#BJP members join Congress

[townpostin]

Congress Welcomes New Members in Bhuiyandih Ceremony in Jamshedpur

Vinod Yadav, Bhuiyandih Mandal President, joins Congress with a large team of supporters. A membership ceremony was held under the leadership of the Golmuri Block Congress Committee, where numerous BJP members joined Congress. JAMSHEDPUR – In a significant political shift, a large membership ceremony was held in Bhuiyadih under the auspices of the Golmuri Block Congress Committee, chaired by…

[chappellrroan]

love discussing politics with sis we're so sync it gives me faith in this family

[beardedmrbean]

As an armed rebellion against Indian rule raged in Kashmir through the 1990s and 2000s, Jamaat-e-Islami, an influential socio-religious group, called for a boycott whenever an election was held, claiming the exercise was aimed at legitimising what it would describe as New Delhi’s occupation of the Himalayan region, which is also claimed in part or full by Pakistan and China.

But as Kashmir votes in the first regional election in a decade starting on Tuesday, the Jamaat has itself entered the political fray, backing at least 10 candidates in the election. It is a remarkable turnaround for a group that remains banned under India’s anti-terror laws and was once regarded as the mothership of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen.

After Narendra Modi’s government altered India’s constitution in 2019 to do away with the symbolic autonomy of the administrative region of Jammu and Kashmir, it cracked down hard on the separatist movement in the region, jailing thousands of people. The Jamaat, having long been at the vanguard of the movement, was a prime target. Schools associated with the group were ordered shut and the properties of many members were seized in an attempt to curtail its reach and operational capabilities.

As recently as February, the Indian government said that the Jamaat was “continuing to be involved in fomenting terrorism and anti-India propaganda for fuelling secessionism in Jammu and Kashmir, which is prejudicial to the sovereignty, security and integrity of India”.

This is what makes the Jamaat’s participation in the election perplexing, and even experts in the region are divided over what it means. Noor Baba, a renowned Kashmiri political scientist, says it could be a tactical move on the part of a minority within the movement – contesting the election as independents in the hope of “protection or rehabilitating themselves after the suffering they have endured”.

The decision to join the fray, he suggests, may not have involved the group’s jailed leadership. As a result of internal divisions in the past, Prof Baba says, the Jamaat has suffered at the hands of both the Indian authorities as well as the militants. Similar divisions may have cracked open again.

“There are many questions,” he tells The Independent. “Is the top leadership, which is in jail, on board with this or is it not?”

Another theory is that the decision stems from the Jamaat’s desire to have the anti-terror ban lifted. There have been reports about conversations between the Jamaat and intermediaries of the Indian government such as Altaf Bukhari, head of a local political party.

Ahead of this election, Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister of the former state, had urged the Narendra Modi government to lift the ban on the Jamaat to enable its participation in the assembly election. Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister and president of the People’s Democratic Party, said she would be “happy” to see the Jamaat return to the electoral arena.

Indian political analyst Apoorvanand Jha, however, sees a more sinister play at work. He says fielding independent candidates is part of a broader strategy of Modi’s BJP to weaken mainstream political parties such as the National Conference and the Congress and reap the dividend.

“The BJP’s aim is to install a government headed by a Hindu chief minister. That can be achieved by securing as many seats as possible in the Jammu region and fielding as many independents as possible in the valley [of Kashmir], making them win and then taking their support to form the government,” he tells The Independent.

The BJP is seeking to control Kashmir politically by creating chaos, he says. “To achieve that,” he adds, “the BJP can do anything. It can go to any extent, play any game, collaborate with the radicals, collaborate with separatists.”

The Independent has contacted the BJP for comment.

India has long held up Kashmir, its only majority Muslim territory, as a symbol of its secularism. But when the BJP government revoked its autonomy, Kashmiris accused the Hindu nationalist party of trying to change its religious demographic by settling Indians from elsewhere in the region.

Mr Jha says the BJP wants to win the election in order to show its core Hindu base that “see, this is a Muslim-populated area which we have now annexed”.

The candidates backed by the Jamaat maintain that their election participation is about local issues.

“Ideologies work in time and space. We have to be accommodative and flexible,” Talat Majeed, who is contesting the Pulwama constituency, told reporters recently.

Another candidate, Sayar Ahmad Reshi, says their participation in the election is necessary to fill a political vacuum created by regional parties such as the National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party.

The Jamaat’s participation seems to have enthused some pro-India factions in Kashmir. “This election is unique in recent times because the banned Jamaat-e-Islami is openly backing and campaigning for independent candidates owing allegiance to it,” Mr Abdullah said in an interview with the Hindustan Times. “This is a huge change from previous elections. Otherwise, ever since I have seen politics here from 1996 onwards, the Jamaat has been at the forefront of trying to stop people from voting.”

