#Andrey Ivanov

[movie-titlecards]

Mio in the Land of Faraway (1987)

My rating: 6/10

Very cheesy, fairly generic portal fantasy with occasional bits of amusing weirdness (like the giant floating head whose beard the kid rides into fantasy land - y'all better have your Zardoz references at the ready), and overall entertaining enough - plus if you ever wanted to see Christopher Lee menace a teensy tiny baby Christian Bale, this is the movie for you.

[erin-gilberts]

"[My daughter is] neither bourgeois nor a twit, and has long been out of diapers, while your writings have not risen past the level of their contents" is such an extremely Russian insult; I'm crying with how true-to-life Ivanova's dad came for this guy's fuckin kneecaps

[artthatgivesmefeelings]

Andrey Ivanovich Ivanov (Russian, 1775-1848) Adam and Eve with children under a tree, Detail, 1803 State Russian Museum, St. Petersburg

[therighthandofvengeance]

Andrei’s virtuosa is Sophie’s punk

(In the end, he wouldn’t want it any other way)

[thewritingpossum]

Why is this Catherine in litterally all of her scenes with Potemkin? 😭

[noblehcart]

me on the ivanovs:

[balletthebestphotographs]

Veronika Varnovskaya and Evgeny Korolev

Veronika Varnovskaya Вероника Варновская and Evgeny Korolev Евгений Королев, “Hungarian Dance” from “Swan Lake Лебединое Oзеро”, libretto by Vladimir Begichev Владимир Бегичев and Vasily Geltser Василий Гельцер, choreo by Andrey Petrov Андрей Петров, Marius Petipa, Lev Ivanov Лев Иванов and Konstantin Sergeev Константин Сергеев, music by Pyotr Tchaikovsky Пётр Чайковский, costume design by Olga Polyanskaya Ольга Полянская, Kremlin Ballet Кремлевский балет, Great Hall of the State Kremlin Palace Большой зал Государственного Кремлёвского Дворца, Moscow, Russia.

Source and more info at: The State Kremlin Palace Website The State Kremlin Palace on Twitter The State Kremlin Palace on Telegram The State Kremlin Palace on You Tube The State Kremlin Palace on Periscope The State Kremlin Palace on Facebook The State Kremlin Palace on Instagram The State Kremlin Palace on VKontakte The State Kremlin Palace on Odnoklassniki Photographer Yekaterina Lola on Instagram Photographer Yekaterina Lola on VKontakte

via: Kremlin Ballet on You Tube (fan page) Kremlin Ballet on Facebook (fan page) Kremlin Ballet on Instagram (fan page) Kremlin Ballet on VKontakte (fan page)

Note I: This blog is open to receiving and considering any suggestions, contributions, and/or criticisms that may help correct mistakes or improve its content. Comments are available to any visitor.

Note II: Original quality of photographs might be affected by compression algorithm of the website where they are hosted.

Note III: Some links leading to the english version of the Kremlin Ballet website do not work or have incomplete information. For this reason, they are published in their russian version. You always have the option to translate the page using the right button on your mouse.

[akultalkies]

Shah Rukh Khan, Deepika Padukone, John Abraham, Dimple Kapadia, Ashutosh Rana, Salman Khan, Aakash Bhatija, Prakash Belawadi, Guneet Sharma, Ankita Mandlik, Dmitri Ivanov, Jairoop Jeevan, Karishma Singh, William, Prashant Makwana,

[frozenprincess]

Búsqueda de PJ para el foro: https://1920-ny.foroactivo.com/

BLOOD OF MY BLOOD II

El medio hermano bastardo de Irina y Andrey, el mayor de los tres. Ellos jamás han escuchado hablar de su hermanastro, pero él sí conoce quién es su padre. Criado muy lejos de los lujos y la vida palaciega que sí han tenido sus hermanos, Dmitri Ivanov es el hijo de una campesina a la que un hombre de la alta sociedad rusa dejó embarazada antes de casarse con la madre de Irina. Aunque lo mantuvo siempre en secreto, Alexandr Ivanov ayudaba económicamente a su bastardo y a la madre de éste, pero negándose a reconocer al hijo como suyo o a tener contacto alguno con él. Dmitri es de los primeros soldados en alistarse en el Ejército Rojo, siendo un ferviente bolchevique a pesar de sus raíces aristócratas, de las cuáles reniega, ocultando quién es su padre a sus camaradas comunistas.

