#14th-15th century
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mishimamiravenecia · 14 days ago
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On the corner of the Doge's Palace
En la esquina del Palacio Ducal
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(English / Español / Italiano)
On the corner of the Doge's Palace is this relief showing the biblical 'Judgement of Solomon'.
Venice was considered by all European states to be the Homeland of Justice. This was no small boast since even Doges, sons of Doges and patricians could be and were sentenced to death.
Justice at the Serenissima was something very serious! Considered incorruptible and absolutely impartial, it did not look anyone in the face, in the name of the most crystal-clear legality. The Republic, in fact, held a real hard fist towards malefactors and delinquents, whatever their social background.
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En la esquina del Palacio Ducal se encuentra este relieve que muestra el bíblico "Juicio de Salomón".
Venecia era considerada por todos los estados europeos como la Patria de la Justicia. No era para menos, ya que incluso los Dux, hijos de Dux y patricios podían ser y eran condenados a muerte.
La justicia en la Serenísima era algo muy serio. Considerada incorruptible y absolutamente imparcial, no miraba a nadie a la cara, en nombre de la más cristalina legalidad. La República, de hecho, mantenía un verdadero puño duro hacia los malhechores y delincuentes, fuera cual fuera su extracción social.
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Sull'angolo del Palazzo dei Dogi spicca questo rilievo che mostra il biblico "Giudizio di Salomone".
Venezia era considerata da tutti gli Stati Europei la Patria della Giustizia. Non era un vanto da poco visto che anche Dogi, figli di Dogi e Patrizi potevano essere e furono condannati a morte.
La giustizia alla Serenissima era qualcosa di molto serio! Considerata incorruttibile e assolutamente imparziale, non guardava i faccia a nessuno, in nome della più cristallina legalità. La Repubblica, infatti, teneva un vero pugno duro verso malfattori e delinquenti, di qualsiasi estrazione sociale questi fossero.
Fonte: VENEZIA Storia e Storie by Maurizio Biscaro
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theancientwayoflife · 1 year ago
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~ Helmet.
Culture: Northern Italy,Southern Germany, Austria
Date: ca. 1350 (helmet) and 15th century (helmet decoration)
Owner: Albert von Prankh
Medium: Helmet: Iron, forged, built from individual parts. Paint residue. Textile: felt. Helmet decoration: leather. Textile: linen. Chalk ground, gold leaf and silver plated. Glaze.
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city-of-ladies · 4 months ago
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"Then I said to her: “My lady, these examples show that long ago, the wise were honored more than they are now and the sciences were held in greater esteem. But regarding your words about women who are expert in the art of painting, I know a woman right now by the name of Anastasia who is so talented and skilled in painting decorative borders on manuscripts and landscape backgrounds that one cannot find an artisan to equal her in the whole city of Paris, where the best in the world are found.
She so excels at painting flower motifs in the most exquisite detail and is so highly esteemed that she is entrusted with the richest and most valuable manuscripts. I know this from my own experience, because she has done work for me that is considered exceptional among the decorations created by other great artisans."
Christine de Pizan (1364-1430), The Book of the City of Ladies (finished c. 1405)
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cuties-in-codices · 6 months ago
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the prophet isaiah being sawn in half
13th – 15th century manuscript illustrations
manuscript signatures & links: Sarnen, Benediktinerkollegium, Cod. membr. 8, fol. 24r /// Engelberg, Stiftsbibl., Cod. 339, fol. 94v /// Los Angeles, Getty Museum, Ms. Ludwig XIII 5, v1, fol. 137r /// Munich, BSB, Cgm 503, fol. 134r ///Lausanne, BCU, U 964, fol. 266r /// Vatican, Bibl. Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 1806, fol. 25r /// Chantilly, Bibl. du Château, Ms. 139, fol. 24v /// Vatican, Bibl. Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 413, fol. 27r /// Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibl., Codex 206(49), p. 47 /// Los Angeles, Getty Museum, Ms. 1, v2, fol. 43r /// Luzern, ZHB, Msc. 42. fol., fol. 8v /// Luzern, ZHB, Msc. 42. fol., fol. 186r /// Darmstadt, ULB, Hs 2505, fol. 43r /// Berlin, SBB, Ms. germ. fol. 245, fol. 43v /// Heidelberg, UB, Cod. Pal. germ. 432, fol. 30r
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dunyun-rings · 2 years ago
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The Forget-Me-Not Valley bachelorettes but medieval style 🗡🌾
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winterhalters · 8 months ago
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history + france's almost queens
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upennmanuscripts · 13 days ago
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Many - most - manuscripts survive only in fragments. Here we have three adjacent fragments from a large antiphonary leaf. Text on both sides is from Psalm 138 and one side also includes musical notation. Written in a large Gothic hand with red and blue initials. Because the style of liturgical manuscripts didn't change much through the mid to late middle ages, we can't say any date more exact than between 1300 and 1599.