Ali Mohammad Watali, a former police chief of Kashmir, isn’t as enthused. The Jamaat was “pro-Pakistan and pro-terrorism”, he was quoted as saying by Frontline magazine. “Now they have changed their stance suddenly. It looks like this is being done by the agencies so that the BJP can form a government here with the help of new political fronts, including the Jamaat-e-Islami.”

“Agencies” is a catch-all term used in Kashmir for the intelligence, security and surveillance apparatus of the Indian state.

The Jamaat candidates have indicated their willingness to form alliances, before or after the election, with any party that works to “restore dignity to the people of Jammu and Kashmir”.

Prof Saddiq Wahid, a senior visiting fellow at the Centre for Policy Research think tank in New Delhi, tells The Independent the BJP’s actions in Jammu and Kashmir since the revocation of its autonomy have been aimed at creating confusion and chaos. “How is Jamaat suddenly into the picture?” he asks.

He fears that the political landscape of Kashmir is being manipulated to dilute local representation and prevent self-governance.

“They do not want the people of Jammu and Kashmir to have a government that will allow them to govern themselves,” he says, referring to the Indian government.

The fundamental question, though, is whether people will trust the candidates backed by the Jamaat, Prof Baba points out. “How many people will vote for them, support them?”

[warningsine]

"January 22, 2024 is not merely a date in the calendar but heralds the advent of a new era," Modi said, speaking outside the temple to the Hindu deity Ram, built on grounds where a mosque stood for centuries before it was torn down in 1992 by Hindu zealots incited by members of his party.

That demolition triggered the worst religious riots since independence – killing 2,000 people, most of them Muslims – and shook the foundations of India's officially secular political order.

Tens of thousands of chanting and dancing devotees waving flags, honking horns and beating drums have converged on the northern town of Ayodhya, with roads clogged, trains packed full and the rest marching in on foot.

Few members of Ayodhya's Muslim community were seen joining the jubilant street party.

But for Modi's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the opening of the Ram Mandir temple is a landmark moment in a decades-long campaign to align the country's governance with its majority faith.

"The Lord has made me an instrument to represent all the people of India", Modi said when he launched an 11-day ritual fast ahead of the "auspicious" opening.

Tycoons, cricketers and actors

Excitement has reached a fever pitch, with thousands of Hindu believers dancing in packed streets as giant loudspeakers blast out religious tunes.

Vijay Kumar, 18, took four days to reach the town after walking and hitchhiking 600 kilometres (370 miles).

"We just wanted to be here," Kumar said. "We just wish to see the temple before we leave."

About 2,500 musicians are expected to perform on over 100 stages for the crowds of pilgrims, desperate to see the elaborate temple, built at an estimated $240 million that the project's backers say was sourced from public donations.

The 140 kilometres (87 miles) between the town and Uttar Pradesh state capital Lucknow is a seemingly endless stream of billboards of blue-skinned Ram with bow and arrow – as well as of Modi and the region's chief minister, the saffron-robed Hindu monk Yogi Adityanath.

Bukesh Rajiybng, 54, travelled for three days in a jam-packed train to attend the celebration.

"It's a moment we have all dreamed of for decades," he said. "I think the people and Ram will definitely bless Modi for this."

Other attendees jetted in to the newly built international airport and will stay at a crop of hotels built to cater to the millions of pilgrims expected to visit each year. 

Among the celebrity guests at the opening are Indian tycoons, former national cricket captain Virat Kohli and Bollywood titan Amitabh Bachchan.

'Death and destruction'

Modi and the BJP have sought to bring the Hindu faith to the forefront of public life since sweeping to power a decade ago.

Party luminaries regularly condemn earlier eras of Islamic rule over parts of India as a time of "slavery" when their own religion was oppressed, with Ayodhya a key plank in their narrative.

Devout Hindus believe Ram, one of the most revered Hindu gods, was born in the town more than 7,000 years ago, but that the Babri mosque was built over his birthplace by a 16th-century Muslim emperor.

The BJP played an instrumental role in public campaigning that eventually led to the mosque's demolition.

The destruction presaged the rise of the BJP and Modi as unstoppable electoral juggernauts, displacing the secularist Congress party that had governed India almost without interruption since independence from Britain.

Modi's consecration of the temple alongside Hindu priests will again project him as a defender of the faith ahead of a general election expected to begin in April.

