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Congress Welcomes New Members in Bhuiyandih Ceremony in Jamshedpur
Vinod Yadav, Bhuiyandih Mandal President, joins Congress with a large team of supporters. A membership ceremony was held under the leadership of the Golmuri Block Congress Committee, where numerous BJP members joined Congress. JAMSHEDPUR – In a significant political shift, a large membership ceremony was held in Bhuiyadih under the auspices of the Golmuri Block Congress Committee, chaired by…
#Anand Bihari Dubey#आयोजन#Bhuiyadih membership ceremony#BJP members join Congress#Congress party growth#Congress welfare initiatives#Event#Golmuri Block Congress#Jamshedpur Congress#Jamshedpur East Assembly#Political Shift#Vinod Yadav Congress
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love discussing politics with sis we're so sync it gives me faith in this family
#we were discussing about recent elections conditions since both of us can vote#how there is so much corruption & how none of our media fucking covers it#the riots in ladakh and the condition of north east and kashmir bjp will never speak on it and still it's almost confirmed they're going to#be the next ruling party how some congress members when accused with corruption joined bjp and suddenly their whole record is clear#how there is so much rise in prejudice and minorities are facing hell#how these people who wouldn't shut up about the kashmiri pandit genocide DO NOT have the same reaction to palestinian genocide#why do you suddenly not care about dying kids women and men why doesn't this bring out the same this is fucking wrong reaction#discussed everything and now i feel so good#mine
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The murder of a politician in a bustling area in India's Mumbai city has sent shockwaves across the country.
Baba Ziauddin Siddique, 66, was shot on Saturday night near his carwhile he was leaving his son's office. He died later in hospital.
The killing of Siddique, an influential politician who was part of the coalition governing Maharashtra state - of which Mumbai is the capital - has set off a political blame-game.
The motive for the murder is not clear yet, but for many it has brought back memories of the 1990s, when politicians and film stars were frequently targeted by Mumbai's underworld.
Police have arrested three people so far and say investigations are continuing. Local media reports say the arrested men are part of a notorious gang whose leader is currently in jail.
Who was Baba Siddique?
Born in the eastern state of Bihar, Siddique migrated to Mumbai at the age of five with his father, a watchmaker.
He started his political career in the 1980s as a student leader with the Congress party, soon leading its youth wing in Mumbai. He then entered local council politics before being elected to the state’s legislature three times in a row and becoming a minister in 2004 for about four years.
In February, he left the Congress to join the Nationalist Congress Party which, along with Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Shiv Sena, currently governs state.
Apart from his political activities, Siddique also made headlines for his glitzy iftar parties held during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan which were attended by top Bollywood stars.
It was at his iftar party in 2013 that superstars Salman Khan and Shahrukh Khan ended their much-discussed rift with a hug - that propelled "the annual Siddique affair into a must-watch event on the city’s social calendar", Midday newspaper wrote in 2016.
How was Siddique killed?
The politician was shot outside his son’s office as he was about to enter his car in the busy Bandra area.
Police said three shooters fired six-seven rounds, hitting Siddique's abdomen and chest, and fled the scene. A bystander was also injured as a stray bullet hit his leg.
Investigators said they had recovered two pistols and 28 live rounds of ammunition from the arrested men.
Siddique had three police guards - local media reported his security was upgraded days ago - but the suspects reportedly distracted them by setting off a "smoke firecracker".
What is the state of the investigation?
Police have been granted custody of the arrested men for a week. They say they are on the lookout for their accomplices.
“We have set up 15 teams and investigation is on to identify who provided logistical support to the shooters,” senior police official Datta Nalawade said.
While the police have not confirmed it, several reports citing sources have linked the arrested men with the notorious Bishnoi gang. The gang's leader Lawrence Bishnoi is an accused in several cases and is currently in a high-security prison in Gujarat state.
Within hours of the shooting, a man claiming to be a member of the gang posted on Facebook that they were behind Siddique’s killing. Police have not yet confirmed the authenticity of the post.
Though Bishnoi has been in jail since 2015, he frequently makes news. Many social media accounts claiming to belong to him or his associates have often posted his selfies from jail. He even gave interviews to a TV channel in 2022, prompting an investigation.
Many of the reports on Bishnoi are based on police sources and it’s not clear how he conducts the gang's operations while in prison.
The gang's name popped up in connection with the murder of Punjabi rapper Sidhu Moosewala in 2022.
In April, police arrested two gang members for allegedly firing shots outside the apartment of actor Salman Khan in Mumbai.
On Monday, the Canadian police also said it believed the Bishnoi group had connections to Indian government agents who were using the gang to target Sikh separatists on their soil. India has not officially responded to the police claims.
What else has happened?
Siddique’s killing is the first major assassination of a politician in Mumbai since the 1990s when high-profile killings of politicians, businessmen and Bollywood celebrities by criminal gangs of the Mumbai underworld were not uncommon.
Local media reports said he had received a death threat two weeks ago, which led to his security being upgraded.
His killing within days of that has put the state government on the backfoot, with Maharashtra set to hold assembly elections soon.
Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge called the murder “a complete failure of law and order in Maharashtra”, and Delhi's former chief minister Arvind Kejriwal said the incident had scared not only the people of Maharashtra “but the entire country”.