🔗:
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winglesswriter · 3 months ago
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@mrbexwrites made me realize that I've never posted any photos of my medieval self so here you go. This is my biggest passion besides writing
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romegreeceart · 1 year ago
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Egyptian couple and their daughter, depicted as a miniature adult
* Theban necropolis
* New Kingdom, first half of the 18th dynasty (1480-1390 BCE)
* limestone
* Turin Egyptian Museum
Turin, June 2023
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wonder-worker · 3 months ago
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Wild how we know that Elizabeth Woodville was officially appointed to royal councils in her own right during her husband’s reign and fortified the Tower of London in preparation of a siege while 8-months pregnant and had forces gathering at Westminster “in the queen’s name” in 1483 – only for NONE of these things to be even included, let alone explored, in the vast majority of scholarship and historical novels involving her.
#lol I don't remember writing this - I found it when I was searching for something else in my drafts. But it's 100% true so I had to post it.#elizabeth woodville#my post#Imo this is mainly because Elizabeth's negative historiography has always involved both vilification and diminishment in equal measure.#and because her brand of vilification (femme fatale; intriguer) suggests more indirect/“feminine” than legitimate/forceful types of power#It's still bizarre though-you'd think these would be some of the most famous & defining aspects of Elizabeth's life. But apparently not#I guess she only matters when it comes to marrying Edward and Promoting Her Family and scheming against Richard#There is very lacking interest in her beyond those things even in her traditionally negative depictions#And most of her “reassessments” tend to do diminish her so badly she's rendered utterly irrelevant and almost pathetic by the end of it#Even when some of these things *are* mentioned they're never truly emphasized as they should be.#See: her formal appointment in royal councils. It was highly unconventional + entirely unprecedented for queens in the 14th & 15th century#You'd think this would be incredibly important and highlighted when analyzing late medieval queenship in England but apparently not#Historians are more willing to straight-up INVENT positions & roles for so many other late medieval queens/king's mothers that didn't exist#(not getting into this right now it's too long...)#But somehow acknowledging and discussing Elizabeth's ACTUAL formally appointed role is too much for them I guess#She's either subsumed into the general vilification of her family (never mind that they were known as 'the queen's kin' to actual#contemporaries; they were defined by HER not the other way around) or she's rendered utterly insignificant by historians. Often both.#But at the end of the day her individual role and identity often overlooked or downplayed in both scenarios#and ofc I've said this before but - there has literally never been a proper reassessment of Elizabeth's role in 1483-85 TILL DATE#despite the fact that it's such a sensational and well-known time period in medieval England#This isn't even a Wars of the Roses thing. Both Margaret of Anjou and Margaret Beaufort have had multiple different reassessments#of their roles and positions during their respective crises/upheavals by now;#There is simply a distinct lack of interest in reassessing Elizabeth in a similar way and I think this needs to be acknowledged.#Speaking of which - there's also a persistent habit of analyzing her through the context of Margaret of Anjou or Elizabeth of York#(either as a parallel or a foil) rather than as a historical figure in HER OWN RIGHT#that's also too long to get into I just wanted to point it out because I hate it and I think it's utterly senseless#I've so much to say about how all of this affects her portrayal in historical fiction as well but that's going into a whole other tangent#ofc there are other things but these in particular *really* frustrate me#just felt like ranting a bit in the tags because these are all things that I want to individually discuss someday with proper posts...
