仲幾為戮。乃執仲幾歸諸京師。〉〈漢書曰：二霸之後，寖以陵遲。〉〈左氏傳，屈完對齊侯曰：楚國方城以為城，漢水以為池。又曰：楚子觀兵于周疆，問鼎之大小輕重焉，王孫滿對曰：周德雖衰，天命未改，鼎之輕重，未可問也。〉〈班固漢書述曰：公族蕃滋，枝葉碩茂。〉

(According to the historical records, the Xia dynasty had seventeen kings, from Yu the Great to Jie; the Yin (Shang) dynasty had twenty-nine kings, from Cheng Tang and his conquest of Xia down to their surrender of the Mandate of Heaven. The Book of Rites of Master Dai states, "The lords of Yin (Shang) were Sons of Heaven for more than twenty reigns, before Zhou inherited the Mandate from them; the lords of Zhou were Sons of Heaven for more than thirty reigns before they too surrendered the right. But Qin ruled for only two reigns before it fell. Why was this? Because Yin and Shang ruled with principle, thus they long endured; Qin ruled without principle, and so it was destroyed."

In the Book of Han's Biographies of Upright Officials, Emperor Xuan is quoted as saying, "The reason why the people are able to tend to their fields in peace and have no mournful lamentations or hearts filled with hatred is because of good governance and careful examination. I do not rule alone; it is the Administrators of the commandaries and the other Two Thousand Bushel salary officials who do the ruling with me."

In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of the Feudal Lords, Ban Gu remarks, "When the Zhou dynasty was ascendant, the Dukes of Zhou and Shao served as chief ministers, and they governed so well that punishments were greatly reduced; when the Zhou dynasty was in decline, the Five Lords (the Five Hegemons) aided the young rulers and shared the governance of the realm with them."

Cao Jiong uses the expressions "total annexation" and "traitorous impulses". The first of these quotes from Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin: "Qin totally annexed the lands of the feudal lords east of the mountains and organized their former domains into thirty commandaries." The second quotes from a petition from Zhufu Yan to Emperor Wu of Han: "Now is the time to use the law to cut the lands of the feudal lords down to size, so that no traitorous impulses may arise."

Cao Jiong refers to "Huan and Wen"; he means Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin.

Regarding Chu's failure to send tribute, the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "When the Marquis of Qi led a campaign against Chu, the Viscount of Chu sent envoys to speak to the Qi commander and ask, 'Just what has caused you to trespass on our lands?' Guan Zhong told them, 'You have failed to send in your tribute of grass and thatch, causing the King's sacrificial offerings to be insufficient and the royal wine to be lacking. Thus we are punishing you.'"

Regarding Song's failure to build the walls of Chengzhou, the same source states, "Jin, Wei, and Shu assembled the chief ministers of the feudal lords at Diquan, planning to build the walls of the King's capital at Chengzhou. But Zhongji of Song, who felt that Song would gain no merit for participating in this labor, objected, 'Has Song not already done such work at Teng, Xue, and Ni? Let that count as our share.' This angered Shi Bo of Jin, who said, 'We must slay Zhongji for this.' And they arrested Zhongji and brought him back to the capital."

Cao Jiong quotes from the Book of Han in speaking of the feudal lords becoming "boorish and remiss".

The Zuo Commentary states, "Qu Wan said to the Marquis of Qi, 'Chu perceives the square walls of their cities as their rampart and the Han River as their moat.'"

Regarding the act of "inquiring after the Nine Tripods", which were a symbol of Zhou's right to rule, the Zuo Commentary states, "The Viscount of Chu was reviewing his troops at Zhoujiang. He inquired about the size and weight of the royal Tripods. Wangsun Man told him, 'Though the virtue of Zhou may be in decline, the Mandate of Heaven has not passed from them. The weight of the Tripods is not for you to ask about.'")

自此之後，轉相攻伐。吳并於越，晉分為三，魯滅於楚，鄭兼於韓。暨乎戰國，諸姬微矣，唯燕衛獨存。然皆弱小，西迫強秦，南畏齊、楚，救於滅亡，匪遑相卹。至於王赧，降為庶人，猶枝幹相持，得居虛位。海��無主，四十餘年。秦據勢勝之地，騁譎詐之��，征伐關東，蠶食九國。至於始皇，乃定天位。曠日若彼，用力若此，豈非深根固蔕，不拔之道乎？易曰：「其亡其亡，繫于苞桑。」周德其可謂當之矣。

But from that time on, incessant fighting broke out between the states. Wu was taken over by Yue, and Jin split into three; Lu was conquered by Chu, and Zheng was annexed into Hann. Although originally most of the families of the feudal lords had come from the royal Ji family, by the time of the Warring States era, most of these royal relatives were long gone, and only in the states of Yan and Wey did they still rule. What was left of the King's domain was small and pathetic, threatened by powerful Qin to the west and menaced by fearsome Qi and Chu to the south; though they sought deliverance from their destruction, there was no one left to take pity on them. And even after King Nan was deposed to become a commoner, still the branches of the state grasped at each other's power, squabbling over an empty title. For more than forty years, the land within the Seas had no master.

The state of Qin occupied a powerful and influential region and was crafty at the arts of lying and deceit. Thus they were successful in their campaigns against the lords east of the mountains and were able to nibble the Nine States down to nothing. And by the time of the First Emperor, the imperial throne was once again filled. Yet when Qin employed force like this and a lack of virtue like that, how could they expect to last? In what sense did they have deep roots or a thick stem, to prevent themselves from being yanked up?

The Book of Changes states, "Though they cry 'perish, perish', he plants himself firm like a mulberry." Zhou was virtuous, and their longevity was because of it; such a verse could well describe them.

〈史記曰：越王勾踐自會稽歸，拊循其士民伐吳，大破之，吳王自殺。又曰：魏武侯、韓哀侯、趙敬侯滅晉後，而三分其地。又曰：楚考烈王伐滅魯。又曰：韓哀滅鄭，并其國。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：暨于王赧，降為庶人，用天年終，號位已絕於天下，尚猶枝葉相持，莫得居其虛位。海內無主，四十餘年也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：秦據勢勝之地，騁狙詐之兵，蠶食山東，一切取勝。賈誼過秦曰：九國之師遁逃而不敢進。〉〈尚書曰：天位艱哉。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：至始皇乃并天下。以德若彼，用力如此，其艱難也。〉〈老子曰：有國之母，可以長久，是��深根固蔕，長生久視之道。班固漢書贊曰：所以親親賢賢，褒表功德，深根固本，為不可拔者也。〉〈周易否卦之辭也。鄭玄曰：苞，植也。否世之人，不知聖人有命，咸云其將亡矣，其將亡矣，而聖乃自繫於植桑，不亡也。王弼曰：心存將危，乃得固也。〉

(The Records of the Grand Historian mentions the destruction of the states mentioned here: "King Goujian of Yue returned from Kuaiji, then organized and led his officers and troops to campaign against Wu. He greatly routed them, and the King of Wu killed himself."

And, "Marquis Wu of Wei, Marquis Ai of Hann, and Marquis Jing of Zhao killed the descendants of the ruler of Jin, then partitioned Jin into three states."

And, "King Xiaolie of Chu campaigned against Lu and conquered it."

And, "Marquis Ai of Hann conquered Zheng and annexed its lands."

In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of the Feudal Lords, Ban Gu remarks, "After King Nan was deposed to become a commoner, so that the Heavenly calendar was ended and the royal title and position were cut off for the realm, still the branches of the state grasped at each other's power, though none of their squabbling could gain them the empty title. For more than forty years, the land within the Seas had no master."

And, "The state of Qin occupied a powerful and influential region and practiced the strategies of ambush and deceit. Thus they were were able to nibble the lands east of the mountains down to nothing and conquer all."

And, "By the time of the First Emperor, Qin had annexed all the realm. By virtue had Zhou ruled, by force had Qin; their position was indeed perilous."

And, "When the ruler treats their kin as kin and the worthy as worthy, and when they appreciate and extol the accomplished and the virtuous, then the state will be like a plant that has deep roots and a firm stem, and cannot be pulled up."

In The Faults of Qin, Jia Yi remarked, "The leaders of the Nine States shrank back and hid from Qin, not daring to advance against them."

The Book of Documents states, "What a perilous place, the Heavenly seat!"

The Daodejing states, "He who possesses the mother of the state may continue long. His case is like that (of the plant) of which we say that its roots are deep and its flower stalks firm: - this is the way to secure that its enduring life shall long be seen."

Cao Jiong quotes from the Fifth Nine Undivided verse of the Book of Changes. Zheng Xuan's commentary to that verse states, "The term 苞 means 'plant'. The ignorant people, unaware that the sage ruler still possesses the Mandate, all proclaim that the state is about to 'perish, perish'. Yet the sage ruler binds themself fast like a plant or a mulberry tree, and they perish not." Wang Bi's commentary states, "The heart is preserved though disaster looms, thus the state endures.")

秦觀周之弊，將以為以弱見奪，於是廢五等之爵，立郡縣之官，棄禮樂之教，任苛刻之政。子弟無尺寸之封，功臣無立錐之土，內無宗子以自��輔，外無諸侯以為蕃衛。仁心不加於親戚，惠澤不流於枝葉，譬猶芟刈股肱，獨任胸腹；浮舟江海，捐棄楫櫂。觀者為之寒心，而始皇晏然，自以為關中之固，金城千里，子孫帝王萬世之業也。豈不悖哉！是時，淳于越諫曰：「臣聞殷、周之王，封子弟功臣，千有餘歲。今陛下君有海內，而子弟為匹夫，卒有田常六卿之臣，而無輔弼，何以相救？事不師古而能長久者，非所聞也。」始皇聽李斯偏說而絀其義。至身死之日，無所寄付，委天下之重於凡夫之手，託廢立之命於姦臣之口，至令趙高之徒，誅鋤宗室。胡亥少習剋薄之教，長遵凶父之業，不能改制易法，寵任兄弟，而乃師謨申商，諮謀趙高，自幽深宮，��政讒賊，身殘望夷，求為黔首，豈可得哉？遂乃郡國離心，衆庶潰叛，勝廣唱之於前，劉項斃之於後。向使始皇納淳于之策，抑李斯之論，割裂州國，分王子弟，封三代之後，報功臣之勞，土有常君，民有定主，枝葉相扶，首尾為用，雖使子孫有失道之行，時人無湯武之賢，姦謀未發，而身已屠戮，何區區之陳項，而復得措其手足哉？故漢祖奮三尺之劍，驅烏集之衆，五年之中，而成帝業。自開闢以來，其興功立勳，未有若漢祖之易者也。夫伐深根者難為功，摧枯朽者易為力，理勢然也。

When the First Emperor of Qin considered the decline of Zhou, he felt that it was the weakness of the Zhou kings that had caused them to lose power. Thus he abolished the old system of the Five Noble Titles and organized the realm into commandaries and counties instead, and he threw out the methods of teaching the people through music and ritual behavior in favor of imposing stern and harsh government. His younger relatives received not an inch of land as fief, and his accomplished ministers had not a spade of land to call their own. Within, there were no royal relatives who might assist the state, and without, there were no feudal lords who might shield the realm from harm. He did not show a benevolent heart towards his flesh and blood, nor extend any kindness towards those who might have served as his branches and leaves. He was like a person who cuts off their own arms and legs, content to live as a mere torso; he was like a ship which, before crossing a wide river or a deep ocean, throws away its oars. There were many whose hearts turned cold when considering the danger of such a situation. Yet the First Emperor remained serene, believing that the capital area of Guanzhong was such an impenetrable region, a "bastion of golden walls and a thousand li", that his descendants would rule as sovereigns for ten thousand generations. Wasn't it ridiculous?

At the time, Chunyu Yue tried to remonstrate with him. He told the First Emperor, "I have heard that the Kings of Yin and Zhou granted fiefs to their relatives and their accomplished ministers, and their dynasties lasted for more than a thousand years. Now Your Majesty has become lord of all the realm within the Seas, yet your relatives are no more than commoners. Someday our dynasty might face the same threat of usurpation as happened with Tian Chang in Qi or the Six Ministerial Clans in Jin, yet Your Majesty has not provided for any powerful subjects who might help to guide affairs in the capital; who would step in to save the royal family? I have never once heard of any state which failed to heed the teachings of the ancients in these matters and yet long endured."

But the First Emperor dismissed these principles and heeded the advice of Li Si instead. And thus, on the day of his death, there was no one to whom he could entrust the future of the state. The weighty decisions of the realm were left in the hands of a miscreant, and the power to decide who and who would not inherit the throne was left to the words of a wicked subject. People like Zhao Gao were even able to bring about the slaughter and uprooting of the royal family.

Ying Huhai (the Second Emperor) had been instructed in the teachings of severity and oppression since youth, and he honored the philosophies of violent men as an adult. Rather than change the regulations and alter the laws of his father, he continued the models of Shen Buhai and Shang Yang, he consulted and plotted with Zhao Gao, he isolated himself deep within the palace, and he entrusted the governance of the realm to slanderous bandits. When at the last he met his end at Wangyi Palace, though he begged to be spared to live as a commoner, how could he have expected anyone to show him mercy?

Thus were the commandaries and the states alienated from Qin, and the people deserted and rose against them in rebellion; Chen Sheng and Wu Guang were the first to sound the call against them, and Liu Bang and Xiang Yu buried them in the end. If only the First Emperor has accepted the advice of Chunyu Yue and rejected the words of Li Si, if he had carved up the provinces and fiefs, empowered his younger relatives as Princes, granted domains to the descendants of the three dynasties (Xia, Shang, and Zhou), and repaid the deeds of his subjects by rewarding them with their own domains! Then the regions of the realm would have had settled lords and the people familiar masters. Branches and leaves could support one another; the head and the tail could work in tandem. Even if some of the successors of the Son of Heaven went astray, there were no great heroes in those days like Tang of Shang or King Wu of Zhou; the leader of any wicked plan would have been snuffed out before anything could be done, and how could the rabble of people like Chen Sheng or Xiang Yu have gotten anywhere?

When Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang) drew his three-foot sword and led his flock of crows to war, it only took five years before he had completed his imperial enterprise. In all of history, no one was ever able to achieve such a thing as easily as he did. But it was only natural. To chop down a tree with a thick trunk is a difficult undertaking, while to smash a bunch of rotten wood is easily accomplished.