Chief Minister of Maharashtra Eknath Shinde has defended his government.
“[The culprits] will not be spared no matter who they are, be it the Bishnoi gang or any underworld gang… Those who are receiving threats, their safety is the state government’s responsibility and it will fulfil its responsibility,” he said.
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"January 22, 2024 is not merely a date in the calendar but heralds the advent of a new era," Modi said, speaking outside the temple to the Hindu deity Ram, built on grounds where a mosque stood for centuries before it was torn down in 1992 by Hindu zealots incited by members of his party.
That demolition triggered the worst religious riots since independence – killing 2,000 people, most of them Muslims – and shook the foundations of India's officially secular political order.
Tens of thousands of chanting and dancing devotees waving flags, honking horns and beating drums have converged on the northern town of Ayodhya, with roads clogged, trains packed full and the rest marching in on foot.
Few members of Ayodhya's Muslim community were seen joining the jubilant street party.
But for Modi's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the opening of the Ram Mandir temple is a landmark moment in a decades-long campaign to align the country's governance with its majority faith.
"The Lord has made me an instrument to represent all the people of India", Modi said when he launched an 11-day ritual fast ahead of the "auspicious" opening.
Tycoons, cricketers and actors
Excitement has reached a fever pitch, with thousands of Hindu believers dancing in packed streets as giant loudspeakers blast out religious tunes.
Vijay Kumar, 18, took four days to reach the town after walking and hitchhiking 600 kilometres (370 miles).
"We just wanted to be here," Kumar said. "We just wish to see the temple before we leave."
About 2,500 musicians are expected to perform on over 100 stages for the crowds of pilgrims, desperate to see the elaborate temple, built at an estimated $240 million that the project's backers say was sourced from public donations.
The 140 kilometres (87 miles) between the town and Uttar Pradesh state capital Lucknow is a seemingly endless stream of billboards of blue-skinned Ram with bow and arrow – as well as of Modi and the region's chief minister, the saffron-robed Hindu monk Yogi Adityanath.
Bukesh Rajiybng, 54, travelled for three days in a jam-packed train to attend the celebration.
"It's a moment we have all dreamed of for decades," he said. "I think the people and Ram will definitely bless Modi for this."
Other attendees jetted in to the newly built international airport and will stay at a crop of hotels built to cater to the millions of pilgrims expected to visit each year.
Among the celebrity guests at the opening are Indian tycoons, former national cricket captain Virat Kohli and Bollywood titan Amitabh Bachchan.
'Death and destruction'
Modi and the BJP have sought to bring the Hindu faith to the forefront of public life since sweeping to power a decade ago.
Party luminaries regularly condemn earlier eras of Islamic rule over parts of India as a time of "slavery" when their own religion was oppressed, with Ayodhya a key plank in their narrative.
Devout Hindus believe Ram, one of the most revered Hindu gods, was born in the town more than 7,000 years ago, but that the Babri mosque was built over his birthplace by a 16th-century Muslim emperor.
The BJP played an instrumental role in public campaigning that eventually led to the mosque's demolition.
The destruction presaged the rise of the BJP and Modi as unstoppable electoral juggernauts, displacing the secularist Congress party that had governed India almost without interruption since independence from Britain.
Modi's consecration of the temple alongside Hindu priests will again project him as a defender of the faith ahead of a general election expected to begin in April.
The BJP is heavily favoured to win a third successive landslide victory, in part because of Modi's appeals to Hindu nationalism, and opposition parties are boycotting the temple ceremony, saying the event will be a thinly veiled campaign rally.
Many of India's 200 million Muslims, already anxious in a climate of increased sectarian tensions, have watched the clamour around the temple with trepidation.
Mohammed Shahid, 52, speaking to AFP last month in Ayodhya, recounted how his father was burned alive by a mob.
"For me, the temple symbolises nothing but death and destruction", he said.
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The Evolution of Babul Supriyo: From Music to Public Service
Babul Supriyo is a name synonymous with versatility and dedication. From enchanting millions with his soulful voice to taking on significant roles in Indian politics, his journey is nothing short of inspiring. Born in Uttarpara, West Bengal, Supriyo’s life story is a fascinating tale of passion, perseverance, and transformation. This article delves into his transition from a celebrated playback singer to a political leader, highlighting the milestones of his incredible career.
Early Life and Musical Beginnings
Born on December 15, 1970, in a musically rich family, Supriyo was destined to make waves in the music industry. His grandfather, N.C. Baral, was a renowned vocalist and composer in Bengal, and it was under his guidance that Supriyo’s love for music flourished. Growing up, he showcased his talent in school competitions and earned several accolades, including the All India Don Bosco Music Champion in 1983.
After completing his education in commerce from Serampore College, Supriyo initially worked at Standard Chartered Bank in Kolkata. However, his passion for music was unwavering, prompting him to resign and move to Mumbai in 1992. This decision marked the beginning of his illustrious career in playback singing.
Bollywood Success: A Voice for the Ages
In Mumbai, Supriyo adopted the stage name “Babul Supriyo” and quickly became a recognizable voice in the Bollywood music industry. His breakthrough came with the song “Dil Ne Dil Ko Pukara” from the blockbuster movie Kaho Naa… Pyaar Hai (2000). This song not only earned him widespread acclaim but also established him as a leading playback singer.