Es un hombre despiadado, no duda en eliminar a cualquier objetivo que sus superiores designen, incluidos sus medio hermanos o su propio progenitor si fuese necesario. De hecho, es enviado a Nueva York en busca de Irina, con el objetivo de asesinarla y dar así por terminada la dinastía Ivanov, siendo ella la única miembro que se conoce viva, ya que Andrey sigue desaparecido. 

La idea de esta búsqueda es que Dmitri cambie de opinión sobre asesinar a Irina al conocerla, detalles por privado, pero se baraja el incesto :)

Datos sobre Dmitri: ♡ Es un hombre frío, que rara vez muestra sus sentimientos o sonríe. ♡ Asesino despiadado, carga más muertes de las que puede contar a sus espaldas. ♡ Ha sido entrenado por el Ejército Rojo para ser un súper-soldado completamente letal. ♡ Solo habla en ruso, desprecia el inglés y a los Estados Unidos por encima de todo. ♡ Tener que ir a Nueva York le incomoda, pero no cesará hasta encontrar a su media hermana. ♡ Ostenta el rango de Teniente en su división. ♡ Orientación sexual: heterosexual. ♡ Tiene un sentido del humor oscuro, que casi nadie comprende. ♡ En Nueva York está metido en peleas ilegales por mera diversión. ♡ Lleva tatuajes que se hizo durante su tiempo en el frente. -Se requiere prueba de rol para este personaje. -FC negociable, aunque prefiero que sea Tom Wlaschiha y daré prioridad a quién escoja este FC. -Rol en tercera persona. -La historia del PJ así como su personalidad etc pueden discutirse y adaptarse al gusto de la persona que ocupe la búsqueda. -Mínimo dos post a la semana (excepto si se postea ausencia por algún motivo) -Cualquier duda, pregunta o lo que sea me podéis mandar MP para hablar por Discord.

Enlace a la búsqueda: https://1920-ny.foroactivo.com/t5964-busqueda-fire-blood-a-little-mouse-1-4#25526  

[solcattus]

The Death Of Pelopidas, c. 1806

By Andrey Ivanovich Ivanov

[hildegardavon]

Andrei Ivanovich Ivanov, 1775-1848

Minerva in the Heavens, 1820, oil on canvas,

The State Russian Museum, Saint Petersburg

[mariacallous]

The investigative outlet Agentstvo has identified a number of former Wagner Group commanders who signed military contracts with the Russian Defense Ministry and are now part of Wagner Legion Istra — a battalion established about a year ago. 

The Wagner Legion recruits fighters through the military enlistment office in Istra, a town in the Moscow region, and with the help of local authorities. In March 2024, Istra Mayor Tatyana Vitusheva reported that more than a thousand “Wagnerites” had joined the group. 

Agentstvo managed to identify the former Wagner mercenaries after they appeared in a 40-minute interview with 360, a government television channel covering the Moscow region. Only one of them used his real name in the interview — the former commander of the Wagner Group’s 1st Assault Detachment, Alexander Kuznetsov (call sign, “Ratibor”). Four others used their call signs or positions within the Wagner Group or the Legion. 

Russia officially disbanded the Wagner Group after its founder, Yevgeny Prigozhin, died in a plane crash in August 2023 — exactly two months after he led a short-lived rebellion against the country’s military brass. In the interview with 360, Kuznetsov said that Prigozhin’s death “was a shock.”

“When our leader disappeared, we had no desire to work under anyone else’s leadership, because no one could’ve formed this unique structure the way Yevgeny Prigozhin and Dmitry Utkin did,” he said, referring to a prominent Wagner Group commander also killed in the plane crash. 

According to Kuznetsov, many Wagner Group fighters “started to leave, transfer, [or] sign contracts with the Defense Ministry” after Prigozhin and Utkin died. These mercenaries, he claimed, mainly joined airborne and infantry units, and continued “to carry out combat missions.” Another former Wagner commander, who used the call sign “Marx,” told 360 that “around 53,000 people or so” passed through the mercenary group. 

Agentstvo identified “Marx” as Igor Sukhodolsky, a 55-year-old from Saratov who joined the Wagner Group shortly after its founding in 2013–2014, and went on to become its chief of staff. Sukhodolsky was awarded the Order of Courage for his involvement in the battle of Bakhmut and he also claims to have received state decorations for other operations in Syria, Libya, the Central African Republic (CAR), and Ukraine. 