The BJP is heavily favoured to win a third successive landslide victory, in part because of Modi's appeals to Hindu nationalism, and opposition parties are boycotting the temple ceremony, saying the event will be a thinly veiled campaign rally.

Many of India's 200 million Muslims, already anxious in a climate of increased sectarian tensions, have watched the clamour around the temple with trepidation.

Mohammed Shahid, 52, speaking to AFP last month in Ayodhya, recounted how his father was burned alive by a mob.

"For me, the temple symbolises nothing but death and destruction", he said.

[brazilnews]

Anger On Kolkata Streets, Cops Use Water Cannons, Tear Gas On Protesters

Chaotic scenes are being witnessed on the streets of Kolkata as police intercepted a protest march to state secretariat Nabanna over the rape and murder of a 31-year-old doctor in the city’s RG Kar Medical College and Hospital on August 9. Riot police are using teargas shells and water cannons to stop the protesters from proceedings towards the state secretariat. Some of the protesters are throwing stones towards the cops.

No permission was given for the protest march and the ruling Trinamool Congress yesterday alleged a conspiracy to create unrest throw violence during the rally. Kolkata Police virtually turned Nabanna into a fortress and as many as 6,000 police personnel were deployed to stop the protesters from advancing the secretariat from any route. Drones were also used to keep a watch on the protesters. Barricades have been welded into the ground and greased to prevent the protesters from scaling them.

This morning, a group of protesters gathered at College Square and marched towards Nabanna. They raised slogans demanding Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s resignation over the horrific rape and murder case. Several student organisations and citizen forums have joined the protest. Visuals showed the protesters shaking the barricades in their way.

While the ruling Trinamool alleges this is a BJP-backed protest, the organisers have said it is a march planned by student organisations. Many of the outfits part of today’s protest are not registered organisations. Most known student outfits, including those affiliated to political parties, have distanced themselves from the protest.

This morning, Leader of the Opposition in Bengal Assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, said four student activists part of the protest plan went missing after midnight.

“The following Student Activists who were distributing food to the volunteers, who were arriving at Howrah Station, suddenly went missing after midnight :- Subhojit Ghosh, Pulokesh Pandit, Goutam Senapati, Pritam Sarkar. Neither they can be traced nor are they answering their phones.

We apprehend that they may have been arrested/detained by the Mamata Police. If something happens to them Mamata Police will be held accountable,” Mr Adhikari said in a post on X.

Bengal police responded that the students were planning to orchestrate large-scale violence during today’s march “and were involved in a conspiracy of murder and attempted murder”. “They have been arrested in the Interest of public safety and security, and their families have been informed,” they said. Mr Adhikari then said that the families of the four students have approached the Calcutta High Court.

One of organisers, Shubankar Halder, has said he used to be an ABVP member at one point, but is not linked to the organisation anymore. He said this protest is an apolitical protest.

The Trinamool has said this march is an attempt to create chaos in the name of students’ protest. State minister Chandrima Bhattacharya told the media yesterday, “This is a BJP-ABVP plot to create disturbance. This is a plot to open fire by criminals in police uniform. Tomorrow there are exams. Can students do this? They are doing vulture politics.”

The Trinamool released two videos to stress that there is a plot to create unrest. In the videos, the authenticity of which NDTV has not verified, several men are heard saying, “we need bodies”. Trinamool leader Jayprakash Majumdar alleged, “The BJP leadership has been told that unless a Nandigram-type incident happens and there are dead bodies, the tide will not turn in BJP’s favour.”

[novumtimes]