Over the years, Supriyo delivered several hits, collaborating with prominent music directors like Jatin-Lalit, Anu Malik, and A.R. Rahman. Some of his memorable songs include:
“Chanda Chamke” from Fanaa (2006)
“Hum Tum” from Hum Tum (2004)
“Pari Pari Hai Ek Pari” from Hungama (2003)
His ability to adapt to different musical styles and his impeccable vocal range made him a favorite among audiences. Supriyo’s songs, marked by their emotional depth and melodic quality, have left an indelible mark on Bollywood’s music landscape.
Venturing into Politics
Despite his thriving music career, Supriyo’s ambitions extended beyond the recording studio. In 2014, he entered the political arena by joining the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). His entry into politics surprised many, but his dedication and charisma quickly earned him a significant following.
Elected as a Member of Parliament from Asansol in West Bengal, Supriyo served in the 16th and 17th Lok Sabha. During his tenure, he held various ministerial roles, including:
Minister of State for Urban Development
Minister of State for Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises
Minister of State for Environment, Forest, and Climate Change
His contributions in these roles were noteworthy, focusing on urban development and sustainable initiatives. However, his political journey took a dramatic turn in 2021 when he joined the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC). In 2022, he was elected as a Member of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly and appointed Cabinet Minister for Information Technology and Electronics in the state government.
Balancing Music and Public Service
One of the remarkable aspects of Supriyo’s career is his ability to seamlessly balance his love for music with his political responsibilities. While politics now occupies a significant portion of his life, he remains deeply connected to his musical roots. He continues to perform at concerts and events, reminding fans of the magic he brought to Bollywood.
His dual career path reflects his dedication to making a difference — both as an artist who touches hearts with music and as a politician committed to serving the people.
Personal Life and Resilience
Babul Supriyo’s personal life has also been a testament to resilience and strength. His first marriage ended in divorce, but he found love again and remarried in 2016. He is a proud father to two daughters, and his family remains a source of inspiration and support.
Despite facing challenges, Supriyo’s journey highlights the importance of perseverance. Whether it was the initial struggle to establish himself in the music industry or the complexities of navigating Indian politics, he has always emerged stronger.
Legacy and Inspiration
Babul Supriyo’s story is not just about personal success; it is about inspiring others to dream big and work tirelessly to achieve their goals. His transition from a celebrated singer to a respected politician underscores the value of adaptability and continuous growth.
For aspiring artists, his musical journey serves as a reminder that passion and dedication can pave the way to success. For young politicians, his story is a lesson in balancing ambition with the desire to serve society.
Conclusion
Babul Supriyo journey from Uttarpara to the corridors of power is a story of determination, talent, and a relentless pursuit of excellence. As a singer, he gave us songs that resonate with emotions; as a politician, he has worked towards meaningful change. His life is a testament to the idea that one can excel in multiple fields with dedication and hard work.
What aspect of Babul Supriyo’s journey inspires you the most? Share your thoughts in the comments or connect on social media to discuss this multifaceted personality’s legacy.
To explore more about Babul Supriyo’s music, politics, and inspiring life, visit the detailed article on Deliver My Tune or stream his songs on your favorite platform. Don’t miss the chance to revisit the timeless melodies that have captivated millions!
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Jammu and Kashmir's Assembly elections face uncertainty as opposition fears LG-nominated MLAs may sway results in favor of the BJP.
The stakes have never been higher as Jammu and Kashmir prepares for its first Assembly elections in over a decade. This throws open concerns over the role of five nominated members – a provision enabled by the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019 – who are nominated by the Lieutenant Governor for various segments of society, including two women, two Kashmiri Pandits and one displaced individual from Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir. But that decision has sparked fears in opposition parties, which believe that this could turn out to be some form of “BJP plus” nominations.
Read more: Escalating Conflict: IDF Operations Expand in Southern Lebanon
Critics such as National Conference and Congress leaders argue that the power to nominate members should lie with an elected government. They regard it as a form of ‘pre-election rigging’, afraid that the nominees would cast their vote in unison with the BJP and thus sway the outcome of the election to the side of the ruling party. The BJP, on the other hand, is confident that the nominations are well within the legal framework established under the J-K Reorganisation Act.
Read more: ECI Results 2024: Accessing Haryana and Jammu & Kashmir Assembly Poll Results
To that end, the legislative landscape has dramatically changed, with the strength of the Assembly doubling and now totaling 95 seats, reflecting a highly significant shift in representation. Not only are most of the more than 40% of candidates running as independents–indeed many considered to be BJP allies–but their leaders argue this is simply a vote-dividing ploy. Only then would the real implications of these developments be in the balance, holding in the balance the political future of Jammu and Kashmir-the country or countrymen of a million ballot boxes-minus the promised play-by-the-book ending.