〈班固漢書贊曰：秦既稱帝，患周之敗，以為諸侯力爭，四夷交侵，以弱見奪。於是削去五等。史記，李斯奏曰：置諸侯不便。始皇於是分天下以為三十六郡，置守尉監也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：秦竊自號謂皇帝，而子弟為匹夫。內亡骨肉本根之輔，外亡尺土蕃翼之衛。莊子曰：堯、舜有天下，子孫無置錐之地。〉〈法言曰：灝灝之海，濟樓航之力也。航人無楫，如航何？通俗文：櫂，謂楫也。〉〈賈誼過秦曰：天下已定，始皇之心，以為關中之固，金城千里，子孫帝王萬世之業也。〉〈史記曰：齊簡公立田常、監止為左右相。田氏殺監止，簡公出奔。田氏執簡公于徐州，遂殺之。又曰：晉昭公卒，六卿強，公室卑。六卿謂：范氏、中行氏、智氏及趙、韓、魏也。論語，糾滑讖曰：陳滅齊，六卿分晉。尚書曰：事不師古，以克永代，匪說攸聞。〉〈史記曰：始皇崩，趙高乃與胡亥，丞相李斯陰破去始皇所封書賜公子扶蘇者，而更詐為丞相受始皇遺詔，立子胡亥為太子。更為書賜公子扶蘇死。〉〈史記曰：二世尊用趙高，申法令，乃行誅大臣及諸公子。春秋合誠圖曰：誅鋤民害。〉〈史記曰：趙高故常教胡亥書，及獄律令法事。史記，太史公曰：商君，其天資刻薄人也。〉〈史記，李斯上書二世曰：能明申、韓之術，而修商君之法，法修術明而天下亂者，未之聞也。應劭漢書注曰：申不害，韓昭侯相。衛公孫鞅，秦孝公相。李奇曰：法皆深刻無恩。史記曰：二世常居禁中，與趙高決事，事無大小，輒決於高。蒼頡篇曰：委，任之也。〉〈史記曰：二世齋望夷宮，欲祠涇，使使責讓趙高以盜事，高懼，乃陰與其女婿咸陽令閻樂謀易上。樂前，即謂二世曰：足下其自為計。二世曰：願得妻子為黔首。閻樂麾其兵進，二世自殺也。〉〈尚書曰：受有億兆夷人，離心離德。左氏傳曰：人逃其上曰潰。〉〈史記曰：吳廣為假王，擊秦。班固漢書贊曰：秦竊自號謂皇帝，而子弟為匹夫，吳、陳奮其白挺，劉、項隨而斃之。〉〈曾子曰：烏合之衆，初雖相歡，後必相咋也。〉〈漢書曰：高祖五年斬羽東城，即皇帝位於汜水之陽。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：漢無尺土之階，繇一劍之任，五年而成帝業，書傳所未嘗有焉。何則？古代相革皆承聖王之烈，今漢獨收孤秦之斃。鐫金石者難為功，摧枯朽者易為力，其勢然也。〉

(In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of Princes and Feudal Lords Not From The Liu Clan, Ban Gu remarked, "After the First Emperor declared himself Emperor, he dreaded the mistakes which Zhou had made that brought about their downfall. He felt that it had been the great power and strife among the feudal lords and the incursions and ravages of the barbarians which had weakened Zhou until it lost power. Thus the First Emperor abolished and did away with the system of the Five Noble Titles."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "Li Si argued that it would not be beneficial to establish feudal lords to govern the regions of the realm. So the First Emperor divided the realm into thirty-six commandaries under central control, and he appointed Administrators and Commandants to govern these commandaries."

The Book of Han states, "The First Emperor of Qin presumed to call himself Emperor, yet his relatives were nothing more than commoners. Within, no members of his flesh and blood were empowered to guide the capital region; without, not an inch of ground was granted to relatives who might have defended the borders."

The Zhuangzi states, "Yao and Shun possessed the whole realm, yet their descendants had not a spade of land as their own."

Yang Xiong's Exemplary Sayings states, "To cross the vast ocean, one needs the strength of a large storied boat. But if the boatmen have no oars, how will they drive it?"

The Tongsuwen states, "The term 櫂 means 'oar'."

Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin states, "After the realm was settled, in his heart the First Emperor believed that Guanzhong was such an impenetrable region, a bastion of golden walls and a thousand li, that his descendants would rule as sovereigns for ten thousand generations."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "During the reign of Duke Jian of Qi, Tian Chang and Jian Zhi served as his Chancellors of the Left and Right. The Tian clan killed Jian Zhi, and Duke Jian fled the state. The Tian clan captured Duke Jian at Xuzhou and killed him."

And, "After Duke Zhao of Jin passed away, the Six Ministerial Clans of Jin were powerful while the Duke's family was weak. These Six Clans were the Fan, Zhongxing, Zhi, Zhao, Hann, and Wei clans." The Annotations to the Analects states, "Chen was conquered by Qi, and the Six Ministerial Clans fragmented Jin among themselves."

The Book of Documents states, "That the affairs of one, not making the ancients his masters, can be perpetuated for generations, is what I have not heard."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "When the First Emperor passed away, Zhao Gao, Ying Huhai, and the Prime Minister, Li Si, plotted together. They destroyed the will that the First Emperor had left behind, which appointed his son Ying Fusu as his successor, and instead forged a will that the First Emperor had supposedly left to Li Si, proclaiming Ying Huhai as the Crown Prince instead. Then they sent Ying Fusu a letter commanding him to kill himself."

And, "The Second Emperor honored and employed Zhao Gao and followed his thinking and advice, thus he had the great ministers and the other princes all put to death."

And, "Zhao Gao had often instructed Ying Huhai from Legalist texts, and so the Second Emperor imposed incarceration, investigations, and harsh laws."

And, "Li Si sent a letter to the Second Emperor, writing, 'I have never heard of an instance where the ruler was able to make clear the principles of Shen Buhai and Han Fei and practice the laws of Lord Shang (Shang Yang) and yet the realm fell into disorder."

And, "The Second Emperor often secluded himself within the palace; he entrusted affairs to Zhao Gao, who decided everything, no matter how great or small." The text Cangxiepian states, "The term 委 'entrust' means 'to grant a role to'."

And, "When the Second Emperor traveled to Wangyi Palace, planning to offer sacrifices to the Jing River there, he sent agents to rebuke and chastise Zhao Gao for having failed to deal with the rebellions in the realm. Zhao Gao feared for his life. So he secretly plotted with the Prefect of Xianyang, his son-in-law Yan Yue, to depose the Second Emperor. When Yan Yue stood before the Second Emperor, he told him, 'You had better take responsibility.' The Second Emperor begged, 'I am willing to live with my wife and children as mere commoners.' But Yan Yue still ordered his soldiers to advance, so the Second Emperor killed himself."

And, "Wu Guang was appointed as Acting King, and he attacked Qin."

Ying Shao's Annotations to the Book of Han states, "Shen Buhai was the Chancellor of Marquis Zhao of Hann. Gongsun Yang of Wey (Shang Yang) was the Chancellor of Duke Xiao of Qin." Li Qi remarked, "Legalism was a philosophy of strict harshness without pity."

The Hexiantu commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals has the phrase, "They slaughtered and uprooted the people, doing them harm."

Sima Qian's commentary of Shang Yang states, "He was a harsh and meager man by nature."

The Book of Documents states, "Though Shou has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, they are divided in heart and divided in practice."

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "When people abandon their sovereign, they 潰 'desert' him."

The Book of Han states, "Wu Guang and Chen Sheng rose their white lances against Qin, and Liu Bang and Xiang Yu came after to complete Qin's destruction."

Cao Xiong describes Liu Bang's army as 烏集之衆 "a flock of crows". Zengzi states, "A flock of crows are glad to assemble at first, but eventually they will peck at each other."

The Book of Han states, "In the fifth year of his reign (202 BC), Liu Bang took Xiang Yu's head at Dongcheng, and he declared himself Emperor on the north side of the Si River."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "Liu Bang was originally just one man with a sword, without an inch of land to serve as his foundation. Yet within five years, he had completed his imperial enterprise. The histories and traditions had no precedent for such a thing. How was this possible? Because the ancient dynasties had all endured by preserving the spirit of the sage kings, while Han only needed to deal with the wreckage of the isolated Qin dynasty. It is a difficult thing to cut your way through metal or stone, but simple enough to force your way through rotten wood, which is only natural.")

漢鑒秦之失，封植子弟。及諸呂擅權，圖危劉氏，而天下所以不能傾動，百姓所以不易心者，徒以諸侯強大，盤石膠固，東牟朱虛授命於內，齊代吳楚作衛於外故也。向使高祖踵亡秦之法，忽先王之制，則天下已傳，非劉氏有也。然高祖封建，地過古制，大者跨州兼域，小者連城數十，上下無別，權侔京室，故有吳楚七國之患。賈誼曰：「諸侯強盛，長亂起姦。夫欲天下之治安，莫若衆建諸侯而少其力。令海內之勢，若身之使臂，臂之使指，則下無背叛之心，上無誅伐之事。」文帝不從。至於孝景猥用朝錯之計，削黜諸侯。親者怨恨，疏者震恐，吳楚唱謀，五國從風。兆發高祖，釁成文景，由寬之過制，急之不漸故也。所謂末大必折，尾大難掉。尾同於體，猶或不從，況乎非體之尾，其可掉哉？

Gaozu reflected upon Qin's mistakes, and he granted fiefs to his younger relatives. Thus when the clan of Empress Lü Zhi monopolized power in the capital and plotted to seize control from the Liu clan, the reason why the realm did not support them or the common people lose faith in the dynasty was because the feudal lords were great and powerful and the foundation of the dynasty was firm and deep. The Marquis of Dongmou (Liu Xingju) and the Marquis of Zhuxu (Liu Zhang) upheld the dynasty from within the capital, while the Princes of Qi (Liu Xiang), Dai, Wu, and Chu acted as guardians without. If Gaozu had followed in the footsteps of Qin and forgotten the systems of the ancient kings, then the realm would have passed from their hands then and there, and the Liu clan would have been supplanted.

Yet in his granting of fiefs and domains, Gaozu went beyond what the ancient kings had done. The greatest of the Princes had territories that straddled provinces and combined regions, while the lesser ones still controlled dozens of cities. There was no distinction between the Emperor and the Princes, for they wielded power on par with that of the royal family. This was what led to the Rebellion of the Seven Princes, Wu and Chu foremost among them. Jia Yi tried to warn of the impending danger, saying, "The feudal lords have become too strong and prosperous, and if the situation continues, turmoil will arise. For those who wish to ensure peace and order in the realm, there can be no greater policy than to multiply the number of the feudal lords while diminishing the power of each one. For when the spread of power within the Seas is like the relation of the arms to the body, or of the fingers to the arms, only then will those below lack hearts of treason or rebellion and those above lack any need to attack or punish the lords." Yet Emperor Wen did not listen to his advice, and his successor Emperor Jing rashly heeded Chao Cuo's plan to directly strip territory from the feudal lords; this only brought about anger and resentment among the close relatives and fear and trembling among the distant ones, and when the Princes of Wu and Chu sounded their call of rebellion, the other five Princes joined them.

What was sown during the reign of Gaozu reached fruition during the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing; fiefs and domains were granted more generously than had been the case in ancient times, and the attempted solution was too hasty. When the tip is too large, it breaks off; when the tail is too big, it is difficult to move. Even when the tail is proportional to the body, sometimes it is still difficult to make it move; how much more does this apply when the tail has grown beyond all reason?

〈漢書，太后崩，上將軍呂祿、相國呂產專兵秉政，謀作亂。賈逵國語注曰：權，秉，即柄字也。〉〈漢書，宋昌曰：高帝王子弟，所謂盤石之宗也。莊子曰：待膠漆而固者，是侵其德者也。范曄後漢書曰：鄭泰曰，以膠固之衆，當解合之勢。〉〈漢書，宋昌曰：諸呂擅權專制，太尉卒以滅之。內有朱虛、東牟之親，外畏吳、楚、齊、代之強。又曰：齊悼惠王肥，高祖六年立。又曰：齊悼惠王子章，高后封為朱虛侯。章弟興居為東牟侯。〉〈王逸楚辭注曰：踵，繼也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：漢興，懲戒亡秦孤立之敗，於是封王子弟，大者跨州兼郡，小者連城數十，宮室百官，制同京師。〉〈漢書賈誼上疏之文。〉〈漢書曰：朝錯數言吳過可削，文帝寬不忍罰。及景帝即位，錯曰：高帝初定天下，諸子弱，故大封同姓。今吳謀作亂逆，削之亦反，不削亦反。於是方議削吳。吳王恐，因欲發謀舉事。諸侯既新削罰，震恐，多怨錯。及吳先起兵，膠西、膠東、淄川、濟南、楚、趙亦皆反。猥，曲也。〉〈左氏傳，楚子問於申無宇曰：國有大城，何如？對曰：末大必折，尾大不掉，君所知也。杜預曰：折，折其本也。〉

(According to the Book of Han, after Empress Lü Zhi passed away, the Supreme General, Lü Lu, and the Chancellor of State, Lü Chan, assembled troops and monopolized power, plotting to usurp control of the state.

Jia Kui's Annotations to the Discourses of the States states, "Power and authority are the handles of the state."

In the Book of Han, Song Chang remarked, "Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) made Princes of his younger relatives, forming a rock out of the royal clan. The Lü clan monopolized power and wielded authority, but in the end the Grand Commandant (Zhou Bo) was able to purge them. Within, there were the imperial relatives, the Marquises of Zhuxu and Dongmou, and without there were the powerful Princes of Wu, Chu, Qi, and Dai, whom the Lü clan feared."

The Zhuangzi states, "In employing glue and varnish to make things firm, you must violently interfere with their qualities."

In Fan Ye's Book of Later Han, Zheng Tai states, "A host bound by glue and varnish will disperse a force hastily assembled."

According to the Book of Han, the first Prince of Qi was Prince Daohui of Qi, Liu Fei, appointed in the sixth year of Liu Bang's reign (201 BC). Two of his sons were Liu Zhang and Liu Xingju, whom Empress Lü Zhi appointed as Marquis of Zhuxu and Marquis of Dongmou.

Wang Yi's Annotations to the Songs of Chu states, "To 踵 'follow in the footsteps' means 'to continue'."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "When the Han dynasty began, they sought to take warning from Qin's downfall, brought about from the isolation of its rulers. So they made Princes of younger relatives. The greatest of the Princes had territories that straddled provinces and combined regions, while the lesser ones still controlled dozens of cities, and their palaces, estates, and ministries all used the same systems as those employed at the imperial capital."

Cao Jiong quotes from Jia Yi's petition to Emperor Wen as it appears in the Book of Han.