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medievalart · 3 months ago
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Walls of Tallinn 1 - Nunna, Sauna and Kuldjala Tower
* 14th and 15th century
Certainly worth a visit if you ever go to Tallinn. Requires a bit of climbing though :)
Tallinn, July 2024
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medievalsnippets · 8 days ago
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How a Common Soldier Shall be Armed ca. 1370s-1410s
Source
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queenfredegund · 8 months ago
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Women in History Month (insp) | Week 3: Consorts and concubines
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city-of-ladies · 3 months ago
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"The most notable players in Palaiologue politics were the empresses Yolanda-Irene of Montferrat and Anna of Savoy, and on the whole their record is woeful: Yolanda-Irene of Montferrat, second wife of Andronikos II, was unable to comprehend the succession rights of her eldest stepson, Michael IX, and since her husband remained obstinately unmoved by her representations she flounced off with her three sons to Thessalonika where she kept a separate court for many years from 1303 to her death in 1317. From her own domain she issued her own decrees, conducted her own foreign policy and plotted against her husband with the Serbs and Catalans: in mitigation, she had seen her five-year-old daughter married off to the middle-aged Serbian lecher Milutin, and considered that her eldest son John had been married beneath him to a Byzantine aristocrat, Irene Choumnaina. She died embittered and extremely wealthy.
When Yolanda’s grandson Andronikos III died early, leaving a nine-year old son John V and no arrangements for a regent, the empress Anna of Savoy assumed the regency. In so doing she provoked a civil war with her husband’s best friend John Kantakouzenos, and devastated the empire financially, bringing it to bankruptcy and pawning the crown jewels to Venice, as well as employing Turkish mercenaries and, it appears, offering to have her son convert to the church of Rome. Gregoras specifically blames her for the civil war, though he admits that she should not be criticised too heavily since she was a woman and a foreigner. Her mismanagement was not compensated for by her later negotiations in 1351 between John VI Kantakouzenos and her son in Thessalonika, who was planning a rebellion with the help of Stephen Dushan of Serbia. In 1351 Anna too settled in Thessalonika and reigned over it as her own portion of the empire until her death in c. 1365, even minting her own coinage.
These women were powerful and domineering ladies par excellence, but with the proviso that their political influence was virtually minimal. Despite their outspokenness and love of dominion they were not successful politicians: Anna of Savoy, the only one in whose hands government was placed, was compared to a weaver’s shuttle that ripped the purple cloth of empire. But there were of course exceptions. Civil wars ensured that not all empresses were foreigners and more than one woman of Byzantine descent reached the throne and was given quasi-imperial functions by her husband. 
Theodora Doukaina Komnene Palaiologina, wife of Michael VIII, herself had imperial connections as the great-niece of John III Vatatzes, and issued acts concerning disputes over monastic properties during her husband’s reign, even addressing the emperor’s officials on occasion and confirming her husband’s decisions. Nevertheless, unlike other women of Michael’s family who went into exile over the issue, she was forced to support her husband’s policy of church union with Rome, a stance which she seems to have spent the rest of her life regretting. She was also humiliated when he wished to divorce her to marry Constance-Anna of Hohenstaufen, the widow of John III Vatatzes.
Another supportive empress consort can be seen in Irene Kantakouzene Asenina, whose martial spirit came to the fore during the civil war against Anna of Savoy and the Palaiologue ‘faction’. Irene in 1342 was put in charge of Didymoteichos by her husband John VI Kantakouzenos; she also organised the defence of Constantinople against the Genoese in April 1348 and against John Palaiologos in March 1353, being one of the very few Byzantine empresses who took command in military affairs. But like Theodora, Irene seems to have conformed to her husband’s wishes in matters of policy and agreed with his decisions concerning the exclusion of their sons from the succession and their eventual abdication in 1354.