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Ashok Tanwar urges Selja to consider joining BJP
Kumari Selja Team News Riveting Chandigarh, September 23 Former BJP MLA Ashok Tanwar urged senior Congress leader and Sirsa Member of Parliament Selja to consider joining the BJP following an offer from former Chief Minister and Union Minister Manohar Lal Khattar. At a Gharaunda public meeting, Tanwar said, “Selja is like a sister to me, but she didn’t support me earlier. Her experience in…
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Anger On Kolkata Streets, Cops Use Water Cannons, Tear Gas On Protesters
Chaotic scenes are being witnessed on the streets of Kolkata as police intercepted a protest march to state secretariat Nabanna over the rape and murder of a 31-year-old doctor in the city’s RG Kar Medical College and Hospital on August 9. Riot police are using teargas shells and water cannons to stop the protesters from proceedings towards the state secretariat. Some of the protesters are throwing stones towards the cops.
No permission was given for the protest march and the ruling Trinamool Congress yesterday alleged a conspiracy to create unrest throw violence during the rally. Kolkata Police virtually turned Nabanna into a fortress and as many as 6,000 police personnel were deployed to stop the protesters from advancing the secretariat from any route. Drones were also used to keep a watch on the protesters. Barricades have been welded into the ground and greased to prevent the protesters from scaling them.
This morning, a group of protesters gathered at College Square and marched towards Nabanna. They raised slogans demanding Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s resignation over the horrific rape and murder case. Several student organisations and citizen forums have joined the protest. Visuals showed the protesters shaking the barricades in their way.
While the ruling Trinamool alleges this is a BJP-backed protest, the organisers have said it is a march planned by student organisations. Many of the outfits part of today’s protest are not registered organisations. Most known student outfits, including those affiliated to political parties, have distanced themselves from the protest.
This morning, Leader of the Opposition in Bengal Assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, said four student activists part of the protest plan went missing after midnight.
“The following Student Activists who were distributing food to the volunteers, who were arriving at Howrah Station, suddenly went missing after midnight :- Subhojit Ghosh, Pulokesh Pandit, Goutam Senapati, Pritam Sarkar. Neither they can be traced nor are they answering their phones.
We apprehend that they may have been arrested/detained by the Mamata Police. If something happens to them Mamata Police will be held accountable,” Mr Adhikari said in a post on X.
Bengal police responded that the students were planning to orchestrate large-scale violence during today’s march “and were involved in a conspiracy of murder and attempted murder”. “They have been arrested in the Interest of public safety and security, and their families have been informed,” they said. Mr Adhikari then said that the families of the four students have approached the Calcutta High Court.
One of organisers, Shubankar Halder, has said he used to be an ABVP member at one point, but is not linked to the organisation anymore. He said this protest is an apolitical protest.
The Trinamool has said this march is an attempt to create chaos in the name of students’ protest. State minister Chandrima Bhattacharya told the media yesterday, “This is a BJP-ABVP plot to create disturbance. This is a plot to open fire by criminals in police uniform. Tomorrow there are exams. Can students do this? They are doing vulture politics.”
The Trinamool released two videos to stress that there is a plot to create unrest. In the videos, the authenticity of which NDTV has not verified, several men are heard saying, “we need bodies”. Trinamool leader Jayprakash Majumdar alleged, “The BJP leadership has been told that unless a Nandigram-type incident happens and there are dead bodies, the tide will not turn in BJP’s favour.”
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800 Congress Workers now under the BJP Flag
With the elections so near, India has transformed into a fierce battlefield. And the armies are the various Indian Political Parties.
A big lot twist has come to happen in the chapter on Gujarat.
On the 1st of April, the world was celebrating April Fool's Day. And Poonamben Maadam, Jamnagar BJP candidate, was turning the tides for the Jamnagar elections.
About 800 Congress party members and workers broke away from the political party and joined the BJP. Poonamben Maadam, BJP Candidate, State Cabinet Minister, Mulu Bera and District BJP President, Mayur Gadhvi saw the ceremony.
The event is now being seen as a demonstration of the BJP's power over its native land of Gujarat. The state has always been improved under the rule of the Bhartiya Janta Party, so this was to be expected. But the sheer number of workers changing their affiliation was unexpected.
The leaders who switched over include
Dwarka district Congress General Secretary,
District Panchayat member Ebha Karmur,
Opposition Leader and Taluka Panchayat member Yogesh Nandania,
Taluka Panchayat members Laxman Chavda, Malsi Dahiya,
Dwarka Congress OBC Cell President Kishan Bhatia,
Dwarka district Youth Congress President Savan Karmur,
APMC director of Khambhaliya Babu Gojia, and 14 Sarpanches.
This is a major move by Poonamben Maadam, who welcomed the leaders to the BJP side at a meeting in Khambhaliya alongside two others. This is another move by the Jamnagar MP towards a definitive win in the coming elections. The Bhartiya Janta Party has these elections in the bag.
'Expect the unexpected' seems to be coming true with Poonamben Maadam.
Source: News18
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The BJP's Strategy Behind the 'Great Congress Exodus' in Madhya Pradesh
In recent months, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has claimed a significant surge in the number of Congress leaders and workers defecting to its ranks in Madhya Pradesh. Former Bhopal corporator Sanjay Varma, now a dedicated BJP member, finds himself in a unique position, actively engaging with Congress workers to facilitate their transition to the BJP fold.
Under the stewardship of former state Home Minister Narottam Mishra, a committee has been diligently overseeing the induction of Congress members into the BJP. According to their data, over 16,000 Congress leaders and workers, along with a few from other parties, have joined the BJP since March 21. This surge is strategically timed ahead of the upcoming elections, with the BJP eyeing victory in all 29 Lok Sabha constituencies in Madhya Pradesh.