The Book of Han states, "Chao Cuo often advised Emperor Wen that the Prince of Wu had committed sufficient offenses to justify carving off part of his territory. But Emperor Wen was tolerant and could not bear to charge the Prince of Wu with any crimes. After Emperor Jing came to the throne, Chao Cuo told him, 'When Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) first settled the realm, his own sons were still young and tender, thus he granted great fiefs to other members of his clan. But by now, the Prince of Wu is plotting to commit treason and cause chaos. He is going to rebel whether you carve off part of his domain or not.' Thus Emperor Jing began discussing taking away some of the Prince of Wu's land. The Prince was afraid, thus he decided to carry out his plot and put his plans into motion. And some of the other Princes had also just had parts of their territory taken away as well, so they feared for their positions and many of them hated Chao Cuo. Thus when the Prince of Wu rose up, the Princes of Jiaoxi, Jiaodong, Zaichuan, Jinan, Chu, and Zhao rebelled as well." The term 猥 means "crooked".

In the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, the Viscount of Chu asks Shen Wuyu, "If the state has large cities, what trouble is it?" Shen Wuyu told him, "Great branches are sure to break the roots; a great tail cannot be moved about. You know these things." Du Yu's Annotations to the text states, "Where Shen Wuyu says that the branches will 'break', he means they will break the roots.")

武帝從主父之策，下推恩之命。自是之後，齊分為七，趙分為六，淮南三割，梁代五分遂以陵遲，子孫微弱，衣食租稅，不豫政事，或以酎金免削，或以無後國除。至於成帝，王氏擅朝。劉向諫曰：「臣聞公族者，國之枝葉。枝葉落，則本根無所庇蔭。方今同姓疏遠，母黨專政，排擯宗室，孤弱公族，非所以保守社稷，安固國嗣也。」其言深切，多所稱引。成帝雖悲傷歎息而不能用。至乎哀平，異姓秉權，假周公之事，而為田常之亂。高拱而竊天位，一朝而臣四海，漢宗室王侯，解印釋綬，貢奉社稷，猶懼不得為臣妾，或乃為之符命，頌莽恩德，豈不哀哉！由斯言之，非宗子獨忠孝於惠文之間，而叛逆於哀平之際也，徒以權輕勢弱，不能有定耳。

Emperor Wu of Han followed the strategy of Zhufu Yan, by implementing a policy of "grace", splitting up the inheritance of the feudal lords by distributing their domains among all their sons. Thus the princely fief of Qi was split into seven parts, Zhao into six, Liang and Dai into five, and Huainan was cut into three. And in later years the feudal lords were bullied and cowed, their descendants becoming ever weaker; they only received sufficient pensions and supplies to provide for themselves, but no longer took any hand in governing their fiefs. Some had their territories reduced on charges of failing to provide sacrificial wine and gold; some had their titles abolished when they died without heirs.

By the time of Emperor Cheng, the Wang clan, imperial relatives by marriage, had taken control of court affairs. Liu Xiang remonstrated with Emperor Cheng for allowing the situation to come to such a state, saying, "I have heard that the imperial clan are the branches and leaves of the state. When the branches and leaves have fallen, then the roots and the stem no longer have any support or shade. By now, your relatives of the Liu clan are all distant and remote, while the partisans of your mother's family monopolize control and keep the royal family from power. To leave the royal clan weak and helpless is no way to preserve the altars of state or ensure the succession of the imperial line." But though Emperor Cheng was moved to grief by this plea, still he was unable to implement Liu Xiang's advice.

Thus it was that in the reigns of Emperors Ai and Ping, the Wang clan's control of the court was absolute; Wang Mang passed himself off as a wise regent like the Duke of Zhou, but in truth he was a usurper like Tian Chang. Though presenting a lofty salute, he had his eyes on the throne; in a single morning, he became master of all within the Four Seas. The princes and nobles of the imperial clan all surrendered their seals and handed over their ribbons of office to him and presented tribute to the altars of state. Yet some of them, still worried that they would not be able to save the lives of themselves and their families, went so far as to invent reports of omens approving of Wang Mang's usurpation and even sang his praises to extol his grace and virtue! Was it not pathetic?

Why did these things happen? Not because the members of the imperial clan were loyal and faithful during the reigns of Emperors Hui and Wen and traitors and opportunists during the era of Emperors Ai and Ping, but simply because their power and influence had grown so weak and useless that they no longer had any hopes of securing their positions.

〈漢書，主父偃說上曰：今諸侯或連城數十，願陛下令諸侯，得推恩分子弟，以地侯之，彼人人喜得所願，上以德施，實分其國，必稍自銷弱矣。上從其計。又，班固贊曰：武帝施主父之策，下推恩之令，使諸侯得分戶邑以封子弟，不行黜陟而國自析。自是齊分為七，趙分為六，梁分為五，淮南分為三也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：景帝遭七國之難，抑損諸侯，諸侯唯得衣食租稅，不與政事。〉〈漢書曰：列侯坐獻黃金酎祭宗廟，不如法奪爵者百六人。漢儀注，王子為��，侯歲以戶口酎黃金於漢廟，皇帝臨受獻金助祭。大祀曰飲酎，飲酎受金，小不如斤兩色惡者，王削縣，侯免國。漢書曰：趙哀王福薨，無子，國除。〉〈漢書劉向上疏之文。〉〈漢書曰：成帝即位，向數上疏，言得失，陳法戒。書數十上，以助觀覽，補遺闕。上雖不能盡用，然嘉其言，常嗟嘆之。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：至哀、平之際，王莽知中外殫微，因母后之權，假伊、周之稱，詐謀既成，遂據南面之尊。漢諸侯王厥角稽首，奉上璽韍，唯恐在後，或乃稱美頌德，以求容媚，豈不哀哉！田常篡齊，已見上文。漢書曰：王莽廢漢藩王。廣陵王嘉獻符命，封扶策侯。又曰：郚鄉侯閔以莽篡位，獻神書言莽，得封列侯。郚音吾。〉

(In the Book of Han, Zhufu Yan advises Emperor Wu, "These days, some of the feudal lords control dozens of cities. I implore Your Majesty to issue an edict concerning the feudal lords, saying that you are going to advance the cause of good grace by distributing the inheritance among all the sons and granting each of them a fief to hold as a marquis. Then each of the sons will be pleased to accept what you offer, and you will gain a reputation for virtue. In truth, you will be splitting up the overlarge fiefs, which will weaken of their own accord." And Emperor Wu followed his strategy. In his commentary, Ban Gu remarked, "Emperor Wu implemented Zhufu Yan's plan, advancing the cause of 'grace', and commanding the feudal lords to divide their inheritances among their sons so that each would hold a title. Thus, without having to take direct action to demote or disturb any existing titles, the great fiefs broke up off their own accords. Qi was split into seven fiefs, Zhao into six, Liang into five, and Huainan into three."

And, "After Emperor Jing experienced the Rebellion of the Seven Princes, the feudal lords had their powers stripped away; they received only sufficient pensions and supplies to sustain themselves, but no longer had any role in governing their fiefs."

Regarding the tribute of sacrificial wine and gold, the Book of Han states, "The nobles had the duty of presenting gold and wine for use in sacrifices at the clan temple in the capital. A hundred and six of them were charged with having failed to fulfill this duty. According to Han traditions, the sons of Princes who did not inherit their father's title were appointed as Marquises, and they had the duty of presenting annual tributes to the capital of population registers, sacrificial wine, and gold for the ancestral temple which the Emperor would come to receive and to use to assist with the sacrifices. The great sacrifices were called the 'consumption of sacrificial wine', at which the gold was presented. If a noble failed to provide the minimum of at least two catties of gold, they would have their fief reduced if a Prince or their title abolished if a Marquis."

And, "When Prince Ai of Zhao, Liu Fu, died without heirs, his fief was abolished."

Cao Jiong quotes from Liu Xiang's petition as it appears in the Book of Han. The Book of Han states, "After Emperor Cheng rose to the throne, Liu Xiang sent him several petitions speaking of his gains and losses and explaining laws and warnings. He sent dozens of these letters to help Emperor Cheng realize and reflect upon the situation and to help amend his faults. Although Emperor Cheng was unable to follow all of Liu Xiang's advice, he still praised his words and often sighed in admiration of them."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "By the age of Emperors Ai and Ping, Wang Mang knew that everyone both within the court and out in the provinces were too weak and powerless to oppose him, and he had the Empress Dowager's influence to count on. He pretended to be another Yi Yin or Duke of Zhou, all the while plotting for his designs to reach fruition so that he could face south as a sovereign and rule the realm in his own name. Han's princes and nobles all bared their heads and kowtowed to him, presenting him their seals on their knees, and some of them, fearing lest their descendants might even yet be endangered, went so far as to sing Wang Mang's praises in odes in order to curry his favor and flatter him. Was it not pathetic?"

The incident of Tian Chang usurping the state of Qi was already mentioned above.

The Book of Han states, "After Wang Mang stripped the Han princes of their titles, one of them, the Prince of Guangling, Liu Jia, presented reports of favorable omens to Wang Mang, for which he was appointed as the Marquis of Fuce ('Marquis Who Presents The Omens')."

And, "After Wang Mang usurped the throne, the Marquis of Wuxiang, Liu Min, presented him with a letter of supposedly divine approval. He was appointed as a minor marquis.")

賴光武皇帝挺不世之姿，禽王莽於已成，紹漢祀於既絕，斯豈非宗子之力耶？而曾不鑒秦之失策，襲周之舊制，踵亡國之法，而僥倖無疆之期。至於桓靈，奄竪執衡，朝無死難之臣，外無同憂之國，君孤立於上，臣弄權於下，本末不能相御，身手不能相使。由是天下鼎沸，姦凶並爭，宗廟焚為灰燼，宮室變為蓁藪。居九州之地，而身無所安處，悲夫！

It was thanks to Emperor Guangwu's peerless character and abilities that he was able to destroy the dynasty that Wang Mang had already put into place and restore the severed lineage of the Han dynasty. How else to explain this feat except that it was the work of a scion of the royal clan? Yet Emperor Guangwu failed to reflect upon the mistaken policies which had brought about Qin's downfall or to return to the old system as practiced by Zhou. Thus he trod the path of a doomed state, and he was fortunate that there was no trouble during his own reign.

But by the time of Emperors Huan and Ling, eunuchs manipulated the levers of authority. In the court, there were no servants willing to risk death for the sake of the state, and in the provinces, there were no subjects who saw the interests of the royal family as their own. Above, the sovereign stood alone, while below, his ministers grasped for power. The roots and the branches were unable to work in conjunction; the body and the hands could not help one another. Thus the realm descended into chaos like a roiling cauldron, and villains and wastrels sprang up on every side; the ancestral temples of the imperial clan were burned to ashes, and the palaces became overgrown with weeds and grasses. In all the Nine Provinces (the whole realm) there was not a single place of peace or safety. Was it not lamentable?

〈杜篤論都賦曰：于時聖帝，兼不世之姿。〉〈范曄後漢書曰：桓帝立，曹騰以定策功，遷大長秋。又曰：靈帝時，大將軍竇武謀誅中官，曹節矯詔誅武等。鄭玄尚書注曰：稱上曰衡。〉〈班固漢書序曰：漢興，懲戒亡秦孤立之敗。〉〈張超牋曰：中外雲擾，萬夫鼎沸。〉〈杜預左氏傳注曰：燼，火餘木也。〉

(Du Du's Rhapsody Discussing The Capital has the verse, "The time was ripe for a sage Emperor, with peerless character and abilities."

Fan Ye's Book of Later Han states, "After Emperor Huan rose to the throne, Cao Teng was chosen as Merit Evaluator, then was transferred to be Superintendent of the Empress' Household."

And, "During the reign of Emperor Ling, the Grand General, Dou Wu, plotted to execute the palace eunuchs. But Cao Jie forged an edict commanding Dou Wu and others to be executed."

Zheng Xuan's Annotations to the Book of Documents states, "The term 衡 means 'to claim superiority'."

Ban Gu's Prelude to the Book of Han states, "During the rise of Han, they sought to take warning from and avoid the mistakes of Qin, whose isolated sovereigns were led to their downfall."

Zhang Chao's letter states, "Those within and those without were trembling with fear; the affairs of the realm were like a roiling cauldron."

Du Yu's Annotations to the Zuo Commentary states, "燼 'Ashes' are the remnants of burnt wood.")

魏太祖武皇帝，躬聖明之資，兼神武之略，恥王綱之廢絕，愍漢室之傾覆，龍飛譙沛，鳳翔兗豫，掃除凶逆，剪滅鯨鯢。迎帝西京，定都潁邑。德動天地，義感人神。漢氏奉天，禪位大魏。大魏之興，于今二十有四年矣。觀五代之存亡，而不用其長策；睹前車之傾覆，而不改其轍跡。子弟王空虛之地，君有不使��民；宗室竄於閭閻，不聞邦國之政。權均匹夫，勢齊凡庶，內無深根不拔之固，外無盤石宗盟之助，非所以安社稷為萬代之業也。且今之州牧、郡守，古之方伯、諸侯，皆跨有千里之土，兼軍武之任，或比國數人，或兄弟並據。而宗室子弟，曾無一人間廁其間，與相維持，非所以強榦弱枝，備萬一之慮也。今之用賢，或超為名都之主，或為偏師之帥。而宗室有文者必限以小縣之宰，有武者必置於百人之上，使夫廉高之士，畢志於衡軛之內，才能之人，恥與非類為伍，非所以勸進賢能，褒異宗族之禮也。

The Grand Progenitor of our Wei dynasty, Emperor Wu (Cao Cao), was a man of wise and sage character and possessed divine martial prowess and cunning. He lamented the fact that the sovereign's laws had sunk to such a pitiful state, and he pitied the dire plight of the Han royal family. Rising like a dragon from Qiao and Pei and soaring like a phoenix from Yanzhou and Yuzhou, he purged and swept away the villains and evildoers of the land, and he cut out and annihilated the behemoths and leviathans of the realm. He welcomed the Emperor's arrival from the western capital (Chang'an) and established a new capital at Yingyi (Xu). His virtue impressed Heaven and Earth, and his righteousness touched the people and the spirits. Thus the Han royal family recognized the will of Heaven and abdicated their position to the Wei dynasty.

It has now been twenty-four years since the founding of Wei. Have we not had ample time to consider the factors which led to the rise and fall of the five dynasties before ours? Yet we do not follow the policies which would ensure our longevity. We have seen the carts in front of ours topple and fall, yet we do nothing to change our course. The younger relatives of the imperial clan hold empty titles and only nominally possess their lands, and in no sense do they preside over their people; the imperial relatives only scurry about the streets and lanes, and they are given no voice in how to govern the state. Their authority is no greater than the commoners, and their influence counts for no more than the average person. Within, the state has no deep roots to fortify it against being pulled up; without, it has no foundation of relatives and friends who could help defend it. This is no policy to preserve the altars of state for ten thousand generations.