Assam Rajya Sabha member is a surprise pick in the Modi Ministry

GUWAHATI The return of Assam’s Sarbananda Sonowal and Arunachal Pradesh’s Kiren Rijiju to the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government at the Centre was more or less expected. Pabitra Margherita, the third face from the northeast in the Narendra Modi-led government, and a Rajya Sabha member from Assam, has been a surprise package. All are Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) parliamentarians. Mr. Sonowal and Mr. Rijiju are among the 13 MPs elected from Lok Sabha seats across the northeast comprising eight States and 25 Lok Sabha constituencies. The 61-year-old Mr. Sonowal, a former Chief Minister who won from the Dibrugarh Lok Sabha constituency, belongs to the Sonowal Kachari community. A resident of eastern Assam’s Dibrugarh district, he won the Dibrugarh seat for the second time — the first in 2004 as a candidate of the Asom Gana Parishad, and now as the BJP’s minor ally in the Assam government. Mr. Rijiju, 52, is a Buddhist from the Miji or Sajolang community, hailing from the Nafra area of West Kameng district. He won the Arunachal West seat for the fourth time, thrice in succession. The 49-year-old Mr. Margherita is from Margherita, an industrial town in eastern Assam’s Tinsukia district, a part of the Dibrugarh Lok Sabha seat. His original name is Pabitra Gogoi but he uses the town’s name as his surname. He was a cultural activist specialising in film-making before joining the BJP in 2014, a watershed year for the party in Assam. Elected as a Rajya Sabha member in 2022, he is also the political secretary to Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. It is believed that Mr. Margherita’s induction into the Modi Cabinet is the BJP’s strategy to counter the impact of the perceived Congress resurgence in eastern Assam after Gaurav Gogoi’s victory from the Jorhat constituency. Eastern Assam largely comprises the Dibrugarh, Jorhat, and Kaziranga Lok Sabha seats. Like Mr. Gogoi, Mr. Margherita is an Ahom, a politically potent community in eastern Assam, along with the Adivasis or the “tea tribes”. Together, they dictate the fate of 49 Assembly segments in the three eastern Assam constituencies, and the adjoining ones across northern and central Assam. The BJP has been winning most of these Assembly seats since 2016 but Mr. Gogoi’s electoral win — despite Dr. Sarma and his team focusing their energy and party resources on Jorhat — has been interpreted as a sign that the Ahoms and Adivasis could be disillusioned with the BJP ahead of the crucial 2026 Assembly polls. Letting Congress regain lost ground in eastern Assam, which helped the Congress form the government thrice in succession under Tarun Gogoi, is expected to put the BJP in a tight spot. For the record, the BJP trailed in all but one of the 10 Assembly segments of the Jorhat Lok Sabha seat. The lone segment in which it was Majuli, where the Mishing tribe and the caste Assamese are the dominant communities. Mr. Sonowal, a choice of an older set of BJP leaders, represented Majuli before shifting to the Centre. Source link via The Novum Times

[poonambenmaadam]

800 Congress Workers now under the BJP Flag

With the elections so near, India has transformed into a fierce battlefield. And the armies are the various Indian Political Parties.

A big lot twist has come to happen in the chapter on Gujarat.

On the 1st of April, the world was celebrating April Fool's Day. And Poonamben Maadam, Jamnagar BJP candidate, was turning the tides for the Jamnagar elections.

About 800 Congress party members and workers broke away from the political party and joined the BJP. Poonamben Maadam, BJP Candidate, State Cabinet Minister, Mulu Bera and District BJP President, Mayur Gadhvi saw the ceremony.

The event is now being seen as a demonstration of the BJP's power over its native land of Gujarat. The state has always been improved under the rule of the Bhartiya Janta Party, so this was to be expected. But the sheer number of workers changing their affiliation was unexpected.

The leaders who switched over include

Dwarka district Congress General Secretary,

District Panchayat member Ebha Karmur,

Opposition Leader and Taluka Panchayat member Yogesh Nandania,

Taluka Panchayat members Laxman Chavda, Malsi Dahiya,

Dwarka Congress OBC Cell President Kishan Bhatia,

Dwarka district Youth Congress President Savan Karmur,

APMC director of Khambhaliya Babu Gojia, and 14 Sarpanches.

This is a major move by Poonamben Maadam, who welcomed the leaders to the BJP side at a meeting in Khambhaliya alongside two others. This is another move by the Jamnagar MP towards a definitive win in the coming elections. The Bhartiya Janta Party has these elections in the bag.

'Expect the unexpected' seems to be coming true with Poonamben Maadam.

Source: News18

[expo-newz]

The BJP's Strategy Behind the 'Great Congress Exodus' in Madhya Pradesh

In recent months, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has claimed a significant surge in the number of Congress leaders and workers defecting to its ranks in Madhya Pradesh. Former Bhopal corporator Sanjay Varma, now a dedicated BJP member, finds himself in a unique position, actively engaging with Congress workers to facilitate their transition to the BJP fold.

Under the stewardship of former state Home Minister Narottam Mishra, a committee has been diligently overseeing the induction of Congress members into the BJP. According to their data, over 16,000 Congress leaders and workers, along with a few from other parties, have joined the BJP since March 21. This surge is strategically timed ahead of the upcoming elections, with the BJP eyeing victory in all 29 Lok Sabha constituencies in Madhya Pradesh.

However, the Congress disputes these claims, asserting that the actual number of defections is much lower. Regardless, it’s evident that the BJP’s primary focus in Madhya Pradesh is to dismantle the Congress organizationally, aiming for a sweeping victory in the upcoming elections.