However, the Congress disputes these claims, asserting that the actual number of defections is much lower. Regardless, it’s evident that the BJP’s primary focus in Madhya Pradesh is to dismantle the Congress organizationally, aiming for a sweeping victory in the upcoming elections.
The BJP’s recruitment drive has seen notable figures from the Congress, including former Union Ministers and MLAs, crossing over to the ruling party. The emphasis has been on attracting booth-level workers, with plans to decentralize the joining committee down to the booth level. This strategic move aims to further weaken the Congress’s grassroots support base.
The exodus from the Congress is particularly pronounced in districts where the BJP has historically been dominant. Dissatisfaction with the Congress leadership, coupled with promises of better prospects in the BJP, has driven many to switch allegiances. Criticisms of the current state Congress president Jitu Patwari’s leadership style and lack of vision have also contributed to the defections.
In response, the Congress frames these departures as a “purification campaign,” asserting that true party members remain steadfast. However, the BJP sees this influx of former Congress members as an opportunity to strengthen its position and consolidate power in Madhya Pradesh.
As the political landscape continues to evolve in Madhya Pradesh, the ‘great Congress exodus’ orchestrated by the BJP reflects the complex dynamics of power and influence shaping the region’s political future.
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Rajya Sabha Members Election: Ashok Chauhan will be BJP's Rajya Sabha member, will Adarsh scam be investigated now?
Rajya Sabha Members Election: Former Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chauhan has now joined BJP and BJP has made preparations to send him to Rajya Sabha from Maharashtra itself. Obviously Chauhan has left Congress and joined BJP only to go to Rajya Sabha.
#rajyasabhamemberelection#IndianNationalCongressPunjab#congressleadervibhakarshastri#congresspartynews#BJPFailsIndia#bjp4maharastra#BJP4India#indiaalliancenews#INDIAlliance#OppositionParties#opposition#OppositionAlliance#OppositionParty#OppositionLeader#oppositionpolitics#allianceindia#PoliticalLeaders
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Day After Quitting Congress, Ashok Chavan To Join BJP Today
A day after he quit the Congress, former Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chavan is set to join the BJP later today. "Today around 12-12:30, I am going to start a new journey of my political career, I am going to join BJP," Mr Chavan told news agency ANI.
He had yesterday told the media that he will take a decision on his next step in a couple of days. Deputy Chief Minister and the state's top BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis, it is learnt, will welcome Mr Chavan into the party. Mr Chavan's aide Amar Rajurkar, who resigned as MLC with him, will also join the BJP today.
Sources have said the former Chief Minister may be offered a Rajya Sabha seat. That would also explain his decision to join the BJP a day after he resigned from the Congress and the Assembly: time for filing nomination for the Rajya Sabha polls is running out.
"I have resigned from the Assembly membership as an MLA. I have given my resignation to the Speaker. I have resigned from the Congress Working Committee and the Congress primary membership. I have not decided to join any party. I will clear my stand on joining a party after two days," Mr Chavan had told reporters yesterday.
Mr Chavan's exit is yet another blow to Maharashtra Congress months ahead of state polls and the general election. Earlier, key Congress leader, Milind Deora, quit the party and joined the Eknath Shinde faction of Shiv Sena. Baba Siddique too left and moved to the Ajit Pawar-led NCP.
According to Congress sources, Mr Chavan's differences with state party chief Nana Patole played a key role in his decision. Speaking to the media yesterday, he had suggested that he was upset over the delay in finalising seat-sharing within the Maha Vikas Aghadi alliance with just months left for the polls.
Mumbai Congress leader Sanjay Nirupam said that the former Chief Minister was upset over the working style of a Congress leader in Maharashtra. He did not name any leader. "He (Chavan) had approached the top leadership. Had his complaint been taken seriously, this situation would not have happened," Mr Nirupam said.
Congress leaders have taken swipes at Mr Chavan following his decision. Senior party leader Jairam Ramesh took a "washing machine" jab -- washing machine is an oft-repeated reference the Congress uses to accuse the BJP of stalling criminal investigations against Opposition leaders who switch to their side.
"When friends and colleagues leave a political party that has given them much -- perhaps much more they deserved -- it is always a matter of anguish. But to those who are vulnerable THAT Washing Machine will always prove more attractive than ideological commitment or personal loyalties," Mr Ramesh said. "These betrayers don't realise that their exit opens up vast new opportunities to those whose growth they have always stunted," he added.
Maharashtra Congress chief Patole said it is "unfortunate that leaders who have got everything are leaving the Congress party and ideology".
The son of former Maharashtra Chief Minister Shankarrao Chavan, Ashok Chavan wields significant influence in Nanded region. His exit comes at a time when the Maha Vikas Aghadi -- comprising the Uddhav Thackeray faction of Shiv Sena, the Sharad Pawar camp of NCP and the Congress -- faces two tall poll challenges.
Ashok Chavan has had an eventful political journey so far. Starting out as a student leader during his college days, he went on to hold key posts in the Congress, including Maharashtra Congress chief and a member of the Congress Working Committee. He has served as an MP from Nanded on two occasions and been a member of both Houses of the state legislature.