Furthermore, the Governors of provinces and the Administrators of commandaries in our times have become the modern equivalents of the Border Lords and the feudal nobles of antiquity. They hold sway over territories of a thousand li, and they wield military as well as civil authority. Some of them control regions comparable in size to princely fiefs, and in some instances brothers from the same family all hold such offices simultaneously. At the same time, not a single one of the imperial kinfolk or the younger relatives of the crown hold any position that might check the power of these local leaders or band together to guard against them. This is no way to strengthen the trunk and weaken the branches, or provide against any emergency.

Of the worthy servants of the dynasty from other families, some have reputations so great that they are household names in the capital, and some are commanders of powerful armies. Meanwhile, even those members of the imperial clan who possess civil talents are limited to positions no greater than supervisors of small counties, while even those with martial abilities lead bands of no greater than a hundred soldiers. These are honest and lofty men, and yet their ambitions can rise no higher than to bear a yoke; they are talented and capable fellows, yet they are shamed by being lumped in with those who are not their peers. This is no way to encourage and promote the worthy and able, or praise and distinguish members of the imperial clan with ceremony.

〈晉灼漢書注曰：資，材量也。〉〈魏志曰：太祖武皇帝，沛國譙人，為兗州牧。後太祖遷都於許。許屬豫州。東京賦曰：龍飛白水，鳳翔參墟。〉〈左氏傳曰：楚子曰：古者明王伐不敬，取其鯨鯢而封以為大戮。杜預曰：鯨鯢，大魚。以喻不義之人也。〉〈魏志曰：天子東遷，敗於曹陽，太祖乃遣曹洪將兵，西迎天子還雒。董昭勸太祖都許。漢書，潁川郡有許縣。〉〈晏子曰：諺曰：前車覆，後車戒也。〉〈左氏傳曰：周之宗盟，異姓為後。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：徙吏二千石於諸陵，蓋亦強榦弱枝也。〉〈衡軛，車之衡軛也。言王者之御群臣，猶人之御牛馬，故以衡軛喻焉。畢志其內，未得騁其駿足也。〉

(Jin Zhuo's Annotations to the Book of Han states, "The term 資 means 'talents and potential'."

The Annals of Emperor Wu (Cao Cao) in the Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "Taizu, Emperor Wu, was a native of Qiao county in the Pei princely fief. He served as Governor of Yanzhou. Later, he shifted the capital to Xu, which was part of Yuzhou." The Rhapsody On The Eastern Capital has the verse, "He (Cao Cao) rose like a dragon over the Bai River and soared like a phoenix amidst the ruins."

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "In ancient times, the wise kings campaigned against the disrespectful; they took these 鯨鯢 'leviathans' and buried them as the great punishment." Du Yu's Annotations states, "鯨鯢 'Leviathan' was a great fish. It was an expression meaning an unrighteous person."

The Annals of Emperor Wu states, "The Son of Heaven (Emperor Xian) came east, but was defeated at Caoyang. Cao Cao then sent Cao Hong to lead troops to escort him, and they welcomed the Son of Heaven to the west and brought him back to Luo (Luoyang). Dong Zhao urged Cao Cao to make Xu the capital." According to the Book of Han, there was a Xu county in Yingchuan commandary.

Yanzi states, "The proverb tells us, 'When the front cart topples, let the rear cart take warning.'"

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "The house of Zhou records the names of its own kin first, and those of different surnames come afterwards."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "They shifted the families of the Two Thousand Bushel salary officials to live among the various imperial tombs (in the capital region), in order to strengthen the trunk and weaken the branches."

衡軛 "Yoke" refers to the yoke of a cart. Cao Jiong was saying that princes were pulling the yokes of subjects, like an ox or a horse pulls the yoke for a human; it is an expression. And by "their ambitions can rise no higher" than this, he means they would never be able to roam free like a prized stallion.)

夫泉竭則流涸，根朽則葉枯。枝繁者蔭根，條落者本孤。故語曰：「百足之蟲。至死不僵，扶之者衆也。」此言雖小，可以譬大。且墉基不可倉卒而成，威名不可一朝而立。皆為之有漸，建之有素。譬之種樹，久則深固其根本，茂盛其枝葉。若造次徙於山林之中，植於宮闕之下，雖壅之以黑墳，暖之以春日，猶不救於枯槁，何暇繁育哉？夫樹猶親戚，土猶士民，建置不久，則輕下慢上，平居猶懼其離叛，危急將如之何？是聖王安而不逸，以慮危也；存而設備，以懼亡也。故疾風卒至，而無摧拔之憂；天下有變，而無傾危之患矣。

When the spring runs dry, it is because the groundwater has stopped flowing; when the trunk is rotten, it is because the leaves have withered. When the branches are abundant, they shelter the stem; when the twigs fall away, the trunk is left exposed. Thus it is said, "The centipede has its hundred feet; even in death, it does not collapse, for its numerous legs still keep it up." It is a little saying, but it illustrates a great principle.

Furthermore, the foundation of a stout wall cannot be laid all at once, nor can power and legitimacy be established in a single morning. In both cases, these things can be achieved only gradually and secured only over time. It is like a plant or a tree, which requires a great deal of time to grow before the roots extend deep and the trunk becomes strong, and greater still for its branches and leaves to multiply and flourish. Can someone who casts a seed among stones and thickets or beneath the palace gates expect the plant to grow fruitful and tall? Even if they surround it with blackish and rich soil and warm it by the springtime sun, they will not even be able to save it from withering. And what are the imperial relatives but trees sown by the sovereign, and what are the people but the soil which receives them? Unless the relatives be planted among them for a long time, then there will be obstinate below and disdain above. Even in peaceful times, there would still be the prospect of alienation or rebellion; how much moreso when some emergency arises?

The sage ruler does not relax during times of peace, but is always thinking of future dangers. Though their dynasty seems secure, still they make preparations to guard against threats to its destruction. Only then may they have no fear of being uprooted, though the storms and gales may blow; only then may they be assured the state will not collapse, though the realm be full of turmoil.

〈魯連子曰：百足之蟲，至斷不蹶者，持之者衆也。〉〈司馬相如諫獵書曰：此言雖小，可以喻大。〉〈文子曰：人主之有人，猶城之有基，木之有根，根深即本固，基厚即上安也。〉〈尚書曰：厥土惟黑墳。孔安國曰：色黑而墳起也。〉

(Lu Lianzi states, "The centipede has its hundred feet; even when it is severed, it does not fall down, for its numerous legs still keep it up."

Sima Xiangru likewise uses the phrase "It is a little saying, but it illustrates a great principle" in his letter to Emperor Wu of Han remonstrating against his hunting practices.

The Wenzi states, "The ruler of the people has their supporters, just as a wall has its foundation or a tree has its roots. When the roots are deep, then the trunk is sturdy; when the foundation is broad, then the wall is secure."

Cao Jiong describes the soil as 黑墳 "blackish and rich". The Book of Documents states, "The soil of this province was 黑墳." Kong Yingda's Annotations to the text states, "This meant the soil was black in color and fertile to produce growth.")

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fuyonggu · 6 years ago

Text

Chen Lin’s Proclamation to Wu (Long Version, Scholarly Commentary)

This is a proclamation which appears in the Wenxuan or Selections of Refined Literature, a collection of outstanding poetry and prose from the sixth century. Among the entries in the Proclamations chapter of that text are three Three Kingdoms-related proclamations, two by Chen Lin and one by Zhong Hui. The first Chen Lin entry is his famous denunciation of Cao Cao on behalf of Yuan Shao. This is the other, an attempt to overawe Sun Quan’s subjects and encourage them to defect to Cao Cao.

This proclamation appears to have been written at the beginning of 217, shortly before the second Ruxukou campaign, especially since it mentions events up until that time and mentions Xiahou Yuan as still being alive. Curiously, Chen Lin seems to have ghostwritten the proclamation on behalf of Xun Yu, who would have died five years earlier. Either that detail is mistaken or I am.

This post includes the original text and additional scholarly commentary. There is a duplicate post which just contains the actual translation.

檄吳將校部曲文

Proclamation to the Generals, Officers, and Subordinates of Wu

陳孔璋

By Chen Kongzhang (Chen Lin)

年月朔日，子尚書令彧，告江東諸將校部曲及孫權宗親中外：

On the first day of the year, the Prefect of the Masters of Writing, Xun Yu, distributed this proclamation to the various generals, officers, and subordinates of the Southland and to Sun Quan's friends and relatives, both near and far:

〈魏志曰：荀彧，字文若，潁川人也，太祖進彧為漢侍中，守尚書令。〉

(The Records of the Three Kingdoms states that Xun Yu, styled Wenruo, was a native of Yingchuan commandary. Cao Cao promoted him to be a Palace Attendant of the Han dynasty, as well as acting Prefect of the Masters of Writing.)

蓋聞禍福無門，惟人所召。夫見機而作，不處凶危，上聖之明也；臨事制變，困而能通，智者之慮也；漸漬荒沈，往而不反，下愚之蔽也。是以大雅君子，於安思危，以遠咎悔；小人臨禍懷佚，以待死亡。二者之量，不亦殊乎！

"It has been said, 'Happiness and misery have no gate by which they must enter, but each man calls the one or the other for himself'. For the man who 'sees his opportunity and acts', rather than remain amidst adversity and peril, has the wisdom of a great sage; he who, faced with danger and pressed by circumstances, heeds the new situation only in the end, deserves the concern of the knowledgeable; and he who only plunges deeper into the muck and mire, never turning aside from doom, merits the annihilation of the foolish. Thus does the refined and superior gentleman consider danger even while at peace, and contemplates future regrets even when they seem remote, while the inferior man is caught unawares by misfortune and laments his loss, and in the end meets with death and destruction. Is there not a great divide between them?

〈左氏傳閔子騫之辭。〉〈周易曰：君子見機而作，不俟終日。〉〈漢書曰：江充因變制宜。周易曰：困而不失其所亨，其唯君子乎！王弼曰：窮必通也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：大雅卓爾不群，河間獻王近之矣。封禪書曰：興必慮衰，安必慮危。〉

(The first quote is from Min Zima, as mentioned in the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals (Xiang 23.10).

The Book of Changes states, "The superior fellow sees his opportunity and acts, and does not wait until his ruin."

The Book of Han states, "Jiang Tong adapted according to the situation." The Book of Changes states, "Is it not only the superior gentlemen who does not lose his way even when pressed by adversity?" Wang Bi remarked, "One who is exhausted will turn."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "The refined fellow stands head and shoulders above the rest; Prince Xian of Hejian was close to being such a fellow." And the Book of Fengshan states, "During prosperity, one must consider decline; at peace, one must contemplate danger.")

孫權小子，未辨菽麥，要領不足以膏齊斧，名字不足以洿簡墨。譬猶鷇卵，始生翰毛，而便陸梁放肆，顧行吠主。謂為舟楫足以距皇威，江湖可以逃靈誅，不知天網設張，以在綱目，爨鑊之魚，期於消爛也。若使水而可恃，則洞庭無三苗之墟，子陽無荊門之敗，朝鮮之壘不刊，南越之旍不拔。昔夫差承闔閭之遠跡，用申胥之訓兵，棲越會稽，可謂強矣。及其抗衡上國，與晉爭長，都城屠於勾踐，武卒散於黃池，終於覆滅，身罄越軍。及吳王濞驕恣屈強，猖猾始亂，自以兵強國富，勢陵京城。太尉帥師，甫下滎陽，則七國之軍，瓦解冰冸，濞之罵言未絕於口，而丹徒之刃以陷其胸。何則？天威不可當，而悖逆之罪重也。

"Now Sun Quan is a mere whelp, and 'unable to distinguish beans from wheat'; he has not worth enough to 'douse the axe' of authority, nor reputation enough to impress anyone. He is a mere hatchling, still growing his adult feathers. Yet he would seek to wander about and do as he pleases, like a dog who barks at his master; he claims that his boats and ships will let him oppose the imperial majesty, and his rivers and lacks shall save him from august punishment. But he does not recognize that Heaven casts its net wide, and he shall be caught in it; he is nothing but a fish in the pot, who will cook when its time has come.

"Has he his rivers to protect him? Yet by the waters of Lake Dongting there remains not a trace of the three ancient states of Miao. Ziyang (Gongsun Shu) had the Jing Gate to guard him, yet he was defeated; Chaoxian (northern Korea) had their ramparts, but they availed them not; Nanyue had their banners, yet they too perished.

“In ancient times, the King of Wu, Fuchai, inherited the legacy of his father Helü and the trained army provided by Shen Xu (Wu Zixu), and he stood astride the region of Kuaiji. Certainly he could have been called a mighty king. Yet when he sought to prove whose was the premier state and struggled with Jin for supremacy, his capital city was sacked by Goujian of Yue and his soldiers were put to flight at Huangchi, and in the end his state was toppled and destroyed and his corpse fell into the hands of the Yue army.

“During the Han dynasty, there was the Prince of Wu, Liu Bi, who was proud, arrogant, and overbearing. Out of his ferocity and cunning, he sought to start disorder, for he believed that he had a strong army and a rich territory, and that he was powerful enough to bully the capital. But when the Grand Commandant (Zhou Yafu) led his army down to Xingyang, the armies of the seven states cracked like tiles and melted like ice, and before Liu Bi could even say a word of condemnation, his throat had already been cut by the blade of Dantu.

“What to make of the fate of such men? Merely this: that the might of Heaven cannot be opposed, and those who rebel against its will are great criminals indeed.