The BJP’s recruitment drive has seen notable figures from the Congress, including former Union Ministers and MLAs, crossing over to the ruling party. The emphasis has been on attracting booth-level workers, with plans to decentralize the joining committee down to the booth level. This strategic move aims to further weaken the Congress’s grassroots support base.

The exodus from the Congress is particularly pronounced in districts where the BJP has historically been dominant. Dissatisfaction with the Congress leadership, coupled with promises of better prospects in the BJP, has driven many to switch allegiances. Criticisms of the current state Congress president Jitu Patwari’s leadership style and lack of vision have also contributed to the defections.

In response, the Congress frames these departures as a “purification campaign,” asserting that true party members remain steadfast. However, the BJP sees this influx of former Congress members as an opportunity to strengthen its position and consolidate power in Madhya Pradesh.

As the political landscape continues to evolve in Madhya Pradesh, the ‘great Congress exodus’ orchestrated by the BJP reflects the complex dynamics of power and influence shaping the region’s political future.

[newswatchindia]

Rajya Sabha Members Election: Ashok Chauhan will be BJP's Rajya Sabha member, will Adarsh ​​scam be investigated now?

Rajya Sabha Members Election: Former Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chauhan has now joined BJP and BJP has made preparations to send him to Rajya Sabha from Maharashtra itself. Obviously Chauhan has left Congress and joined BJP only to go to Rajya Sabha.

[collegelives]

Day After Quitting Congress, Ashok Chavan To Join BJP Today

A day after he quit the Congress, former Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chavan is set to join the BJP later today. "Today around 12-12:30, I am going to start a new journey of my political career, I am going to join BJP," Mr Chavan told news agency ANI.

He had yesterday told the media that he will take a decision on his next step in a couple of days. Deputy Chief Minister and the state's top BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis, it is learnt, will welcome Mr Chavan into the party. Mr Chavan's aide Amar Rajurkar, who resigned as MLC with him, will also join the BJP today.

Sources have said the former Chief Minister may be offered a Rajya Sabha seat. That would also explain his decision to join the BJP a day after he resigned from the Congress and the Assembly: time for filing nomination for the Rajya Sabha polls is running out.

"I have resigned from the Assembly membership as an MLA. I have given my resignation to the Speaker. I have resigned from the Congress Working Committee and the Congress primary membership. I have not decided to join any party. I will clear my stand on joining a party after two days," Mr Chavan had told reporters yesterday.

Mr Chavan's exit is yet another blow to Maharashtra Congress months ahead of state polls and the general election. Earlier, key Congress leader, Milind Deora, quit the party and joined the Eknath Shinde faction of Shiv Sena. Baba Siddique too left and moved to the Ajit Pawar-led NCP.

According to Congress sources, Mr Chavan's differences with state party chief Nana Patole played a key role in his decision. Speaking to the media yesterday, he had suggested that he was upset over the delay in finalising seat-sharing within the Maha Vikas Aghadi alliance with just months left for the polls.

Mumbai Congress leader Sanjay Nirupam said that the former Chief Minister was upset over the working style of a Congress leader in Maharashtra. He did not name any leader. "He (Chavan) had approached the top leadership. Had his complaint been taken seriously, this situation would not have happened," Mr Nirupam said.

Congress leaders have taken swipes at Mr Chavan following his decision. Senior party leader Jairam Ramesh took a "washing machine" jab -- washing machine is an oft-repeated reference the Congress uses to accuse the BJP of stalling criminal investigations against Opposition leaders who switch to their side.

"When friends and colleagues leave a political party that has given them much -- perhaps much more they deserved -- it is always a matter of anguish. But to those who are vulnerable THAT Washing Machine will always prove more attractive than ideological commitment or personal loyalties," Mr Ramesh said. "These betrayers don't realise that their exit opens up vast new opportunities to those whose growth they have always stunted," he added.

Maharashtra Congress chief Patole said it is "unfortunate that leaders who have got everything are leaving the Congress party and ideology".

The son of former Maharashtra Chief Minister Shankarrao Chavan, Ashok Chavan wields significant influence in Nanded region. His exit comes at a time when the Maha Vikas Aghadi -- comprising the Uddhav Thackeray faction of Shiv Sena, the Sharad Pawar camp of NCP and the Congress -- faces two tall poll challenges.

Ashok Chavan has had an eventful political journey so far. Starting out as a student leader during his college days, he went on to hold key posts in the Congress, including Maharashtra Congress chief and a member of the Congress Working Committee. He has served as an MP from Nanded on two occasions and been a member of both Houses of the state legislature.