Irene and her daughter Helena Kantakouzene, wife of John V Palaiologos, were both torn by conflicting loyalties between different family members, and Helena in particular was forced to mediate between her ineffectual husband and the ambitions of her son and grandson. She is supposed to have organised the escape of her husband and two younger sons from prison in 1379 and was promptly taken hostage with her father and two sisters by her eldest son Andronikos IV and imprisoned until 1381; her release was celebrated with popular rejoicing in the capital. According to Demetrios Kydones she was involved in political life under both her husband and son, Manuel II, but her main role was in mediating between the different members of her family.
In a final success story, the last Byzantine emperor, Constantine XI, owed his throne to his mother. The Serbian princess Helena Dragash, wife of Manuel II Palaiologos, in the last legitimating political manoeuvre by a Byzantine empress, successfully managed to keep the throne for her son Constantine and fend off the claims of his brother Demetrios. She arranged for Constantine’s proclamation as emperor in the Peloponnese and asserted her right to act as regent until his arrival in the capital from Mistra in 1449.
Despite the general lack of opportunity for them to play a role in politics, Palaiologue imperial women in the thirteenth century found outlets for their independent spirit and considerable financial resources in other ways. They were noted for their foundation or restoration of monastic establishments and for their patronage of the arts. Theodora Palaiologina restored the foundation of Constantine Lips as a convent for fifty nuns, with a small hospital for laywomen attached, as well as refounding a smaller convent of Sts Kosmas and Damian. She was also an active patron of the arts, commissioning the production of manuscripts like Theodora Raoulaina, her husband’s niece. Her typikon displays the pride she felt in her family and position, an attitude typically found amongst aristocratic women.
Clearly, like empresses prior to 1204, she had considerable wealth in her own hands both as empress and dowager. She had been granted the island of Kos as her private property by Michael, while she had also inherited land from her family and been given properties by her son Andronikos. Other women of the family also display the power of conspicuous spending: Theodora Raoulaina used her money to refound St Andrew of Crete as a convent where she pursued her scholarly interests. 
Theodora Palaiologina Angelina Kantakouzene, John Kantakouzenos’s mother, was arguably the richest woman of the period and financed Andronikos III’s bid for power in the civil war against his grandfather. Irene Choumnaina Palaiologina, in name at least an empress, who had been married to Andronikos II’s son John and widowed at sixteen, used her immense wealth, against the wishes of her parents, to rebuild the convent of Philanthropes Soter, where she championed the cause of ‘orthodoxy’ against Gregory Palamas and his hesychast followers. Helena Kantakouzene, too, wife of John V, was a patron of the arts. She had been classically educated and was the benefactor of scholars, notably of Demetrios Kydones who dedicated to her a translation of one of the works of St Augustine. 
The woman who actually holds power in this period, Anna of Savoy, does her sex little credit: like Yolanda she appears to have been both headstrong and greedy, and, still worse, incompetent. In contrast, empresses such as Irene Kantakouzene Asenina reflect the abilities of their predecessors: they were educated to be managers, possessed of great resources, patrons of art and monastic foundations, and, given the right circumstances, capable of significant political involvement in religious controversies and the running of the empire. Unfortunately they generally had to show their competence in opposition to official state positions. While they may have wished to emulate earlier regent empresses, they were not given the chance: the women who, proud of their class and family, played a public and influential part in the running of the empire belonged to an earlier age."
Byzantine Empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium AD 527-1204, Lynda Garland
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stayatsam · 13 days ago
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From left to right, various depictions of the Throne of Grace, Trinity
Follower of the Egerton Master French Netherlandish active about 1405 - 1420
Master of Jean Rolin II Hand B French active Paris France last third of 14th century
Unknown artistmaker (probably 14th-15th century)
Unknown artistmaker (probably 14th-15th century)
Workshop of Master of Jean Chevrot Flemish active about 1440 - 1450
Workshop of Willem Vrelant Flemish died 1481 active 1454 - 1481
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dominadespina · 5 months ago
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THE FORTUNE OF THREE
Angelina of Greece
Angelina was a slave in the harem of Sultan Bayezid I who would be recaptured by the Timurids to be later sent to the King of Castile as a “gift”. 