After serving as state minister, he was chosen for the Chief Minister post after Vilasrao Deshmukh stepped down in the aftermath of the 2008 terror attacks in Mumbai. The Congress retained him on the top post after the 2009 state polls. The stint was, however, short as Mr Chavan was forced to step down amid corruption allegations related to the Adarsh Housing Society scam.
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Ashok Chavan Latest To Quit Congress After Milind Deora, Baba Siddique
In a big blow to the Congress in Maharashtra months ahead of the general election and state polls, former chief minister and former MP Ashok Chavan resigned from the party's primary membership amid reports that he was in talks with the BJP. The senior leader may get a ticket to the Rajya Sabha, according to sources.
Mr Chavan, who represents Bhokar in the Assembly, met Speaker Rahul Narvekar and handed in his resignation. If he joins the BJP, it will be the second big switchover in Maharashtra after Congress leader Milind Deora quit the party last month and joined the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena.
Earlier, BJP leader and Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis had been asked if Mr Chavan is joining the party. "I heard about Ashok Chavan from media. But only thing I can say now is that several good leaders from Congress are in touch of BJP. Those leaders who are connected with the masses are feeling suffocated in Congress. I am confident that some big faces will join Congress," he had then said.
According to Congress sources, Mr Chavan's differences with state party chief Nana Patole on selection of candidates may have played a major role in his decision to switch sides.
Son of former Maharashtra Chief Minister Shankarrao Chavan, Ashok Chavan wields significant influence in the Nanded region and this switch may hurt the Congress in the upcoming polls. This also plays out against the backdrop of the tall poll challenge facing the Maha Vikas Aghadi -- comprising the Uddhav Thackeray faction of Shiv Sena, the Sharad Pawar camp of NCP and the Congress.
Ashok Chavan has had an eventful political journey so far. Starting out as a student leader during his college days, he went on to hold key posts in the Congress, including Maharashtra Congress chief and a member of the Congress Working Committee. He has served as an MP from Nanded on two occasions and been a member of both Houses of the state legislature.
After serving as state minister, he was chosen for the Chief Minister post after Vilasrao Deshmukh stepped down in the aftermath of the 2008 terror attacks in Mumbai. The Congress retained him on the top post after the 2009 state polls. The stint was, however, short as Mr Chavan was forced to step down amid corruption allegations related to the Adarsh Housing Society scam.
Responding to Mr Chavan's decision, senior Congress leader Jairam Ramesh took a "washing machine" jab -- washing machine is an oft-repeated reference the Congress uses to accuse the BJP of stalling criminal investigations against Opposition leaders who switch to their side.
When friends and colleagues leave a political party that has given them much — perhaps much more they deserved—it is always a matter of anguish. But to those who are vulnerable THAT Washing Machine will always prove more attractive than ideological commitment or personal loyalties," Mr Ramesh said. "These betrayers don't realise that their exit opens up vast new opportunities to those whose growth they have always stunted," he added.
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As an armed rebellion against Indian rule raged in Kashmir through the 1990s and 2000s, Jamaat-e-Islami, an influential socio-religious group, called for a boycott whenever an election was held, claiming the exercise was aimed at legitimising what it would describe as New Delhi’s occupation of the Himalayan region, which is also claimed in part or full by Pakistan and China.
But as Kashmir votes in the first regional election in a decade starting on Tuesday, the Jamaat has itself entered the political fray, backing at least 10 candidates in the election. It is a remarkable turnaround for a group that remains banned under India’s anti-terror laws and was once regarded as the mothership of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen.
After Narendra Modi’s government altered India’s constitution in 2019 to do away with the symbolic autonomy of the administrative region of Jammu and Kashmir, it cracked down hard on the separatist movement in the region, jailing thousands of people. The Jamaat, having long been at the vanguard of the movement, was a prime target. Schools associated with the group were ordered shut and the properties of many members were seized in an attempt to curtail its reach and operational capabilities.
As recently as February, the Indian government said that the Jamaat was “continuing to be involved in fomenting terrorism and anti-India propaganda for fuelling secessionism in Jammu and Kashmir, which is prejudicial to the sovereignty, security and integrity of India”.
This is what makes the Jamaat’s participation in the election perplexing, and even experts in the region are divided over what it means. Noor Baba, a renowned Kashmiri political scientist, says it could be a tactical move on the part of a minority within the movement – contesting the election as independents in the hope of “protection or rehabilitating themselves after the suffering they have endured”.
The decision to join the fray, he suggests, may not have involved the group’s jailed leadership. As a result of internal divisions in the past, Prof Baba says, the Jamaat has suffered at the hands of both the Indian authorities as well as the militants. Similar divisions may have cracked open again.
“There are many questions,” he tells The Independent. “Is the top leadership, which is in jail, on board with this or is it not?”
Another theory is that the decision stems from the Jamaat’s desire to have the anti-terror ban lifted. There have been reports about conversations between the Jamaat and intermediaries of the Indian government such as Altaf Bukhari, head of a local political party.
Ahead of this election, Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister of the former state, had urged the Narendra Modi government to lift the ban on the Jamaat to enable its participation in the assembly election. Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister and president of the People’s Democratic Party, said she would be “happy” to see the Jamaat return to the electoral arena.