After serving as state minister, he was chosen for the Chief Minister post after Vilasrao Deshmukh stepped down in the aftermath of the 2008 terror attacks in Mumbai. The Congress retained him on the top post after the 2009 state polls. The stint was, however, short as Mr Chavan was forced to step down amid corruption allegations related to the Adarsh Housing Society scam.

[currentmediasstuff]

Ashok Chavan Latest To Quit Congress After Milind Deora, Baba Siddique

In a big blow to the Congress in Maharashtra months ahead of the general election and state polls, former chief minister and former MP Ashok Chavan resigned from the party's primary membership amid reports that he was in talks with the BJP. The senior leader may get a ticket to the Rajya Sabha, according to sources.

Mr Chavan, who represents Bhokar in the Assembly, met Speaker Rahul Narvekar and handed in his resignation. If he joins the BJP, it will be the second big switchover in Maharashtra after Congress leader Milind Deora quit the party last month and joined the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena.

Earlier, BJP leader and Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis had been asked if Mr Chavan is joining the party. "I heard about Ashok Chavan from media. But only thing I can say now is that several good leaders from Congress are in touch of BJP. Those leaders who are connected with the masses are feeling suffocated in Congress. I am confident that some big faces will join Congress," he had then said.

According to Congress sources, Mr Chavan's differences with state party chief Nana Patole on selection of candidates may have played a major role in his decision to switch sides.

Son of former Maharashtra Chief Minister Shankarrao Chavan, Ashok Chavan wields significant influence in the Nanded region and this switch may hurt the Congress in the upcoming polls. This also plays out against the backdrop of the tall poll challenge facing the Maha Vikas Aghadi -- comprising the Uddhav Thackeray faction of Shiv Sena, the Sharad Pawar camp of NCP and the Congress.

Ashok Chavan has had an eventful political journey so far. Starting out as a student leader during his college days, he went on to hold key posts in the Congress, including Maharashtra Congress chief and a member of the Congress Working Committee. He has served as an MP from Nanded on two occasions and been a member of both Houses of the state legislature.

After serving as state minister, he was chosen for the Chief Minister post after Vilasrao Deshmukh stepped down in the aftermath of the 2008 terror attacks in Mumbai. The Congress retained him on the top post after the 2009 state polls. The stint was, however, short as Mr Chavan was forced to step down amid corruption allegations related to the Adarsh Housing Society scam.

Responding to Mr Chavan's decision, senior Congress leader Jairam Ramesh took a "washing machine" jab -- washing machine is an oft-repeated reference the Congress uses to accuse the BJP of stalling criminal investigations against Opposition leaders who switch to their side.

When friends and colleagues leave a political party that has given them much — perhaps much more they deserved—it is always a matter of anguish. But to those who are vulnerable THAT Washing Machine will always prove more attractive than ideological commitment or personal loyalties," Mr Ramesh said. "These betrayers don't realise that their exit opens up vast new opportunities to those whose growth they have always stunted," he added.

[wordexpress]

Congress vs BJP As Hanuman Flag Removed In Karnataka, Situation Tense

In Keragodu village of Karnataka's Mandya, a controversy over a Hanuman flag has led to political confrontations, protests, and police intervention. The incident took place last week when a group of men erected a 108-foot flagpole and raised a Hanuman flag.

Prohibitory orders under Section 144 have been issued in the village because of the tense situation.

The village panchayat had granted permission for the installation of the flagpole, but complaints were filed against it, prompting officials to request the removal of the Hanuman flag. Villagers, however, stood firm in their decision, accusing a few individuals of attempting to politicise the matter. A large police contingent was deployed, and members of the BJP, JD(S), and Bajrang Dal joined villagers in protesting against the removal.

Protests escalated on Saturday when villagers closed their shops in defiance. Yesterday, Gram Panchayat officials visited the village to remove the flag, leading to a gathering of villagers chanting slogans of 'Go Back' in protest against the officials.

The controversy took a political turn when banners of local Congress MLA Ravi Kumar were vandalised during the protests. In response, police presence was heightened in the region, anticipating further unrest.

BJP leaders and Hindu activists strongly condemned the removal of the flag. The BJP announced plans to hold protests in all districts of Karnataka, with a specific protest scheduled at Mysuru Bank Circle in Bengaluru today.

To quell the unrest, police resorted to lathi charge and replacing the Hanuman flag with the national flag on the flagpole. Official sources revealed that the flag post's installation was funded by residents of Keragodu and 12 neighboring villages, with the active involvement of BJP and JD(S) workers.

Opposition parties criticised the Congress-led government for the police intervention, with BJP leader R Ashoka condemning the government's "anti-Hindu stance." He argued that the Hanuman flag was raised with the gram panchayat's approval, questioning the sudden removal by the Congress government.