Agentstvo identified the three other mercenaries in the interview as Ruslan Chlalyan, Andrey Ivanov, and Ruslan Zaprudsky.

Chlalyan, call sign “Radimir,” is a 47-year-old from Sochi and the former deputy commander of the Wagner Group’s 1st Assault Detachment. According to the Myrotvorets database, Chlalyan took part in Wagner operations in Sudan in 2019 and received a 4th class Order For Merit to the Fatherland for his participation in the battle of Bakhmut. 

Ivanov, call sign “Kep,” is a 41-year-old from Krasnodar Krai and the former commander of the Wagner Group’s 2nd Assault Detachment. Ivanov told 360 he joined the mercenary cartel in 2014 as a machine gunner, and later received state awards — including the title Hero of Russia — for fighting in Syria, Libya, the CAR, and Mali. He is currently under U.S. sanctions for acting as a mediator in the Wagner Group’s negotiations with the Malian authorities over arms supplies and mineral extraction. 

Zaprudsky, call sign “Rusich,” is a 43-year-old from Azov (a town in Russia’s Rostov region) and the former commander of the Wagner Group’s 13th Assault Detachment. From March 2016 to December 2022, he was registered as an entrepreneur. According to the Myrotvorets database, he received a 4th class Order For Merit to the Fatherland after fighting for Wagner in Bakhmut and was also awarded the Order of Courage. 

The 360 interview revealed that “Radimir” oversees the Wagner Legion’s operations in Libya, while “Kep” oversees operations in Mali and “Rusich” commands a detachment in Ukraine. “Istra is one of [those] unique places that gave our guys who were in the Wagner PMC the opportunity to sign a contract with their Motherland, with the Defense Ministry,” Kuznetsov said in the interview. “They’re all still Wagner at heart. And now they’re all going in different directions: some to the Africa Corps, others to the SVO.”

“Guys who know [Rusich], Radimir, and Kep are already flocking and ready [to join up], because they know them as combatant commanders, competent ones, […] and have confidence in them,” he added. 

Agentstvo described the interview with the former mercenaries as “highly unusual” and deemed it a PR stunt. Pro-Kremlin war bloggers have also begun to promote the Wagner Legion, with Alexander Kots sharing a recruitment ad with his 590,000 Telegram subscribers and Alexander Sladkov pushing the 360 interview to his 888,000 followers.

[sensitiveuser]

Sofia Perovskaia (1853-1881).

Member of Narodnaïa Volia. Regicide of Tsar Alexander II (1881).

Warning:

My day (not very good day) will end with the publication of a short post dedicated to one of the historical heroines for whom I have a lot of sympathy: Sofia Perovskaia. I had mentioned her only once in this post : https://www.tumblr.com/sensitiveuser/766870279166279680/letter-from-emma-goldman-1923-about-louise?source=share.

I am currently preparing others for you, which I will publish tomorrow and this weekend. Little secret : I didn't think I'd be here tonight (not just on Tumblr)...

I haven't finished introducing the characters mentioned in Emma Goldman's letter. I will also introduce Maria Spiridonova, I promise you...

Sofia Perovskaia (1853-1881) came from an aristocratic family. Her father was the governor of Saint Petersburg. Young woman abhorring the aristocratic society in which she grew up, she decided to betray her family and her social class, and join the camp of the revolutionaries. Fleeing her family, she settled in a modest apartment.

When it was founded (1879), the Narodnaia Volia organization defined the assassination of Tsar Alexander II as its primary objective. Armed struggle and terrorist actions (propaganda by deed) are the foundation of the organization. However, Narodnaia Volia does not intend to take power after the fall of the Russian Empire. Its only aim is to destroy tsarism, form a provisional government and elect a constituent assembly.

The members of the Executive Committee (including Andrei Jeliabov, Sofia's companion), in order to succeed in killing the tsar, decide to resort to the bomb. In September 1879, the Executive Committee proclaims itself "a secret society completely autonomous in its actions". The revolutionaries of Narodnaia Volia attempt five times to assassinate Alexander II, between November 1879 and August 1880. The first attack was prepared by Vera Figner, Alexander Kvyatkovsky and Nikolai Kibalchitch (one of the accused in the trial of the 193). The second attack was planned by Andrei Jeliabov, on the railway line linking Crimea to Kharkov.