〈左氏傳曰：晉周子有兄而無慧，不能辨菽麥。〉〈漢書音義，服虔注曰：易曰：喪其齊斧。未聞其說。張晏曰：斧，鉞也，以整齊天下。應劭曰：齊，利也。虞喜志林曰：齊，側皆切。凡師出必齊戒入廟受斧，故曰齊斧也。〉〈爾雅曰：生而自食曰雛，待哺曰鷇。郭璞曰：鳥子須母食。鄭玄尚書大傳注曰：翰毛，毛長大者。〉〈西京賦曰：怪獸陸梁。戰國策，刁勃謂田單曰：跖之狗吠堯，非其主也。〉〈尚書，帝曰：咨禹，惟時有苗弗率，汝徂征。三旬苗民逆命，帝乃誕敷文德，七旬有苗格。孔安國曰：三苗之國，左洞庭，右彭蠡。范曄後漢書曰：公孫述，字子陽，自立為蜀王，遣任滿據荊門。帝令征南大將軍岑彭攻之，滿大敗。〉〈史記曰：天子拜涉何為遼東部都尉。朝鮮襲殺何。天子遣左將軍荀彘擊朝鮮，朝鮮人殺其王右渠來降，定朝鮮為四郡。又曰：南越呂嘉反，以主爵都尉楊僕為樓舡將軍，下橫浦，咸會番禺，南越以平，遂為九郡。又曰：東越王餘善反，遣橫海將軍韓悅出句章。越建成侯敖殺餘善，以其衆降。〉〈史記曰：吳王闔閭死，立太子夫差。又樂毅遺燕惠王書曰：昔伍子胥說聽於闔閭，而吳王遠跡至郢。韋昭國語注曰：申胥，楚大夫伍奢之子子胥也。名員。員奔吳，吳與地，故曰申胥。史記曰：吳王夫差伐越，敗之，越王勾踐乃以甲兵五千人棲於會稽。〉〈毛萇詩注曰：抗，舉也。鄭玄周禮注曰：稱上曰衡。抗衡，謂對舉以爭輕重也。史記，陸賈曰：以區區之越，與天子抗衡為敵國。又曰：吳王夫差北會諸侯於黃池，欲霸中國。吳王與晉定公爭長，乃長晉定公。吳引兵歸國。又曰：吳與晉人相遇黃池之上，吳、晉爭強，晉人擊之，大敗吳師。越王聞之，襲吳。吳王聞之，去晉而歸，與越戰，不勝，城門不守，遂圍王宮而殺夫差。〉〈漢書曰：吳王濞，高帝兄仲之子也，立濞為吳王。孝��五年，起兵於廣陵。左氏傳曰：鄭子太叔卒，晉趙簡子曰：黃父之會，夫子語我九言，曰：無始亂，無怙富。〉〈漢書曰：七國反書聞，天子遣條侯周亞夫往擊楚，敗之。七國：吳王濞、楚王戊、趙王遂、膠西王卬、濟南王辟光、淄川王賢、膠東王渠。〉〈漢書曰：吳王敗，乃與戲下壯士千人夜亡，渡淮，走丹徒，保東越。漢使人以利啗東越，東越即紿吳王。吳王出勞軍，漢使人鏦殺吳王。漢書，賈誼上疏曰：適啟其口，匕首已陷其胸矣。〉

(Regarding the phrase "unable to distinguish beans from wheat", the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals mentions that a certain brother of Zhouzi of Jin "was devoid of intelligence, so that he could not distinguish beans from wheat".

Regarding "douse his axe", in the pronunciation commentary to the Book of Han, Fu Qian notes, "The Book of Changes states that 'he mourned his axe'." But I (the commentator) have not heard of this. Zhang Yan remarked, "The axe in this case is the military battle-axe, with which one brings order to the realm." Ying Shao remarked, "The character 齊 in this case means 'beneficial'." Yi Xi's Zhilin states, "齊 here means 'corresponding'. A commander who is about to go out invariably enters the temple and received the battle-axe, thus this term."

The Erya dictionary states, "Among birds, those who are able to feed themselves upon being born are called 雛 'chicks', while those who wait to be fed are called 鷇 'hatchlings'." Guo Pu remarked, "Baby birds wait for their mothers to feed them." Zheng Xuan's commentary to the Book of Documents states, "Adult feathers are those feathers that have grown long and large."

Chen Lin uses the term 陸梁 "wander about"; this appears in a verse in the Rhapsody on the Western Capital: "strange beasts wander about".

In the Strategies of the Warring States, Diao Bo says to Tian Dan, "The reason that Robber Zhi's dog barked at Yao was because Yao was not the dog's master."

Regarding the Miao states, the Book of Documents states, "The Emperor said, 'Alas! O Yu, there is only the lord of Miao who refuses obedience; do you go and correct him.' For thirty days, the people of Miao continued rebellious against the commands. But the Emperor set about diffusing on a grand scale the virtuous influences of peace, and in seventy days, the lord of Miao came and made his submission." Kong Anguo remarked, "These were the three Miao states; to their left was Lake Dongting, and to their right was Lake Pengli (Lake Poyang)."

Fan Ye's Book of Later Han states, "Gongsun Shu, styled Ziyang, declared himself King of Shu. He sent Ren Man to occupy the Jing Gate. But Emperor Guangwu sent his Grand General Who Conquers The South, Cen Peng, to attack the Jing Gate, and Ren Man was greatly defeated."

Regarding Chaoxian, the Records of the Grand Historian states, "Emperor Wu of Han appointed She He as Commandant of Liaodong, but Chaoxian surprise attacked and killed She He. Emperor Wu then sent his General of the Left, Xun Zhi, to attack Chaoxian. The people of Chaoxian killed their king Ugeo and came to surrender, and Chaoxian was thus organized into four commandaries."

And regarding Nanyue, it states, "Lü Jia of Nanyue rebelled against the Han dynasty. Emperor Wu appointed his Commandant of Titles, Yang Pu, as General of Tower Ships, and Yang Pu sailed down to Hengpu and then rendezvoused at Panyu. Nanyue was pacified, and organized into nine commandaries." It also states, "The King of Dongyue (or Minyue), Yushan, rebelled. Emperor Wu sent his General Who Crests The Yangzi, Han Yue, out to Gouzhang. Dongyue's Marquis of Jiancheng killed Yushan and led his forces to surrender."

The Records of the Grand Historian mentions that when King Helü of Wu passed away, his Crown Prince, Fuchai, succeeded him. And the Yan general Yue Yi mentioned in a letter to King Hui of Yan that "Wu Zixu gained the ear of Helü, and thus the King of Wu was able to launch a distant campaign and capture the Chu capital at Ying." Wei Zhao's commentary on the Discourses of the States states, "Shen Xu was the son of the great Chu minister Wu She, named Wu Zixu; his given name was Yuan. When Wu Yuan fled Chu and sought refuge in Wu, Wu granted him a fief, thus he also became known as Shen Xu." The Records further states, "When King Fuchai of Wu campaigned against Yue and defeated them, King Goujian of Yue led five thousand armored soldiers to perch at Kuaiji."

The commentary to the Mao edition of the Book of Poetry states, "To oppose is to contend." Zheng Xuan's commentary to the Rites of Zhou states, "To claim supremacy is to oppose. By thus opposing, one sought to see whose side was strongest." In the Records of the Grand Historian, Lu Jia states, "This pathetic little region of Yue dares to contend with the Son of Heaven as an enemy."

The Records also states, "King Fuchai of Wu went north to the conference of feudal lords at Huangchi, where he sought to claim status as Hegemon of the Middle Kingdom. He contended with Duke Ding of Jin for supremacy, but Duke Ding proved the victor. Wu thus led its troops home again." It further states, "When Wu encountered the people of Jin above Huangchi, the two sides fought for dominance; the people of Jin attacked the Wu soldiers, and greatly defeated their army. When the King of Yue (Goujian) learned of this, he led a surprise attack against Wu. Upon hearing this, the King of Wu (Fuchai) left Jin and returned to attack Yue. But he was unsuccessful; the city gates could not hold, and the Yue army besieged the palace and killed Fuchai."

The Book of Han states, "The Prince of Wu, Liu Bi, was the son of Emperor Gaozu's (Liu Bang's) elder brother Liu Zhong, and he was appointed as the Prince of Wu. In the fifth year of Emperor Jing's reign (154 BC), Liu Bi rose up with troops at Guangling."

The Zuo Commentary states, "When Zitaishu of Zheng passed away, Zhao Jianzi of Jin said, 'At the meeting of Huangfu, he told me, "Do not begin disorder, do not trust in riches".'"

The Book of Han states, "When word reached the capital of the Rebellion of the Seven States, Emperor Jing sent the Marquis Xiao, Zhou Yafu, to attack the Prince of Chu, and Zhou Yafu defeated him." The Seven States were the Prince of Wu, Liu Bi, the Prince of Chu, Liu Wu, the Prince of Zhao, Liu Sui, the Prince of Jiaoxi, Liu Ang, the Prince of Jinan, Liu Piguang, the Prince of Zichuan, Liu Xian, and the Prince of Jiaodong, Liu Qu.

The Book of Han further states, "When the Prince of Wu was defeated, he fled through the night with a thousand strong fellows and crossed the Huai River to flee to Dantu, where he sought refuge in Dongyue. But Han sent envoys to persuade Dongyue, who surrendered the Prince of Wu to them. When the Prince of Wu was about to come out and rebuke the troops, an agent was sent to kill him with a short spear." Elsewhere in the Book of Han, Jia Yi mentions in a petition that "He was just about to open his mouth when his neck was suddenly pierced.")

且江湖之衆，不足恃也，自董卓作亂，以迄於今，將三十載。其間豪桀縱橫，熊據虎跱，強如二袁，勇如呂布，跨州連郡，有威有名，十有餘輩。其餘鋒捍特起，鸇視狼顧，爭為梟雄者，不可勝數。然皆伏鈇嬰鉞，首腰分離，雲散原燎，罔有孑遺。近者關中諸將，復相合聚，續為叛亂，阻二華，據河渭，驅率羌胡，齊鋒東向，氣高志遠，似若無敵。丞相秉鉞鷹揚，順風烈火，元戎啟行，未鼓而破。伏尸千萬，流血漂樐，此皆天下所共知也。是後大軍所以臨江而不濟者，以韓約馬超逋逸迸脫，走還涼州，復欲鳴吠。逆賊宋建，僭號河首，同惡相救，並為脣齒。又鎮南將軍張魯，負固不恭。皆我王誅所當先加。故且觀兵旋旆，復整六師，長驅西征，致天下誅。偏將涉隴，則建約梟夷，旍首萬里；軍入散關，則群氐率服，王侯豪帥，奔走前驅。進臨漢中，則陽平不守，十萬之師，土崩魚爛，張魯逋竄，走入巴中，懷恩悔過，委質還降；巴夷王朴胡賨邑侯杜濩，各帥種落，共舉巴郡，以奉王職。鉦鼓一動，二方俱定，利盡西海，兵不鈍鋒。若此之事，皆上天威明，社稷神武，非徒人力所能立也。

"Nor can Sun Quan be secure in the power of his army. After all, it has been nearly thirty years by now since Dong Zhuo first began the turmoil. And during that time, great heroes and talents roamed the length and breadth of the land, territorial as bears and implacable as tigers. The most powerful among them were those like the two Yuans (Yuan Shao and Yuan Shu), and the strongest were those like Lü Bu; for more than ten years, they stood astride several provinces, and they wielded power and commanded respect. Even beyond them, there were many remarkable heroes with passion and zeal, gazing like owls and glancing like wolves, and in this struggle for heroic supremacy there were too many people to count. Yet in the end, every one of them fell under the axe and parted with their heads; the clouds dispersed and the plains were scorched, and not a man remained among them.

"More recently, there were the generals of Guanzhong (Ma Chao and his allies), who banded together to rebel and cause chaos. They blocked the two Huas (Huayin and Huayang), occupied the Yellow and Wei Rivers, led the Qiang and other tribes to charge forward, and pushed their vanguard towards the east. They possessed towering zeal and lofty ambitions, and it seemed as though no one could stand against them. Yet the Prime Minister (Cao Cao) took up the military battle-axe and spread the word, and, sure as wind and blazing as fire, he 'led the way in front' and routed the foe before a roll of the drums. The result was 'a heap of corpses by the thousands and tens of thousands, of flowing blood and discarded shields'. These are things which all the realm well knows.

"Later, when the grand army had come to the banks of the Yangzi but had not yet crossed, Han Yue (Han Sui) and Ma Chao scampered off and fled back to Liangzhou, where they once again sought to caw and bark. The traitor and bandit Song Jian, who had declared himself King of the Source of the Yellow River, formed common cause with their evil; they helped each other as the lips support the teeth. It was the same way with the General Who Guards The South, Zhang Lu, who was confident in his defenses and so refused to respect royal authority. These enemies were all deserving of our royal punishment. Thus the Prime Minister merely reviewed the troops and made a demonstration at the Yangzi, then once again put the royal armies in order and charged to the west on campaign, to inflict the punishment of the realm against these foes.

"What were the results? No sooner had mere subordinate generals crossed the Long Mountains when Song Jian and Han Sui parted with their heads, and their heads and banners were sent ten thousand li to us. The moment that our army entered San Pass, the various Di tribes came to submit to us, and their kings, nobles, chiefs, and leaders all fled in the face of our advance. When we advanced to Hanzhong, Yangping Gate fell before us; Zhang Lu's army of a hundred thousand men was no more than fallen earth or rotting fish. Zhang Lu himself scurried away, fleeing into Bazhong, but then cherishing the kindness that he had been shown and repenting of his transgressions, he brought his whole family and returned to surrender. The King of the the tribes of Ba, Pu Hu, and the Marquis of the Cong tribes, Du Huo, each led their forces to come and submit, presenting up Ba commandary, and these leaders were employed in office. Thus with one blow of the horns and one roll of the drums, these two corners of the realm were all pacified; we reaped the full bounty of the western sea without even a clash of the vanguards.

"Such things as these only come about through the might and wisdom of Heaven above and the martial prowess of the very spirits of state; they are not something that the power of a mere mortal can accomplish.

〈二袁，袁紹、袁術也。魏志曰：呂布便弓馬，旅力過人，號為飛將。〉〈淮南子曰：鴟視虎顧。鹽鐵論曰：無鹿駭狼顧之憂。〉〈尚書曰：若火之燎于原。毛詩曰：周餘黎民，靡有孑遺。〉〈魏志，張魯據漢中，遣鍾繇討之。是時關中諸將，疑繇欲自襲馬超，遂與楊秋、李湛、宜成等反。遣曹仁討之。超等屯潼關，公敕諸將：關西兵精悍，堅壁勿與戰。〉〈魏志曰：公西征馬超。公自潼關北度，未濟，超赴船急戰。丁斐曰：放馬以餌賊。賊亂取馬，公乃得渡，循河為甬而南。賊追距渭口，公乃分兵結營於渭南。賊夜攻營，伏兵擊破之，進軍渡渭。超等數挑戰，不許，公乃與克日會戰。先以輕兵挑之，戰良久，乃縱彍騎夾擊，大破之，斬宜成、李湛等。漢書，元后詔曰：運獨見之明，奮無前之威。毛詩曰：武王載旆，有虔秉鉞，如火烈烈，則莫我敢遏。又曰：元戎十乘，以先啟行。〉〈戰國策，秦王謂唐且曰：天子之怒，伏尸百萬，流血千里。賈誼過秦曰：伏尸百萬，流血漂樐。〉〈魏志曰：曹公斬宜成，遂、超走涼州。典略曰：韓遂，字文約，在涼州阻兵為亂，積三十年，建安二十年乃死。〉〈魏志曰：初，隴西宋建自稱河首平漢王，聚衆枹罕。夏侯淵討之，屠枹罕，斬建涼州。〉〈魏志曰：張魯，字公旗，據漢中，以鬼道教人，自號師君。長雄巴漢，垂三十年，漢末力不能征，遂就寵魯為鎮民中郎將。漢寧，太祖征之。周禮曰：負固不服則攻之。〉〈魏志曰：建安十七年，公征孫權，攻破江西營，乃引軍還。史記曰：武王東觀兵至于孟津。諸侯皆曰：帝紂可伐。武王曰：未可。乃還師。〉〈魏志曰：建安二十年，公西征張魯。〉〈魏志曰：韓遂在顯親，夏侯淵欲襲取之，遂走。後淵大破遂軍，得其旍麾。斬建及遂死，已見上文。〉〈魏志曰：公西征張魯，自陳倉出散關至河池。氐王竇茂恃險不服，攻屠之。〉〈魏志曰：西征張魯，至陽平，魯使弟衛據陽平關，公乃遣高祚等乘險夜襲，大破之。〉〈魏志曰：魯弟衛夜遯。魯潰走巴中，遣人慰喻。魯盡家屬出降。土崩，已見上文。公羊傳曰：其言梁亡何？自亡也。奈何？魚爛而亡。何休曰：魚爛從內發。左氏傳，狐突曰：策名委質。〉〈魏志曰：建安二十年，七姓巴夷王朴胡、賨邑侯杜濩舉巴夷、賨民來附。於是分巴郡，以胡為巴東太守，濩巴西太守。孫盛曰：朴音浮。濩音護。〉〈戰國策，司馬錯曰：今伐蜀，利盡西海，而諸侯不以為貪。漢書，淮南王安上疏曰：不勞一卒，不頓一戟。又曰：不挫一兵之鋒。鈍與頓同。〉

(The "two Yuans" were Yuan Shao and Yuan Shu.