Chief Minister Siddaramaiah responded to the situation, expressing concern that a 'bhagwa dwaja' (saffron flag) had been raised instead of the national flag.

"It is not right. I have asked (the authorities concerned) to hoist the national flag."

The District In-charge Minister N Cheluvarayaswamy clarified that the flagpole's location falls under the panchayat's jurisdiction, and permission was initially obtained for hoisting the national flag on Republic Day.

"There may be politics behind it (the installation of the Hanuman flag replacing the National Flag). I don't know who is behind it …This country works under democracy and the Constitution. Tomorrow they may say they want to hoist the flag (saffron flag) in front of the DC's office. Can it be allowed? If it is permitted at one place, it will extend to other places. This is the only reservation," he said.

"We are not here to hurt our youth. I have spoken to officials, police and youths. We are ready to install the Hanuman flag at a private place or near a temple. We will support them. We too are Rama Bhaktas," he added.

[prafulsharma]

"Former Karnataka Chief Minister Jagadish Shettar's Return to BJP: A Twist in Political Alliances

In a surprising turn of events, former Karnataka Chief Minister Jagadish Shettar has once again switched his political allegiance, bidding farewell to the Congress party and returning to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). This move comes as another setback for the Congress, which is already grappling with challenges in various states.

Also Read - Gali Chart

The veteran politician, aged 67, had initially joined the Congress just last year ahead of the Karnataka assembly elections, leaving the BJP. However, his return to the BJP was marked by a formal ceremony in the presence of senior party leaders, including former Karnataka Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa and state party chief BY Vijayendra.

Jagadish Shettar's political journey has been characterized by ups and downs. He belongs to the influential Lingayat community and has been a six-time Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA). His political career took a significant turn when he served as the Chief Minister of Karnataka for a period of 10 months between 2012 and 2013.

The twist in Shettar's political affiliation occurred in April of the previous year when he parted ways with the BJP after being denied a ticket. The Congress party welcomed him and fielded him as a candidate in the Hubli-Dharwad Central assembly constituency, a seat he had previously held during his tenure with the BJP.

Unfortunately for Shettar, the electoral outcome did not favor him, as he faced a substantial defeat at the hands of BJP's Mahesh Tenginakai. Despite the setback, the Congress had entrusted him with representing the party in a crucial constituency.

Jagadish Shettar's return to the BJP raises questions about the dynamics of political loyalties and the role of regional leaders in shaping party alliances. As a seasoned politician, Shettar's influence within the Lingayat community could potentially impact the political landscape in Karnataka.

Shettar's political career traces back to the 1980s, and he has held various key positions within the BJP, including state president and leader of the opposition in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly. His experience and leadership have made him a significant figure in Karnataka politics, contributing to the ongoing political realignment in the state.

The timing of Shettar's return is noteworthy, considering the recent announcements by Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) regarding their decision to contest the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in Karnataka independently. The political scenario in the state seems to be undergoing a transformation, with regional leaders making strategic decisions to secure their political future.

Also Read- Deshawar Satta Chart

For the Congress, Shettar's departure is a setback that adds to the challenges the party is facing across the country. The BJP, on the other hand, sees this return as a strengthening of its position, especially in the context of the Lingayat community's political dynamics.

In conclusion, Jagadish Shettar's journey from the BJP to the Congress and back to the BJP underscores the fluidity of political alliances and the importance of regional leaders in shaping the political narrative. As Karnataka gears up for future elections, Shettar's return adds a new dimension to the unfolding political drama, leaving political observers and the electorate eager to see how these developments will shape the state's political landscape in the coming months.

[blogynews]

"A Surprising Twist Unveiled: High-profile BJP, AAP, and BTP Members Flock to Congress in Gujarat, Igniting Intrigue"

In a significant political development, several leaders from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Gujarat have joined the Congress. The leaders made their transition during an event at the Congress party’s headquarters, ‘Rajiv Gandhi Bhavan’, in Ahmedabad. The event was attended by Mukul Wasnik, the general secretary in charge of the Congress party’s affairs in…

[warningsine]

This year’s general election in India arguably brought up more questions about the fairness of the electoral process than any other in the country’s history.

For example, in December, a bill was passed in India’s parliament that allowed election commissioners to be appointed by a panel dominated by the executive branch, which many feared would endanger free and fair elections.

And during the campaign, Prime Minister Narendra Modi gave a string of speeches that were widely seen as Islamophobic, in which he accused the opposition Congress Party of favouring Muslims. The Election Commission failed to adequately enforce the Model Code of Conduct when it came to these comments.