It is speculated that she was born around 1380 as she was described as still being young in 1402, however, no exact date is proven to be correct. 
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Early Life
Nothing is known about the early life of this lady. However, she was likely of Greek origin, given that in Castille, she was referred to as “Angelina de Grecia,” and most historians agree that she was of Greek origin.
Some historians propose that she was the daughter of John V Paleologus and married Bayezid in 1372. However, since she is not mentioned in any Byzantine documents of that time and was sent to Spain where she remained permanently without any connection to the Royal Byzantine family, it is highly unlikely that she is the daughter of John.
Other accounts, and Angelina herself (through her tomb), claim that she is the daughter of a certain Count John/Ivan of Hungary, Duke of Slavonia/Dalmatia, the alleged illegitimate son of an unnamed King of Hungary. However, the lack of information about Count John/Ivan, if he ever existed, suggests that this might have been a plot created by the King of Castille to find noblemen for her to marry, a plot in which Angelina herself participated.
There was no Count/Duke of Slavonia by that name at the time that I could find information on. He was likely invented for higher chances of matchmaking purposes, as likely, Angelina was of humble origin before becoming a slave, and nobility typically preferred to marry within their own class.
First Capture
Some speculate that she was captured in the aftermath of the Battle of Nicopolis in 1396, in case it is true she would have been around 16 years old. This speculation is linked to the belief that she was Hungarian, though it is more probable that she was not.
Other sources believe she was captured around 1391 in Thessalonica. In that case, she would have been around 11 years old, slightly older than the preferred age for girls to be educated as potential concubines but not uncommon.
Life In The Harem
Despite being sold as a slave in the imperial palace of Sultan Bayezid I, Angelina seems to have been one of the few Christian slaves in the palace. Timur later sent her as a “gift” to Henry III of Castille, and as we know Muslim women are not permitted to engage with men of other faiths.
Another indication of her faith is found in a past edition of Clavijo’s work.
“Argote de Molina (the editor of Clavijo) in the Discurso, which he prefixed to the Edition Princeps of 1582, states that with the presents of jewels, Timur sent to King Henry two Christian maidens.” - Embassy to Tamerlane/ 1403-1406 (Broadway Travellers) Volume 24, pg 178. (Angelina was one of the mentioned maidens.)
Considering her religion, it is safe to assume she was never considered a potential concubine for Bayezid, as all concubines of the Sultan had to be Muslims. She was more likely working as a servant under a higher-ranking slave or one of Bayezid’s Christian wives (Macedonian Princess, Byzantine princess, or Olivera Lazarevic).
Despina Hatun (Olivera Lazarevic) was captured alongside her daughters and Christian servants.
“When he was in Kütahya, Timur sent for Olivera Despina, her daughters, and her household, alongside the daughter of the ruler of Karaman [Jalayirid Sultanate], whom Beyazid was planning to marry off to his son Mustafa. They were brought to his camp with many servants, musicians, and dancers. He suggested that the Princess and other members of her household, who were still Christian, should embrace Islam. Despite her daughters being Muslim, Olivera declined this offer.” - Buxton, Anna. The European Sultanas of the Ottoman Empire - color edition. Kindle Edition.
If she was one of Olivera’s Christian servants, that would explain why she remained a Christian despite serving in the Imperial palace. Christian wives of early Ottoman Sultans are speculated to have freed slaves or, at the very least prevented forced Islamization. 
Second Capture
In the aftermath of the Battle of Ankara in 1402, Timur sent his soldiers to plunder Bursa, resulting in the capture of the imperial treasure and slaves. It is conceivable that Angelina was among those captured.
Alternatively, she may not have been taken from Bursa but in a residence in Yenisehir where Olivera Lazarevic, her daughters, and servants resided.
After her capture, she was sent to Emir Timur's camp, where she remained for a period before being presented as a "gift" to King Henry III of Castile. At that time, Timur had received an embassy from the King of Castile, led by Don Payo Gonzalez de Sotomayor and Don Hernan Sanchez de Palazuelos, and upon their departure, he decided to send them off with Christian maidens to be given to Henry III of Castile. Both of these noblemen eventually married the other maidens who accompanied Angelina.