The Biography of Lü Bu in the Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "Lü Bu was skilled at archery and riding, and his strength surpassed that of others. People called him the Flying General."

The phrase "gazing like owls and glancing like wolves" comes from the Huainanzi. And the Discourses on Salt and Iron has a similar phrase: "There were be no cause for concern of 'the skittishness of a deer or the glancing of a wolf'."

The Book of Documents has the phrase, "like a fire that scorches the plains". And the Mao edition of the Book of Poetry has the verse, "Of the remnant of Zhou, among the black-haired people, there will not be half a man left".

The Records of the Three Kingdoms describes the uprising of the Guanzhong generals: "When Zhang Lu occupied Hanzhong, Cao Cao sent Zhong Yao to campaign against him. But at that time, the generals of Guanzhong suspected that Zhong Yao really intended to launch a surprise attack against Ma Chao. So Ma Chao banded together with Yang Qiu, Li Zhan, Yi Cheng, and others and rebelled. Cao Cao sent Cao Ren to campaign against them. Ma Chao and the others camped at Tong Gate. Cao Cao ordered his generals, 'The soldiers of Guanxi have keen zeal; keep fast to your defenses, and do not fight them.'"

The Records continues, "Cao Cao came west to campaign against Ma Chao. Cao Cao was going to cross the Yellow River north of Tong Gate, but before, Ma Chao's fleet arrived and brought on a fierce battle. Ding Fei advised him, 'Scatter your horses to entice the rebels.' So Cao Cao scattered his horses, and the rebels scrambled to take them, thus allowing Cao Cao to get across the river, then follow it to the south. The rebels pursued him and opposed him at Weikou, so Cao Cao divided his troops and arranged a camp at Weinan. The rebels attacked the camp during the night, but troops lying in ambush attacked and routed them. Cao Cao then advanced and crossed the Wei River as well. Ma Chao and the others repeatedly sought battle; Cao Cao kept putting them off, but eventually agreed, and on the arranged date the two sides met in battle. Cao Cao initially sent some light troops forward to skirmish with the enemy, but after the battle had dragged on for some time, he had his cavalry attack from the flanks, greatly routing the rebels. He took the heads of Yi Cheng, Li Kan, and others.

In the Book of Han, the edict of Empress Yuan has the phrase "zealous as though no one can stand before them". The Mao edition of the Book of Poetry has the verse, "The martial king displayed his banner, and with reverence grasped his axe. It was like a blazing fire, which no one can repress." And again, "Ten large war chariots led the way in front.”

In the Strategies of the Warring States, the King of Qin says to Tang Ju, "The anger of the Son of Heaven leads to a heap of corpses by the hundreds and tens of thousands, and flowing blood for a thousand li." Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin has a similar phrase: "a heap of corpses by the hundreds and tens of thousands, of flowing blood and discarded shields".

The Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "After Cao Cao beheaded Yi Cheng, Han Sui and Ma Chao fled to Liangzhou." The Dianlue states, "Han Sui, styled Wenyue, occupied Liangzhou and raised troops in rebellion for thirty years. He died in the twentieth year of Jian'an (215)."

The Records continue, "Earlier, Song Jian of Longxi had declared himself King of the Source of the Yellow River Who Pacifies the Han Dynasty, and he had gathered an army at Fuhan. Xiahou Yuan campaigned against him; he sacked Fuhan and took Song Jian's head."

The Records continue, "Zhang Lu, styled Gongqi, occupied Hanzhong. He instructed the people in mystic arts, calling himself Instructor and Master. He stood tall over the regions of Ba and Han for nearly thirty years. Since in the final years of the Han dynasty the court was not strong enough to campaign against him, they appeased Zhang Lu by appointing him as General of the Household Gentlemen Who Guards The People. But after Han had been settled, Cao Cao campaigned against him." The Rites of Zhou states, "Whomever relies upon their defenses and refuses to submit, attack them."

The Records continue, "In the seventeenth year of Jian'an (212), Cao Cao campaigned against Sun Quan. He attacked and routed Sun Quan's camps north of the Yangzi, then led his army back again." Chen Lin alludes to an account from the Records of the Grand Historian: "King Wu of Zhou reviewed his troops at Meng Crossing. The nobles all told him, 'Now is the time to campaign against King Zhou of Shang.' But King Wu told them, 'The moment is not right.' And he led his army back again."

The Records continue, "In the twentieth year of Jian'an (215), Cao Cao campaigned west against Zhang Lu."

The Records continue, "Han Sui was at Xianqin. Xiahou Yuan wished to launch a surprise attack and capture him, so Han Sui fled. Later, Xiahou Yuan greatly routed Han Sui's army and captured his banners and flags." This led to the deaths of Song Jian and Han Sui, as mentioned above.

The Records continue, "When Cao Cao campaigned against Zhang Lu, he marched from Chencang, came out through San Pass, and advanced to Hechi. The King of the Di, Dou Mao, was confident of his defenses and would not submit. Cao Cao attacked and slaughtered him."

The Records continue, "During the campaign against Zhang Lu, Cao Cao came to Yangping. Zhang Lu sent his younger brother Zhang Wei to occupy Yangping Gate. Cao Cao then sent Gao Zuo and others to slip through the terrain and launch a surprise night attack, and they greatly routed Zhang Wei. Zhang Wei fled through the night. Zhang Lu fled to hide in the Ba region, while sending envoys to smooth relations. He then brought his whole family out to surrender."

The simile of fallen earth has already been mentioned above. Regarding rotting fish, the Gongyang Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "In what way did he say that Liang would fall? From self-destruction. What would that be like? Like a fish which rots before it dies." He Xiu remarked, "Fish rot from the inside out."

The Zuo Commentary states, "To demonstrate his loyalty, the new officer wrote his name on a plaque and presented a sacrifice."

The Records continue, "In the twentieth year of Jian'an (215), the King of the seven tribes of the Ba region, Pu Hu, and the Marquis of the Cong people, Du Huo, led the tribes of Ba and the Cong people to come and submit to Cao Cao. Cao Cao thus split Ba commandary in half; he appointed Pu Hu as Administrator of Badong, and Du Huo as Administrator of Baxi." Sun Sheng remarked, "Pu Hu's surname 朴 is pronounced 'fu', and Du Huo's given name 濩 is pronounced 'hu'."

In the Strategies of the Warring States, Sima Cuo states, "If you now campaign against Shu, you will reap all the bounty of the western sea, which the feudal lords have no greed for."

In the Book of Han, the Prince of Huainan, Liu An, has a petition which includes the phrases, "trouble not a single soldier, nor set a single spear", and "seek not a single clash of weapons".)

聖朝寬仁覆載，允信允文，大啟爵命，以示四方。魯及胡濩皆享萬戶之封，魯之五子，各受千室之邑，胡濩子弟部曲將校為列侯將軍已下千有餘人。百姓安堵，四民反業。而建約之屬，皆為鯨鯢；超之妻孥，焚首金城，父母嬰孩，覆尸許市。非國家鍾禍於彼，降福於此也，逆順之分，不得不然。夫鷙鳥之擊先高，攫鷙之勢也；牧野之威，孟津之退也。今者枳棘翦扞，戎夏以清，萬里肅齊，六師無事。故大舉天師百萬之衆，與匈奴南單于呼完廚及六郡烏桓丁令屠各，湟中羌僰，霆奮席卷，自壽春而南。又使征西將軍夏侯淵等，率精甲五萬，及武都氐羌，巴漢銳卒，南臨汶江，搤據庸蜀。江夏襄陽諸軍，橫截湘沅，以臨豫章，樓船橫海之師，直指吳會。萬里克期，五道並入，權之期命，於是至矣。

"And how generous and benevolent the court is; most impartial, fully civil and fully trustworthy, and greatly willing to grant titles as a display to all the realm. Having submitted to the dynasty, Zhang Lu, Pu Hu, and Du Huo were all granted fiefs of ten thousand households, Zhang Lu's five sons were all granted fiefs of a thousand households, and more than a thousand of the relatives and subordinates of Pu Hu and Du Huo were granted titles from minor marquises and generals on down. Thus were the people able to enjoy tranquility, and the Four Professions returned to their livelihoods. But as for those who rebelled, Song Jian and Han Yue (Han Sui) and their ilk were all 'buried under a mound', while Ma Chao's wife and children were beheaded at Jincheng and his parents and infants were executed in the Xu marketplace. These were not merely the whims of the state to inflict misfortune here and bestow blessings there; they were the just fruits of the submissive and the traitorous.

"Before it snatches its prey, a raptor will often first ascend in order to muster its full power. Likewise, before King Wu of Zhou's ultimate victory at Muye, he first withdrew from Meng Crossing. So too have we been clearing the brambles and cutting away the thorns, restoring peace among the tribes and the Xia (ethnic Han), such that now all the territory for ten thousand li around has become respectful and submissive, and there is no military trouble to be found.

"And now (~217) we have brought forth this heavenly army against you, one million strong, bolstered with the support of the Chanyu of the Xiongnu, Huwanchu (Huchuquan), the various tribes of the six commandaries, the Wuhuan, the Dingling, and the Chuge, and the Qiang and Bo tribes of Huangzhong. Like the rolling of thunder and the unfurling of a mat, we have swept south from Shouchun. At the same time, the General Who Conquers The West, Xiahou Yuan, and others are leading forth fifty thousand elite armored soldiers. The Di and Qiang tribes of Wudu and the zealous troops of the Ba and Han regions are marching south to the Wen River and the Yangzi to swiftly occupy the regions of Tang and Shu. The armies of Jiangxia and Xiangyang are also on the move, crossing the Xiang and Yuan Rivers and approaching Yuzhang. Lastly, our great fleet of tower ships is skirting the coast of the sea and heading straight for the regions of Wu and Kuaiji. All along this front of ten thousand li, we march as one, advancing along five routes against us. Sun Quan's fate is now at hand.

〈春秋考異郵曰：赤帝之精，寬仁大度。禮記曰：天無私覆，地無私載。毛詩曰：允文允武，昭假列祖。〉〈魏志曰：胡、濩者皆封列侯。又曰：封魯及五子皆為列侯。〉〈漢書曰：高祖入關，吏民皆安堵如故。管子曰：士農工商四民者，國之石民。〉〈左氏傳，楚子曰：古者明王伐不敬，取其鯨鯢而封，以為大戮。〉〈魏志曰：南安趙衢討超，梟其妻子。漢書有金城郡。〉〈范曄後漢書曰：建安元年，遷都于許。〉〈漢書，涓勳曰：甚誖逆順之理。〉〈此述往年未伐之意。尚書序曰：武王與受戰於牧野。又曰：惟十有一年，武王伐殷。孔安國曰：諸侯僉同，乃退以示弱。〉〈枳棘，以喻殘賊也。翦扞，翦除而防衛之也。〉〈魏志曰：建安二十一年治兵，遂征孫權也。〉〈魏志曰：建安二十一年，匈奴南單于呼廚泉將其名王來朝，待以客禮。漢書曰：諸羌言願得度湟水北。然湟水左右，羌之所居。丁令、屠各，已見上文。〉〈漢書，九江郡有壽春邑。〉〈魏志曰：夏侯淵，字妙才，惇族弟也，為征西將軍。〉〈魏志曰：建安二十一年，留夏侯淵屯漢中。〉〈漢書曰：東越反，上遣橫海將軍韓說、樓船將軍楊僕，入軍於越。〉〈大舉天師至壽春而南，一道也；使征西甲卒五萬，二道也；及武都至庸蜀，三道也；江夏至豫章，四道也；樓船至會稽，五道也。〉

(The Textual Analysis of the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "The essences of the Red Emperor were magnanimity, benevolence, and great capacity." The Book of Rites states, "Heaven overspreads all without partiality; Earth sustains and contains all without partiality." The Mao edition of the Book of Poetry has the verse, "With great qualities truly civil and martial, brilliantly he affects his meritorious ancestors."

The Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "The followers of Pu Hu and Du Huo were all appointed as minor marquises." It further states, "Zhang Lu and his five sons were all appointed as minor marquises."

The Book of Han states, "When Gaozu (Liu Bang) entered Guanzhong, the officials and the people all enjoyed their past tranquility again." The Guanzi states, "The Four Professions are the foundation of the state: they are the scholar-officials, the farmers, the artisans, and the merchants."

In the Zuo Commentary, the Viscount of Chu says, "In ancient times, when the intelligent kings punished disrespectful and disobedient states, they took the greatest criminals among them, and buried them under a mound as the greatest punishment."

The Records continue, "Zhao Qu of Nan'an commandary campaigned against Ma Chao, and beheaded his wife and children." The Book of Han lists a Jincheng commandary.

Fan Ye's Book of Later Han states, "In the first year of Jian'an (196), the capital was moved to Xu."

In the Book of Han, Juan Xun says, "Nothing can be more perverse than treason."

Beginning with the description of the raptor, Chen Lin is now describing the coming campaign against Wu. The Book of Documents states, "King Wu of Zhou did battle with King Zhou of Shang at Muye." It also states, "Not until the eleventh year did King Wu campaign against Yin (Shang)." Kong Anguo remarked, "The lords all agreed, and King Wu withdrew from Meng Crossing as a sign of weakness."