Indian political analyst Apoorvanand Jha, however, sees a more sinister play at work. He says fielding independent candidates is part of a broader strategy of Modi’s BJP to weaken mainstream political parties such as the National Conference and the Congress and reap the dividend.
“The BJP’s aim is to install a government headed by a Hindu chief minister. That can be achieved by securing as many seats as possible in the Jammu region and fielding as many independents as possible in the valley [of Kashmir], making them win and then taking their support to form the government,” he tells The Independent.
The BJP is seeking to control Kashmir politically by creating chaos, he says. “To achieve that,” he adds, “the BJP can do anything. It can go to any extent, play any game, collaborate with the radicals, collaborate with separatists.”
The Independent has contacted the BJP for comment.
India has long held up Kashmir, its only majority Muslim territory, as a symbol of its secularism. But when the BJP government revoked its autonomy, Kashmiris accused the Hindu nationalist party of trying to change its religious demographic by settling Indians from elsewhere in the region.
Mr Jha says the BJP wants to win the election in order to show its core Hindu base that “see, this is a Muslim-populated area which we have now annexed”.
The candidates backed by the Jamaat maintain that their election participation is about local issues.
“Ideologies work in time and space. We have to be accommodative and flexible,” Talat Majeed, who is contesting the Pulwama constituency, told reporters recently.
Another candidate, Sayar Ahmad Reshi, says their participation in the election is necessary to fill a political vacuum created by regional parties such as the National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party.
The Jamaat’s participation seems to have enthused some pro-India factions in Kashmir. “This election is unique in recent times because the banned Jamaat-e-Islami is openly backing and campaigning for independent candidates owing allegiance to it,” Mr Abdullah said in an interview with the Hindustan Times. “This is a huge change from previous elections. Otherwise, ever since I have seen politics here from 1996 onwards, the Jamaat has been at the forefront of trying to stop people from voting.”
Ali Mohammad Watali, a former police chief of Kashmir, isn’t as enthused. The Jamaat was “pro-Pakistan and pro-terrorism”, he was quoted as saying by Frontline magazine. “Now they have changed their stance suddenly. It looks like this is being done by the agencies so that the BJP can form a government here with the help of new political fronts, including the Jamaat-e-Islami.”
“Agencies” is a catch-all term used in Kashmir for the intelligence, security and surveillance apparatus of the Indian state.
The Jamaat candidates have indicated their willingness to form alliances, before or after the election, with any party that works to “restore dignity to the people of Jammu and Kashmir”.
Prof Saddiq Wahid, a senior visiting fellow at the Centre for Policy Research think tank in New Delhi, tells The Independent the BJP’s actions in Jammu and Kashmir since the revocation of its autonomy have been aimed at creating confusion and chaos. “How is Jamaat suddenly into the picture?” he asks.
He fears that the political landscape of Kashmir is being manipulated to dilute local representation and prevent self-governance.
“They do not want the people of Jammu and Kashmir to have a government that will allow them to govern themselves,” he says, referring to the Indian government.
The fundamental question, though, is whether people will trust the candidates backed by the Jamaat, Prof Baba points out. “How many people will vote for them, support them?”
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This year’s general election in India arguably brought up more questions about the fairness of the electoral process than any other in the country’s history.
For example, in December, a bill was passed in India’s parliament that allowed election commissioners to be appointed by a panel dominated by the executive branch, which many feared would endanger free and fair elections.
And during the campaign, Prime Minister Narendra Modi gave a string of speeches that were widely seen as Islamophobic, in which he accused the opposition Congress Party of favouring Muslims. The Election Commission failed to adequately enforce the Model Code of Conduct when it came to these comments.
Opposition chief ministers, Arvind Kejriwal of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and Hemant Soren of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), meanwhile, were arrested on charges of corruption. Both parties claimed the charges were politically motivated.
One of the lessons from the election, however, is that even when there are questions about how free and fair a vote is, opposition parties can dent the dominance of ruling parties.
In India’s election, the opposition presented a united front and stuck to a consistent message reflecting specific issues of voter discontent.
Why caste politics were so important
Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party did not perform as well as expected in the election, suffering major losses in its heartland northern Indian states. Modi began the six-week election campaign saying his party would win more than 400 seats. Ultimately, it was reduced to 240 seats, while the opposition Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) won 232 seats.
INDIA had a shaky start to the election. A founding member, the Janata Dal, joined Modi’s coalition earlier this year. INDIA also failed to reach a seat-sharing agreement with another member, Trinamool Congress (TMC), although that party remained part of the alliance.
Yet, as the campaign wore on, the BJP’s attacks on the opposition led to a more united front, focusing particularly on the issue of caste.
Indian society and politics are stratified by its caste system. It has roots in ancient religious texts, which grant symbolic and material rights and privileges to people based on their membership to a particular caste.
Opposition leader Rahul Gandhi’s speeches highlighted a commitment to protecting the Constitution and addressing the issue of caste-based injustice in India. He pledged to undertake a caste census to reveal the extent of disadvantage and concentration of wealth in society.
He also pointed out the government’s centralisation of power, as well as the upper caste-dominated media’s adulation of Modi and its inattention to issues of unemployment and inflation.