Arrival In Castile
Upon her arrival in Castile in 1403, while passing through Seville, Angelina caught the attention of a Genoese poet named Francisco Imperial, who was residing in the same city at the time. He composed a poem dedicated to her, which has survived to this day. From his poem, it can be inferred that Angelina was a woman of great beauty who captivated those around her as she traveled through Castile.
Upon reaching the Alcazar of Segovia, where King Henry was residing, the king, moved by pity for her and her entourage, took them under his protection.
Marriage To Don Diego González de Contreras
Around 1403, she married Don Diego González de Contreras, a knight and nobleman in the court of Henry. It is believed that the marriage was arranged by Henry, who likely sponsored the maidens' stay at court and their dowries.
Angelina, renowned for her beauty, likely had several suitors vying for her hand, but Don Diego, Lord of the house of Contreras, was ultimately chosen as the most suitable candidate by the King.
Diego is thought to have been well in his 70s at the time of his death in 1437, making him around 36 to 45 years old at the time of his marriage to the 22/23 years old Angelina.
The noble couple later took up residence in the Contreras’ ancestral home in the parish of San Juan de los Caballeros, Segovia, where Diego held the position of perpetual Regidor of Segovia, a hereditary title that would later pass to his son.
The couple welcomed two sons together, Fernán Gronzález de Contreras, who would later succeed his father as Regidor of Segovia, Juan González de Contreras, and possibly a daughter, Doña Isabel González de Contreras.
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Later Life
Angelina likely led a noble and tranquil life as the wife of a nobleman in her husband’s ancestral home, where she also cared for her children.
It is believed that she passed away sometime after her husband died in 1437. However, historians have not been able to conclusively prove this theory. What is known is that she was certainly laid to rest in Segovia, where her body was buried in the church of San Juan.
The inscription on her tomb read as follows:
"Here lies the honored Dona Angelina of Greece, daughter of Count Ivan and granddaughter of the King of Hungary, wife of Diego González de Contreras."
Unfortunately, the church was later ruined, and her remains were transported to the neighboring church of San Pablo.
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Legacy
Her grandson Rodrigo de Contreras (through Fernan) mentioned her in his will, written sometime in the late 15th to 16th century.
The will read as follows:
"When our Lord Jesus Christ pleases to take me from this present life, may my body be buried in the church of San Juan beside the grave of my grandmother Doña Angelina de Grecia. May God help us."
Her descendant Juan de Contreras, Marquis of Lozoya, later wrote a biography of her life in the 20th century.
Issue
Don Fernan Gonzalez de Contreras
Juan González de Contreras
Dona Isabel de Contreras (possibly)
Summary
Despite the turbulent period Angelina lived through, from being a simple girl of Greek parentage captured and enslaved in the Ottoman imperial palace to being "gifted" to the King of Castile by her second captor, Angelina was fortunate enough to have found a life of nobility and a family to care for.
Poem By Francisco Imperial Dedicated to Angelina: 
"With great tranquility and meekness, beauty and sweet air, honesty and without custom, of elegance and mischief from the lands of Cayre I saw bring to the King of Spain with a very strange height delicate and graceful demeanor. Whether she be Tartar or Greek, as soon as I could see her her disposition does not deny to be of a grand name. She must undoubtedly be a woman of high birth placed in great tribulation, deprived of great power. Her countenance seemed to say 'Alas, captive am I, it is fitting from now on that I live in servitude Oh, elusive fortune! Alas, why was I born! Tell me, what did I deserve for you to make me live! My Greece, my Cardíamo Oh my sweet Angelina! beloved land that I cherish so much where such plunder is born Who separated me so quickly from you and your dominion and brought me to the great river where the sun rises and sets?"
(Sources: "Embassy to Tamerlane/ 1403-1406 (Broadway Travellers) Volume 24", Buxton, Anna. "The European Sultanas of the Ottoman Empire", "Dona Angelina de Grecia: ensayo biografico".)
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