"Clearing the brambles" meant eliminating the various bandits and rebels, and "cutting away the thorns" mean nipping future threats in the bud and guarding against them.

The Records continue, "In the twenty-first year of Jian'an (216), Cao Cao prepared his troops, then led a campaign against Sun Quan."

The Records continue, "In the twenty-first year of Jian'an (216), the Chanyu of the Xiongnu, Huquchuan, led his famous nobles to come to court, and was treated as an honored guest." The Book of Han states, "The various Qiang tribes are said to have crossed over to the north of the Huang River." So the Qiang must have dwelled on either side of the river. The Dingling and Chuge people were mentioned above.

According to the Book of Han, the city of Shouchun was in Jiujiang commandary.

According to the Records of the Three Kingdoms, "Xiahou Yuan, styled Miaocai, was the younger kinsman of Xiahou Dun, and was appointed as General Who Conquers The West."

The Records continue, "In the twenty-first year of Jian'an (216), Xiahou Yuan was left to guard Hanzhong."

The Book of Han states, "When the state of Dongyue (Minyue) rebelled, Emperor Wu of Han sent the General Who Crosses The Seas, Han Yue, and the General of Tower Ships, Yang Pu, to lead the army into Yue."

These were the five lines of advance: first, the main army gathered at Shouchun and then marching south; second, the fifty thousand armored troops under Xiahou Yuan; third, the tribes moving down from Wudu to Tang and Shu; fourth, the armies of Jiangxia and Xiangyang marching to Yuzhang; and fifth, the tower ships sailing to Kuaiji.")

丞相銜奉國威，為民除害，元惡大憝，必當梟夷。至於枝附葉從，皆非詔書所特禽疾。故每破滅強敵，未嘗不務在先降後誅，拔將取才，各盡其用。是以��功之士，莫不翹足引領，望風響應。昔袁術僭逆，王誅將加，則廬江太守劉勳先舉其郡，還歸國家。呂布作亂，師臨下邳，張遼侯成，率衆出降，還討眭固，薛洪樛尚，開城就化。官渡之役，則張郃高奐舉事立功。後討袁尚，則都督將軍馬延、故豫州刺史陰夔、射聲校尉郭昭臨陣來降。圍守鄴城，則將軍蘇游反為內應，審配兄子開門入兵。既誅袁譚，則幽州大將焦觸攻逐袁熙，舉事來服。凡此之輩數百人，皆忠壯果烈，有智有仁，悉與丞相參圖畫策，折衝討難，芟敵搴旗，靜安海內，豈輕舉措也哉！誠乃天啟其心，計深慮遠，審邪正之津，明可否之分，勇不虛死，節不苟立，屈伸變化，唯道所存，故乃建丘山之功，享不訾之祿，朝為仇虜，夕為上將，所謂臨難知變，轉禍為福者也。若夫說誘甘言，懷寶小惠，泥滯苟且，沒而不覺，隨波漂流，與熛俱滅者，亦甚衆多。吉凶得失，豈不哀哉！昔歲軍在漢中，東西懸隔，合肥遺守，不滿五千，權親以數萬之衆，破敗奔走，今乃欲當禦雷霆，難以冀矣。

"Now the Prime Minister, as the agent of the state's authority, is acting to remove threats to the people, and there can be no salvation for the abhorrent chief criminals; they shall surely part with their heads. But 'the branches attached and the leaves that follow' may yet be spared; though the leaders are doomed, their followers need not be condemned. The imperial edict does not decree that such people must die. On the contrary, every time that the Prime Minister has vanquished a powerful foe, he has never failed to first offer opportunities for surrender and only afterwards execute those who would not submit. He has recruited generals and obtained talents, and all such people found their full use in his service. And in all instances, there have been meritorious ministers who have 'stood on tiptoes and craned their necks', who have heeded the situation and responded to circumstances.

“For example, when Yuan Shu treasonously claimed imperial title and the court executed him and his generals, the Administrator of Lujiang, Liu Xun, offered up his commandary to the court and return to the fold of the state. When Lü Bu caused turmoil and the Prime Minister led the army to Xiapi, Zhang Liao and Hou Cheng led their troops out to surrender. When the Prime Minister returned to campaign against Sui Gu, Xue Hong and Jiu Shang opened the gates of his city and submitted. During the battle of Guandu, Zhang He and Gao Huan (Gao Lan) changed sides and performed great deeds. Later, during the campaign against Yuan Shang, the General-Commandant, Ma Yan, the former Inspector of Yuzhou, Yin Kui, and the Colonel of Archers Who Shoot At A Sound, Guo Zhao, came and surrendered during the fighting. When the Prime Minister surrounded Ye, the general Su You turned against Yuan Shang and supported the Prime Minister from the inside, and Shen Pei's nephew opened the gates of the city and let the army in. After Yuan Tan was executed, the great general of Youzhou, Jiao Chu, attacked Yuan Xi and drove him out, then heeded the situation and came to submit.

"There were hundreds of such people, all loyal, strong, stalwart, and zealous, all intelligent, all benevolent. They all joined with the Prime Minister to advise him and help develop his plans, to break and charge on campaigns against his foes, to root out his enemies and pull up their banners, and to restore peace and tranquility within the Four Seas. They did not take such actions lightly! It was truly an instance of 'Heaven displaying its heart', of them 'thinking deeply and considering the long-term'.

"Consider well the crossing-point between good and evil; understand the division between possible and impossible. Let the brave not die a pointless death; let the dutiful not maintain a meager charge. Bow to the reality of circumstances, for there is only one road by which you may preserve yourself. And if you do so, then you may establish a mountain of achievements and enjoy an incalculable salary. Those who in the morning were hated criminals may become the highest of generals by evening. This is what is meant by 'recognizing the situation in the midst of difficulties and exchanging bad fortune for good'.

"There are those who will say I am only enticing you with honeyed words and trying to win you over with trifling kindness. But such people are merely stuck in the mud; they are already lost, yet they do not realize it. How many people shall continue to go along with the flow and be snuffed out in the flames with all the others? Would it not be tragic to throw away a chance for good fortune?

"A few years ago, when the army was at Hanzhong, the eastern flank of the state was far away from the west, and the garrison remaining at Hefei was not even five thousand strong, while Sun Quan personally led tens of thousands of soldiers against it. Yet he was routed and driven off in defeat. Now he thinks to stand against the rolling thunder. He has little hope.

〈尚書，成王曰：元惡大憝。〉〈楊雄覈靈賦曰：枝附葉從，表立景隨。〉〈新序，趙良謂商君曰：君亡可翹足而待也。左氏傳，穆叔謂晉侯曰：引領西望，曰庶幾乎！尚書曰：惟影響。孔安國曰：若影之隨形，響之應聲。〉〈魏志曰：建安四年，袁術敗於陳。術病死，廬江太守劉勳率衆降，封為列侯。〉〈魏志曰：張遼，字文遠，鴈門人也，以兵屬呂布。太祖破呂布於下邳，遼將衆降，拜中郎將，爵為關內侯。〉〈魏志曰：眭固屬袁紹，屯射犬。公進軍臨河，使史渙、曹仁渡河擊之。固使張楊故長史薛洪、河內太守樛尚留守，自將兵以迎紹求救，與渙、仁遇，交戰，大破之，斬固。公遂濟河，圍射犬。洪、尚率衆降，封為列侯。樛音留。〉〈魏志曰：公擊淳于瓊，留曹洪守。紹使張郃、高覽攻曹洪。郃等聞瓊破，遂來降。魏志云高覽，此云奐，蓋有二名。〉〈魏志曰：公圍尚，營未合，尚懼，遣故豫州刺史陰夔及陳琳乞降，公不許，圍益急。尚夜遯，保岐山，追擊之，其將馬延等臨陣降，衆大潰。〉〈魏志曰：尚攻譚，留蘇由守鄴。公進軍到洹水，由降。游與由同。〉〈魏志曰：袁尚走中山，盡獲其輜重印綬節鉞，使尚降人示其家，城中崩沮。審配兄子榮夜開所守東城門內兵，配逆戰敗，生禽配，斬之。〉〈魏志曰：建安十年，袁熙大將焦觸叛，熙、尚奔三郡烏丸，觸等舉其縣來降。〉〈西京賦曰：天啟其心。司馬相如喻巴蜀文曰：計深慮遠，急國家之難。〉〈答客難曰：所欲必得，功若丘山。賈逵國語注曰：訾，言量也。〉〈說苑，孔子曰：聖人轉禍為福，報怨以德。〉〈毛詩曰：盜言孔甘。論語曰：好行小惠。〉〈魏志曰：太祖使張遼與樂進等將七千餘人屯合肥。太祖征張魯，俄而權率十萬衆圍合肥。於是遼夜募敢從之士，得八百人。明日大戰，平旦，遼被甲持戟，先登陷陣，殺千人，斬二將。權登高冢，以長戟自守。遼呼，權不敢動。權守合肥十餘日，城不可拔，乃引退。〉

(In the Book of Documents, King Cheng of Zhou says, "Such great criminals are greatly abhorred."

Chen Lin quotes from Yang Xiong's Rhapsody of Heling, which has the verse, "The branches attach and the leaves follow; what has been raised shall be joined by a shadow."

In the Records of the Grand Historian, Zhao Liang states to Shang Yang, "Sir, they are waiting on tiptoes to see your demise." In the Zuo Commentary, Mushu says to the Marquis of Jin, "They are craning their necks and looking to the west, saying that it is so!" The Book of Documents has the phrase, "Mere shadows and echoes." Kong Anguo remarked, "This means like a shadow which follows a thing, or an echo which follows a sound."

The Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "In the fourth year of Jian'an (199), Yuan Shu was defeated at Qin. He passed away from illness. The Administrator of Lujiang, Liu Xun, led his troops to surrender, and he was appointed as a minor marquis."

The Records continue, "Zhang Liao, styled Wenyuan, was a native of Yanmen commandary. He was an officer under Lü Bu. When Cao Cao routed Lü Bu at Xiapi, Zhang Liao led his troops to surrender. He was appointed as a General of the Household Gentlemen and a Marquis Within The Passes."

The Records continue, "Sui Gu served under Yuan Shao, and was camped at Shequan. Cao Cao advanced to the Yellow River, and sent Shi Huan and Cao Ren to cross the river and attack Sui Gu. Sui Gu had Zhang Yang's former Chief Clerk, Xue Hong, and the Administrator of Henei, Jiu Shang, remain behind the guard his camp while he himself led troops to meet Yuan Shao and ask him for aid. But he encountered Shi Huan and Cao Ren, became locked in battle, and was greatly routed; they took Sui Gu's head. Cao Cao then crossed the river and besieged Shequan. Xue Hong and Jiu Shang led their forces to surrender, and were appointed as minor marquises." Jiu Shang's surname 樛 is pronounced "liu".

The Records continue, "When Cao Cao attacked Chunyu Qiong (at Wuchao), he left Cao Hong to guard his camp. Yuan Shao sent Zhang He and Gao Lan to attack Cao Hong. But when Zhang He and the others heard that Chunyu Qiong had been routed, they came and surrendered." The Records states that this officer's name was Gao Lan, while this proclamation writes his name as Gao Huan; he must've had two different given names.

The Records continue, "When Cao Cao surrounded Yuan Shang, since Yuan Shang's camp was not yet finished, he was afraid. He sent the former Inspector of Yuzhou, Yin Kui, and Chen Lin to beg to be allowed to surrender, but Cao Cao refused, and only tightened his siege even more. Yuan Shang then broke out during the night and held out in the mountains. Cao Cao pursued and attacked Yuan Shang; his generals, Ma Yan and others, surrendered during the fighting, and Yuan Shang's forces greatly collapsed."

The Records continue, "When Yuan Shang attacked Yuan Tan, he left Su You to guard Ye. Cao Cao advanced his army to the Huan River, and Su You surrendered." The Records record Su You's given name as 由, while this proclamation has it as 游; both are pronounced "you".

The Records continue, "When Yuan Shang fled to Zhongshan, Cao Cao captured all his supplies, his seals and ribbons, and his tallys and axes of authority. He sent defectors from Yuan Shang's army to display these things to their families, and the city's defenses thus collapsed. Shen Pei's nephew Shen Rong opened the eastern gate of the city during the night and let in Cao Cao's soldiers. Shen Pei fought back, but was defeated; he was captured alive, then beheaded."

The Records continue, "In the tenth year of Jian'an (205), Yuan Xi's great general Jiao Chu rebelled against him. Yuan Xi and Yuan Shang fled to the Wuhuan of the three commandaries, while Jiao Chu and others led their counties to come and surrender to Cao Cao."

The Rhapsody on the Western Capital has the verse, "Heaven displays its heart". In the Proclamation to Ba and Shu, Sima Xiangru says, "Think deeply and consider the long-term, for the state has pressing difficulties."

The Response to the Difficulties of the Guests states, "Everything they wished, they were sure to obtain; their achievements were like mountains". Jia Kui's notes on the Discourses of the States states, "訾 'calculable' means measurable."

In the Garden of Discussion, Confucius states, "The wise man exchanges misfortune for blessings, repays anger with virtue."

The Mao edition of the Book of Poetry has the verse, "He trusts the rogues that lie and sneak". The Analects states, "They enjoy indulging in trifling kindnesses."

The Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "Cao Cao sent Zhang Liao, Yue Jin, and others to lead more than seven thousand soldiers to camp at Hefei. While Cao Cao was campaigning against Zhang Lu, Sun Quan suddenly led an army of a hundred thousand to besiege Hefei. During the night, Zhang Liao sought to recruit soldiers who would dare to follow him, and obtained eight hundred such men. The next day, they fought a great battle; at dawn, Zhang Liao put on his armor, grasped his halberd, and plunged forward into the enemy formation. He killed a thousand people and took the heads of two generals. Sun Quan stood atop a high tomb, wielding a long halberd to defend himself. Zhang Liao shouted at him, but Sun Quan did not dare to move. Sun Quan kept Hefei under siege for more than ten days, but he could not take the city, so he withdrew.")

夫天道助順，人道助信，事上之謂義，親親之謂仁。盛孝章，君也，而權誅之，孫輔，兄也，而權殺之。賊義殘仁，莫斯為甚。乃神靈之逋罪，下民所同讎。辜讎之人，謂之凶賊。是故伊摯去夏，不為傷德；飛廉死紂，不可謂賢。何者？去就之道，各有宜也。

"One must gain the assistance of Heaven through submission to its will, and the help of the people through the building of trust; to act properly is called righteousness, and to show kinship is called benevolence. Yet though Sheng Xiaozhang (Sheng Xian) was a superior fellow, Sun Quan still executed him, and though Sun Fu was his own brother, Sun Quan still killed him. No one is worse than him in being a robber against righteousness and a ruffian against benevolence. Thus the gods and the spirits judge him as guilty, and the people are united in hatred of him.