Following the failed attempts, the comrades of Narodnaya Volya prepare a new attack… hoping, this time, not to miss their shot !

Sofia Perovskaïa, Andrei Jeliabov, Nicolas Kibaltchich, Nicolas Kletochnikov, Alexander Mikhailov, form a real club of five, five brave militants determined to meticulously plan a new attack. It is a question of succeeding in the attack by all means ! The five comrades begin by observing the movements of the tsar. The observation reveals two obligatory passage points, whatever the route taken by the tsar.

The executive committee decides to attack these two locations simultaneously, and meticulously prepares the attack. The five comrades dig an underground tunnel from a small house to Nevsky Prospect. They buried a mine there that would explode when the Tsar passed by. If this failed, Andrei Jeliabov would intervene, aided by a dagger and a revolver !

Unfortunately, on February 27, 1881, Andrei Jeliabov was arrested and sent to Nevsky Prospect. Sofia was now placed in charge of organizing the attack. She continued the plan for the attack. She was joined by Nikolai Ivanov Rysakov (who would throw the first bomb), Ignati Joakimovich Grineviski (who would throw the second), Timofei Mikhailovich Mikhailov (third bomb), Ivan Panteleimonovich Emelianov (fourth bomb). The bombs were prepared in Vera Figner's apartment.

On March 1, 1881, Alexander II took his usual route, between the Makhaylovski riding school and the Catherine Canal. Sofia Perovskaya gave the signal for the attack (using a handkerchief). The first bomb did not hit the Tsar, but there were a few injuries, and Rysakov was arrested. The second explosion, this time, resulted in a success: Alexander II died. But the explosion also cost Grineviski's life.

A few weeks after the assassination attempt, Sofia was arrested. On April 3, 1881, she was hanged together with Andrei Jeliabov on Semyonovsky Square.

[taramysweetlove]

The Strange Art is a creation by the artist Andrey Ivanov. Category art work. THE STRANGE ART--Model: Nina Mikhaylova Make-Up & Style: Ira Taranova Photo: Andrey Ivanov 

[jgmail]

El Imperio y el Reino según la ortodoxia

Por Alexander Bovdunov

Traducción de Juan Gabriel Caro Rivera

 En opinión del filósofo y especialista en la religión Andrei Ivanov existe una contraposición entre “Imperio” y el “Reino” (1). Para Ivanov el “imperialismo” es una continuación de los planes de los constructores de la Torre de Babel, es decir, de la creación de un gobierno mundial sobre todos los reinos, “Babilonia”, cuyo “nombre han heredado”. Precisamente es este nombre el que se ha dado a lo largo de la historia al proyecto de todos aquellos que quieren dominar y subordinar a un gobierno mundial al pueblo de Dios, ya sea Babilonia, Asiria, los Seleúcidas, Roma o el Occidente contemporáneo. En contraposición el “Reino” sería una continuación del Reino de David y Salomón, donde un Estado fuerte unido por un núcleo étnico poderoso tiene como misión defender y asegurar el verdadero culto a Dios. Por supuesto, tal idea esta muy lejos de alcanzar la felicidad para toda la humanidad. El Imperio es orgulloso, mientras que el Reino es humilde. Por supuesto, este enfoque puede cuestionarse incluso desde la misma Biblia, que valoraba el gobierno de Ciro el Grande, al cual designa como un ungido por Dios. La valoración positiva del apóstol Pablo de Roma como el último katehon tampoco encaja muy bien en esta dicotomía, siendo Roma un reino universal que desempeña una función “protectora” sobre todos los demás.