Lalu Prasad Yadav, a leader of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) party, which is also part of the INDIA coalition, warned the BJP intended to change the Constitution to end caste-based affirmative action. Though this was denied by Modi, the allegation seemed to strike a chord with voters.
Caste presented a dilemma for Modi’s Hindu nationalist politics, which valorises upper-caste Hindu practices and behaviours, while relying on support from the lower caste majority to win elections.
The BJP had sought to ameliorate this tension by promoting welfare schemes and accusing the secular opposition of colluding with Muslims to deprive the Hindu lower-caste poor.
In the lead-up to the election, Modi also claimed to have replaced traditional forms of caste stratification with four new castes of welfare “beneficiaries” – women, farmers, the youth and the poor.
In truth, however, the government’s welfare schemes consisted of paltry cash transfers, small loans, food rations and subsidies for private goods like toilets, which sought to compensate for the stagnation of incomes and lack of jobs. Spending on health and education by Modi’s government, which could have transformative effects on society, has languished.
The BJP’s infrastructure-driven economic program has benefited large companies, leading to accusations of crony capitalism. It has also failed to attract substantial foreign investment or grow the manufacturing sector to create more jobs.
Over the past decade – but particularly following the COVID pandemic – India has also become one of the world’s most unequal countries. Women, Dalits, Adivasis and Muslims have fared the worst.
Dalit politicians also grew in prominence
Perhaps the biggest surprise for the BJP were its heavy losses in its heartland state, Uttar Pradesh.
The Samajwadi Party (SP) had previously dominated Uttar Pradesh politics by promoting the interests of particular lower caste “other backward classes”. This tactic, however, generated resentment among other lower castes, which was exploited by the BJP to win power in 2017.
In this election, the SP appears to have fashioned a new, broader caste coalition.
This election also saw new shifts in Dalit politics, the lowest rung of the caste structure in India. In Uttar Pradesh, new Dalit political parties became increasingly prominent, such as the Azad Party led by Chandra Sekhar Azad.
Further south, the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) consolidated its status as the largest Dalit party in Tamil Nadu, winning all the seats it contested.
The future of Indian democracy
Indian democracy is not out of the woods yet. Activists, students, political leaders and journalists remain imprisoned.
The Hindu nationalist movement also has a history of inciting communal violence when things do not go its way in the electoral arena.
The Modi government started to extend its media censorship during the election, as well.
There is little to suggest that Modi will temper what many see as authoritarian tendencies, but there is now more resistance, scepticism and political alternatives that will hopefully aid India’s democratic recovery.
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Congress vs BJP As Hanuman Flag Removed In Karnataka, Situation Tense
In Keragodu village of Karnataka's Mandya, a controversy over a Hanuman flag has led to political confrontations, protests, and police intervention. The incident took place last week when a group of men erected a 108-foot flagpole and raised a Hanuman flag.
Prohibitory orders under Section 144 have been issued in the village because of the tense situation.
The village panchayat had granted permission for the installation of the flagpole, but complaints were filed against it, prompting officials to request the removal of the Hanuman flag. Villagers, however, stood firm in their decision, accusing a few individuals of attempting to politicise the matter. A large police contingent was deployed, and members of the BJP, JD(S), and Bajrang Dal joined villagers in protesting against the removal.
Protests escalated on Saturday when villagers closed their shops in defiance. Yesterday, Gram Panchayat officials visited the village to remove the flag, leading to a gathering of villagers chanting slogans of 'Go Back' in protest against the officials.
The controversy took a political turn when banners of local Congress MLA Ravi Kumar were vandalised during the protests. In response, police presence was heightened in the region, anticipating further unrest.
BJP leaders and Hindu activists strongly condemned the removal of the flag. The BJP announced plans to hold protests in all districts of Karnataka, with a specific protest scheduled at Mysuru Bank Circle in Bengaluru today.
To quell the unrest, police resorted to lathi charge and replacing the Hanuman flag with the national flag on the flagpole. Official sources revealed that the flag post's installation was funded by residents of Keragodu and 12 neighboring villages, with the active involvement of BJP and JD(S) workers.
Opposition parties criticised the Congress-led government for the police intervention, with BJP leader R Ashoka condemning the government's "anti-Hindu stance." He argued that the Hanuman flag was raised with the gram panchayat's approval, questioning the sudden removal by the Congress government.
Chief Minister Siddaramaiah responded to the situation, expressing concern that a 'bhagwa dwaja' (saffron flag) had been raised instead of the national flag.
"It is not right. I have asked (the authorities concerned) to hoist the national flag."
The District In-charge Minister N Cheluvarayaswamy clarified that the flagpole's location falls under the panchayat's jurisdiction, and permission was initially obtained for hoisting the national flag on Republic Day.
"There may be politics behind it (the installation of the Hanuman flag replacing the National Flag). I don't know who is behind it …This country works under democracy and the Constitution. Tomorrow they may say they want to hoist the flag (saffron flag) in front of the DC's office. Can it be allowed? If it is permitted at one place, it will extend to other places. This is the only reservation," he said.
"We are not here to hurt our youth. I have spoken to officials, police and youths. We are ready to install the Hanuman flag at a private place or near a temple. We will support them. We too are Rama Bhaktas," he added.
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