"Those who would associate with such a criminal are themselves considered wicked bandits. That is why when, in ancient times, Yi Zhi (Yi Yin) abandoned Xia, he did no injury to virtue, but when Fei Lian died for the sake of King Zhou of Shang, he was not considered a worthy man. Why? Because there are times when it is proper to remain, but also times when it is proper to leave.

〈周易曰：天之所助者順也，人之所助信也。〉〈吳志曰：權殺吳郡太守盛憲。會稽典錄曰：憲字孝章。〉〈典略曰：孫輔恐權不能守江東，因權出行東治，乃遣人齎書呼曹公。行人以告，權乃還，偽若不知，與張昭共見輔。權謂輔曰：兄厭樂耶？何為呼他人？輔云無是。權投書與昭以示輔，輔慚無辭，乃悉斬輔親近，徙輔置東吳。〉〈孟子，齊王曰：臣弒其君可乎？孟子曰：賊仁者謂之賊，賊義者謂之殘。殘賊之人，謂之一夫。聞誅一夫紂矣，未聞弒其君也。〉〈尚書曰：伊尹去亳適夏，既醜有夏，復歸于亳。孫子曰：殷之興也，伊摯在夏。魏武曰：伊摯，伊尹也。孟子曰：周公相武王，誅紂，驅飛廉於海隅而戮之。〉

(The Book of Changes states, "One whom Heaven would assist must be obedient; one whom the people would help must be trustworthy."

The Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "Sun Quan killed the Administrator of Shu commandary, Sheng Xian." The Records of Canons of Kuaiji adds, "Sheng Xian's style name was Xiaozhang."

The Dianlue states, "Sun Fu was afraid that Sun Quan would not be able to defend the Southland. So when Sun Quan went out on an eastern patrol, Sun Fu sent an agent to bring a letter calling Cao Cao. But the agent informed Sun Quan of the plot instead. When Sun Quan returned, he pretended that he did not know of the plot, and together with Zhang Zhao he went to see Sun Fu. Sun Quan said to Sun Fu, 'Brother, are you unsatisfied? Why are you calling someone else?' Sun Fu said he was not. Sun Quan then flung the letter down so that he and Zhang Zhao could look at it. Sun Fu, ashamed, said nothing further. Sun Quan executed Sun Fu's close associates, and he exiled Sun Fu to eastern Wu."

The Mengzi states, "The King of Qi said, 'May a minister then put his sovereign to death?' Mencius said, 'He who outrages the benevolence proper to his nature, is called a robber; he who outrages righteousness, is called a ruffian. The robber and ruffian we call a mere fellow. I have heard that the fellow Zhou (King Zhou of Shang) was executed, but I have not heard of a putting a sovereign to death, in his case.'

The Book of Documents states, "Yi Yin left Hao and went to Xia, but after being disgusted by Xia, he returned to Hao again." The Art of War states, "Of old, the rise of the Yin dynasty was due to Yi Zhi who had served under the Xia." Cao Cao's commentary on that passage adds, "Yi Zhi was Yi Yin."

The Mengzi states, "King Wu of Zhou destroyed King Zhou of Shang. He drove Fei Lian to a corner by the sea, and slew him."

丞相深惟江東舊德名臣，多在載籍。近魏叔英秀出高峙，著名海內；虞文繡砥礪清節，耽學好古；周泰明當世俊彥，德行脩明。皆宜膺受多福，保乂子孫。而周盛門戶無辜被戮，遺類流離，湮沒林莽，言之可為愴然，聞魏周榮虞仲翔各紹堂構，能負析薪。及吳諸顧陸舊族長者，世有高位，當報漢德，顯祖揚名。及諸將校孫權婚親，皆我國家良寶利器，而並見驅迮，雨絕於天，有斧無柯，何以自濟？相隨顛沒，不亦哀乎！

"Now the Prime Minister deeply cherishes the longstanding legacies and virtues of the old Southland clans, which have been known for many generations. It was not so long ago that the brilliance of Wei Shuying rose above the highest mountains and his reputation spread all throughout the seas, that the moral principles and indulgent love of learning of Yu Wenxiu were widely regarded, and that the peerless talents and cultivated virtue of Zhou Taiming were known by all. Thus their descendants should 'long enjoy much happiness', and their sons and grandsons should be protected and preserved. Yet Zhou Sheng and all his clan, though innocent, have been executed; the lineage has been scattered and lost, falling into oblivion among the trees and grass. Is that not regrettable? And we have heard that Wei Zhourong and Yu Zhongxiang (Yu Fan) have inherited the legacies of their ancestors, so that 'what the father planned, the son must build', 'the wood chopped by the father must be carried by the son'. So too should the old gentry clans of the Wu region, the Gu, the Lu, and all the rest that have enjoyed high status for generations, repay the virtues of the Han dynasty and glorify the good names of their ancestors.

"Indeed, all the generals and officers of Sun Quan, all his marital relations, are fine treasures and useful tools of our state. Yet they are all pressing one another forward, like rain tumbling from the heavens; they are like an axe-blade without a handle, and how can that be used? They are falling into ruin together. Is that not lamentable?

〈尚書曰：永膺多福。又曰：保乂王家。〉〈吳志曰：虞翻，字仲翔。尚書曰：若考作室，既厎法，厥子乃弗肯堂，矧肯構。左氏傳，鄭子產曰：古人有言曰，其父析薪，其子弗克負荷。〉〈尚書曰：所寶惟賢，則邇人安。聖主得賢臣頌曰：夫賢者，國家器用也。所任賢，則趨舍省而功施普；器用利，則用力少而就效衆也。〉〈陸賈新語曰：有斧無柯，何以治之？〉

(The Book of Documents has the phrases "long enjoy much happiness" and "maintain and regulate the royal House".

According to the Records of the Three Kingdoms, Yu Fan's style name was Zhongxiang.

The Book of Documents states, "When a deceased father, wishing to build a house, had laid out the plan, if his son be unwilling to raise up the hall, how much less will he be willing to complete the roof!" In the Zuo Commentary, the Zheng minister Zichan says, "People have the saying: 'The father split the firewood, and the son was not able to carry it.'"

The Book of Documents states, "When the ruler finds value only in that which is worthy, his own people near at hand will be in a state of repose." The Ode on the Sage Ruler Obtaining Worthy Subjects states, "Worthy people are the useful tools of the state. When one employs the worthy, they will hurry to come to you and achievements will become widespread; when one utilizes the useful, then with little effort one may tend well to the people."

Lu Jia's New Tales has the saying, "If an axe-blade has no handle, how can it be used?")

蓋鳳鳴高岡以遠罻羅，賢聖之德也。鸋鴃之鳥巢於葦苕，苕折子破，下愚之惑也。今江東之地，無異葦苕，諸賢處之，信亦危矣。聖朝開弘曠蕩，重惜民命，誅在一人，與衆無忌，故設非常之賞，以待非常之功。乃霸夫烈士奮命之良時也，可不勉乎！若能翻然大舉，建立元勳，以應顯祿，福之上也。如其未能，笇量大小，以存易亡，亦其次也。

"Among birds, the phoenix builds its nest high up on a lofty ridge, thus displaying the virtues of a worthy sage. But wrens and shrikes build their nests on reeds and twigs, and when the reeds snap the chicks are destroyed; this displays the delusions of the lowly and foolish. And currently, the Southland itself is no different from such a reed or twig, with many worthy people perched upon it. Truly, they are in great danger.

"The court is generous and magnanimous, tolerant and forgiving, and most sympathetic to the lives of the people. They seek the execution of one man alone, but have no suspicion towards anyone else. Thus they present uncommon rewards, in the expectation of uncommon achievements. Is there not some domineering fellow, some man of passion and drive, who will seize this moment to wrest control of their fate? If so, be diligent! For whosoever can arrange a grand undertaking and perform the greatest of achievements will earn great glory and riches; that would lead to the greatest fortune. Or if you cannot bring yourselves to do that, it would still be sufficient for you to analyze well the situation you face and consider how to exchange death for life.

〈毛詩曰：鳳皇鳴矣，于彼高岡；梧桐生矣，于彼朝陽。〉〈韓詩曰：鴟鴞：既取我子，無毀我室。鴟鴞，鸋鴃，鳥名也。鴟鴞所以愛養其子者，適以病之。愛憐養其子者，謂堅固其窠巢；病之者，謂不知託於大樹茂枝，反敷之葦䓟。風至，䓟折巢覆，有子則死，有卵則破，是其病也。字林曰：鸋鴃，鴞也，上乃丁切，下古穴切。廣雅曰：鸋鴃，工雀也。荀卿子曰：南方鳥名蒙鳩，為巢，編之以髮，繫之葦苕。苕折卵破。巢非不牢，所繫之弱也。說文曰：葦，大葭也。〉〈司馬長卿難蜀父老曰：有非常之事，然後有非常之功。〉〈未能如上之計。〉〈漢書，鄒陽上書曰：昔者鄭祭仲許宋人立公子突以活其君，非其義也。春秋記之，為其以生易死，以存易亡。〉

(The Mao edition of the Book of Poetry has the verse, "The male and female phoenix give out their notes, on that lofty ridge. The dryandras grow, on those eastern slopes."

The Han edition of the Book of Poetry has the verse, "O owl, O owl! You have taken my young ones; do not also destroy my nest."

Owl, wren, and shrike are the names of birds. Among such birds, there are those that tenderly care for their chicks, and those who soon have cause to mourn them. For the loving ones find a sturdy place to set their nests or burrows, while the mourning ones do not think to place their nests upon a large branch of some great tree, but only set it upon the reeds, and when a wind comes, the reeds snap and the nest falls. Thus any chicks are killed and any eggs are broken; this is the source of their grief.

The Forest of Characters states, "Shrikes and wrens are the same as owls. Above, they carve nests; below, they dig out burrows." The Guangya states, "Wrens and shrikes are industrious birds." The Xunzi states, "There is a bird in the south called the Meng Wren. When it builds its nest, it wraps it in hair and ties it to reeds. But when the reeds snap, the eggs are broken. It is not that the nest was not durable; the problem was that the ties were too weak." The Shuowen dictionary states, "A reed is a large bulrush."

Sima Xiangru's Refuting the Elders of Shu states, "When there are uncommon events, then there shall be uncommon achievements."

Chen Lin was saying those who could not carry out the greatest plan (of achieving "the greatest thing", perhaps by killing Sun Quan).

In the Book of Han, Zou Yang's petition states, "In ancient times, when Ji Zhong of the state of Zheng allowed the people of Song to make the late duke's son Tu the new ruler, it was not because of Tu's righteousness. Rather, as the Spring and Autumn Annals tell us, it was in order to save himself and exchange death for life.")

夫係蹄在足，則猛虎絕其蹯；蝮蛇在手，則壯士斷其節。何則？以其所全者重，以其所棄者輕。若乃樂禍懷寧，迷而忘復，闇大雅之所保，背先賢之去就，忽朝陽之安，甘折苕之末，日忘一日，以至覆沒，大兵一放，玉石俱碎，雖欲救之，亦無及已。故令往購募爵賞科條如左。檄到詳思至言。如詔律令。

"Even a tiger will gnaw off its own paw if it is bound by a rope, and even a strong fellow will chop off his own wrist if there is a viper on his hand. Why? Because of the danger posed to the whole body. They see the preservation of their whole body as more important than the loss of the limb. Will you then take delight in your misfortune and think you are at peace, continue your wandering and forget to turn back, be blind to the praises of the Daya poem and ignore the ways in which the past worthies exchanged sides, and turn away from a sure means of safety and prefer to remain on the snapping branch? Shall you live your life only one day to the next, until in the end you are lost? For when our great soldiers are flung against you, then the jade will be smashed along with the stone, and even if you sought to save yourself then, it would be too late.

"Thus I have sent forth these offers to recruit you, to offer titles and rewards and this opportunity to reform yourselves. When you receive this proclamation, carefully consider what I have said to you.

"This decree has the force of an imperial edict."

〈戰國策，魏魁謂建信君曰：人有置係蹄者而得虎，虎怒，跌蹯而去。虎之情匪不愛其蹯也，然而不以環寸之蹯，害七尺之軀，有權也。今國家者，非直七尺之軀也，而君之身於王非環寸之蹯也，願公早圖之也。延叔堅曰：係蹄，獸絆也。〉〈漢書曰：項梁使使趨齊兵擊章邯，田榮曰：楚殺田假，趙殺田角、田間，乃出兵。楚不殺假，趙亦不殺角、間。齊王曰：蝮蠚手則斬手，蠚足則斬足，何者？為害於身也。田假、田角、田間於楚、趙非手足之戚，何故不殺？〉〈周易曰：迷復之凶，反君道也。〉〈毛詩大雅曰：既明且哲，以保其身。〉〈尚書曰：火炎崑岡，玉石俱焚。〉〈史記，衛平謂宋王曰：後雖悔之，亦無及已。〉

(In the Strategies of the Warring States, Wei Kui says to Lord Jianxin, "If a person binds a tiger with a rope, the tiger will become so enraged that it will even gnaw its paw off to escape. Of course, it is not that the tiger does not love its paw, but when the paw is bound, it is willing to lose a few inches of flesh in order to get away. Now as for our state, though it is more than a few inches of flesh, yet the King also considers you more than a mere bound paw. I implore you to consider this at once." Yan Shujian remarked, "A rope is a tool for binding beasts."

The Book of Han states, "When Xiang Liang of the state of Chu sent envoys asking the soldiers of Qi to attack Zhao's city of Zhanghan, Tian Rong objected, 'It was because Chu killed Tian Jia that Zhao killed Tian Jiao and Tian Jian, then sent out troops. If Chu had not killed Tian Jia, then Zhao would not have killed Tian Jiao or Tian Jian.' But the King of Qi told him, 'If a viper stings one in the hand, one must cut it off, and it is the same way with the foot. Why? Because of the threat to the body. Now those gentlemen were not even as close to Chu and Zhao as hands and feet, so why would they not have killed them?'"

The Book of Rites states, "'The evil consequent on being all astray on the subject of returning' is because the course pursued is contrary to the proper course for a ruler."

The Daya poem in the Mao edition of the Book of Poetry has the verse, "Intelligent is he and wise, protecting his own person."

The Book of Documents states, "When the fire blazes over the ridge of Kun, gems and stones are burned together."

In the Records of the Grand Historian, Wei Ping says to the King of Song, "Even if you later regret it, it will be too late then.")

#Chen Lin #Three Kingdoms #Sanguo

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