 De hecho, las ideas de Andrei Ivanov me recuerdan mucho a las del sociólogo y geopolítico rumano Ilie Badescu, quien también partía de las categorías bíblicas y consideraba que el “Imperio” era profundamente negativo, a diferencia de Konstantín Maloféyev para quien el Imperio, nacido en la época de Sargón de Acad, era ya de por sí el representante de Dios en la tierra y el protector de la Iglesia y toda forma de espiritualidad (2). Badescu considera que el “Imperio”, como Estado que aspira a la universalidad, se opone al “Estado cristiano” o al “Estado provincial”, el “principado”, destinado a conservar la ortodoxia, pero negándose a la expansión, lo cual significaría el abandono de su misión soteriológica. Badescu sostiene que el Imperio no es producto de la fuerza, sino de la debilidad. Además, el Imperio instrumentaliza las fuerzas titánicas de la técnica, la cual surge cuando un pueblo comienza a flaquear internamente, especialmente sus principios religiosos, perdiendo cualquier lealtad hacia sus ancestros y cayendo en la idolatría, la magia y la urbanización descontrolada. El Imperio surge de la corrupción de las mentes y la moral del pueblo en medio de una crisis social y la incapacidad de seguir sus tradiciones. Los Imperios también son instrumento para el castigo de los pueblos y por eso se extienden allí donde estos últimos se encuentren divididos internamente, carentes de fe, etc… El último “Imperio” real fue el monstruo profetizado por la visión de Daniel que sería el imperio global de los Estados Unidos, mientras que los intentos de otros países por establecer una nueva Roma (como lo han sido Rusia, el Imperio de los Habsburgo o los otomanos) no son más que sustitutos, simulacros o falsedades.

 Notas:

 1. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dLolDFqWpE8&ab_channel=%D0%A1%D0%B2%D1%8F%D1%89%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%B5%D0%B8%D0%BC%D0%B8%D1%80%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%B5

2. https://t.me/holmogortalks/14878

[beardedmrbean]

After a heated three-hour debate filled with scandals, personal attacks, and verbal threats, Bulgaria's National Assembly adopted a declaration condemning the systematic aggressive actions of the pro-Russian "Revival" party. The document, submitted by the WCC-DB parliamentary group, was approved with 132 votes in favor, 33 against, and 11 abstentions. Lawmakers argued that "Revival’s" actions represented an attempt to undermine Bulgaria’s democratic legal order and divert the country from its European path.

The session began with heightened tensions following recent protests and violent incidents involving "Revival." One of the declaration's proponents, WCC-DB MP Yordan Ivanov, defended the need for the resolution, claiming that the party posed a risk to national security. He pointed to recent incidents where "Revival" members engaged in violent demonstrations, stating, "Their leader threatened to set the country on fire, and we saw him make good on that promise." He also questioned why the Prosecutor General had not yet requested the party leader's immunity.

Despite the heated exchanges, several parliamentary groups dismissed the declaration as unnecessary and counterproductive. Toshko Yordanov, chair of "There Is Such a People" (TISP), argued that the resolution only gave "Revival" an opportunity to portray itself as a victim. "They don't deserve this attention," he stated before announcing that TISP would walk out of the session in protest. GERB’s parliamentary group followed suit, citing concerns that the debates had "gone beyond any parliamentary ethics."

Radostin Vassilev, leader of MECH, also dismissed the declaration, stating that Bulgarian institutions should handle the issue rather than the National Assembly. Meanwhile, Tsoncho Ganev of "Revival" responded to criticism by declaring that his party members were "good Christians" and would bear their struggles with resilience. During the debate, "Revival" leader Kostadin Kostadinov took to the podium, displaying a photo of a man in a wheelchair who had attended an anti-euro protest, challenging MPs on whether such a person could be considered an aggressor.

Not all parliamentary groups opposed the resolution. The DPS-New Beginning party supported the measure and called for political isolation of "Revival." "No one should cooperate with this party ever again," urged DPS MP Stanislav Anastasov, arguing that such isolation was necessary for the declaration to have real meaning.

The BSP-United Left took a neutral stance, choosing not to participate in the vote. MP Andrey Valchanov criticized the declaration as politically divisive, saying Parliament should focus on economic issues instead of acting as a "tribunal." He warned that such measures risked further fragmenting Bulgarian society.

In the final moments of the debate, WCC-DB MP Yavor Bozhankov defended the declaration, calling it an essential institutional response to "Revival's" actions. Addressing the opposition’s decision to leave the hall, he remarked, "Today, your leader spoke in front of empty seats—that’s exactly what you deserve."

In a defiant speech following the vote, Kostadin Kostadinov vowed that "Revival" would continue its fight, accusing his opponents of trying to "kill the Bulgarian people" and pledging to defend the national currency. "If necessary, we will go to prison, but we will not surrender," he declared.

Despite strong resistance from some factions, the declaration was ultimately adopted, sending a clear message from Parliament against "Revival’s" actions. The long-term political impact of the resolution, however, remains uncertain.