Opposition chief ministers, Arvind Kejriwal of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and Hemant Soren of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), meanwhile, were arrested on charges of corruption. Both parties claimed the charges were politically motivated.

One of the lessons from the election, however, is that even when there are questions about how free and fair a vote is, opposition parties can dent the dominance of ruling parties.

In India’s election, the opposition presented a united front and stuck to a consistent message reflecting specific issues of voter discontent.

Why caste politics were so important

Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party did not perform as well as expected in the election, suffering major losses in its heartland northern Indian states. Modi began the six-week election campaign saying his party would win more than 400 seats. Ultimately, it was reduced to 240 seats, while the opposition Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) won 232 seats.

INDIA had a shaky start to the election. A founding member, the Janata Dal, joined Modi’s coalition earlier this year. INDIA also failed to reach a seat-sharing agreement with another member, Trinamool Congress (TMC), although that party remained part of the alliance.

Yet, as the campaign wore on, the BJP’s attacks on the opposition led to a more united front, focusing particularly on the issue of caste.

Indian society and politics are stratified by its caste system. It has roots in ancient religious texts, which grant symbolic and material rights and privileges to people based on their membership to a particular caste.

Opposition leader Rahul Gandhi’s speeches highlighted a commitment to protecting the Constitution and addressing the issue of caste-based injustice in India. He pledged to undertake a caste census to reveal the extent of disadvantage and concentration of wealth in society.

He also pointed out the government’s centralisation of power, as well as the upper caste-dominated media’s adulation of Modi and its inattention to issues of unemployment and inflation.

Lalu Prasad Yadav, a leader of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) party, which is also part of the INDIA coalition, warned the BJP intended to change the Constitution to end caste-based affirmative action. Though this was denied by Modi, the allegation seemed to strike a chord with voters.

Caste presented a dilemma for Modi’s Hindu nationalist politics, which valorises upper-caste Hindu practices and behaviours, while relying on support from the lower caste majority to win elections.

The BJP had sought to ameliorate this tension by promoting welfare schemes and accusing the secular opposition of colluding with Muslims to deprive the Hindu lower-caste poor.

In the lead-up to the election, Modi also claimed to have replaced traditional forms of caste stratification with four new castes of welfare “beneficiaries” – women, farmers, the youth and the poor.

In truth, however, the government’s welfare schemes consisted of paltry cash transfers, small loans, food rations and subsidies for private goods like toilets, which sought to compensate for the stagnation of incomes and lack of jobs. Spending on health and education by Modi’s government, which could have transformative effects on society, has languished.

The BJP’s infrastructure-driven economic program has benefited large companies, leading to accusations of crony capitalism. It has also failed to attract substantial foreign investment or grow the manufacturing sector to create more jobs.

Over the past decade – but particularly following the COVID pandemic – India has also become one of the world’s most unequal countries. Women, Dalits, Adivasis and Muslims have fared the worst.

Dalit politicians also grew in prominence

Perhaps the biggest surprise for the BJP were its heavy losses in its heartland state, Uttar Pradesh.

The Samajwadi Party (SP) had previously dominated Uttar Pradesh politics by promoting the interests of particular lower caste “other backward classes”. This tactic, however, generated resentment among other lower castes, which was exploited by the BJP to win power in 2017.

In this election, the SP appears to have fashioned a new, broader caste coalition.

This election also saw new shifts in Dalit politics, the lowest rung of the caste structure in India. In Uttar Pradesh, new Dalit political parties became increasingly prominent, such as the Azad Party led by Chandra Sekhar Azad.

Further south, the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) consolidated its status as the largest Dalit party in Tamil Nadu, winning all the seats it contested.

The future of Indian democracy

Indian democracy is not out of the woods yet. Activists, students, political leaders and journalists remain imprisoned.

The Hindu nationalist movement also has a history of inciting communal violence when things do not go its way in the electoral arena.

The Modi government started to extend its media censorship during the election, as well.

There is little to suggest that Modi will temper what many see as authoritarian tendencies, but there is now more resistance, scepticism and political alternatives that will hopefully aid India’s democratic recovery.

[blogynewz]

"A Surprising Twist Unveiled: High-profile BJP, AAP, and BTP Members Flock to Congress in Gujarat, Igniting Intrigue"

In a significant political development, several leaders from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Gujarat have joined the Congress. The leaders made their transition during an event at the Congress party’s headquarters, ‘Rajiv Gandhi Bhavan’, in Ahmedabad. The event was attended by Mukul Wasnik, the general secretary in charge of the Congress party’s affairs in…