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theculturedmarxist · 1 year

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In 2013 the CIA was handing out TOW anti-tank missiles to 'moderate rebel' groups who were fighting the government in Syria. These groups were allegedly 'vetted' before they receive money and weapons. Unfortunately 'vetting' was something the CIA had never been good at.

One of the groups that received such support was the Hamza Division:

Hamza Division (Forqat al-Hamza – فرقة الحمزة): An FSA-banner group composed of six substituent brigades that operate mostly in the environs of Inkhil, Daraa. The Hamza Division has received TOW ATGMs and it works under the supervision of the Daraa Military Council. They receives foreign support from Western and Arab state backers and are a member of the Southern Front coalition. The Southern Front has stated their commitment to a civil state, and have released a comprehensive political program in support of democratic reform. The Division came together with the Syria Revolutionaries Front and the 1st Artillery Regiment to create the 1st Army, which later disbanded. The Hamza Division continues using the 1st Army imagery alongside its own while the other former substituents do not. Social Media: YouTube; YouTube (older channel)

Hamza was later also supported by the Pentagon. Without such support the group would never have become a viable entity. Things got a bit complicated when militias armed by the Pentagon started to fight those armed by the CIA.

Later Hamza was sponsored by the Turkish state. This again made things a bit complicated:

Elijah J. Magnier @ejmalrai - 17:39 · Oct 16, 2019 Do you remember when the #US spent $500 million to train/arm Al-Hamza Division? Well the US-trained "Moderate rebels" are fighting - under a NATO flagged country (#Turkey) - the US-trained Kurdish YPG in the area occupied by the #US. I'll make it even easier: A few minutes ago, #US Prsdt @realDonaldTrump said the "PKK is far more dangerous than #ISIS (The Islamic State)". The US trained & armed Syrian Kurds proxies, the YPG, are the Syrian branch of the PKK that Trump considers far more dangerous than ISIS.

Ten years after being 'vetted' the Hamza division is again receiving U.S. attention. This time from the Department of the Treasuries:

Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is designating two Syria-based armed militias and three members of the groups’ leadership structures in connection with serious human rights abuses against those residing in the Afrin region of northern Syria. An auto sales company owned by the leader of one of the armed groups is also being designated. ... The Hamza Division, another armed opposition group operating in northern Syria, has been involved in abductions, theft of property, and torture. The division also operates detention facilities in which it houses those it has abducted for extended periods of time. During their imprisonment, victims are held for ransom, often suffering sexual abuse at the hands of Hamza Division fighters. The Suleiman Shah Brigade and the Hamza Division are being designated pursuant to E.O. 13894 for being responsible for or complicit in, or for having directly or indirectly engaged in, the commission of serious human rights abuses against the Syrian people. ... Sayf Boulad Abu Bakr is the leader of the Hamza Division and its public face, appearing in numerous propaganda videos produced by the Hamza Division. While Abu Bakr has been commander, the Hamza Division has been accused of brutal repression of the local population, including kidnapping Kurdish women and severely abusing prisoners, at times leading to their death. Sayf Boulad Abu Bakr is being designated pursuant to E.O. 13894 for acting or purporting to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, the Hamza Division.

The AP report about the new sanctions does not mention any Pentagon or CIA support the groups had previously received.

One wonders how long it will take until the U.S. will sanction the fascists militia it has and is now arming and sponsoring in Ukraine.

#syria #us imperialism #“moderate rebels”#pentagon #cia

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donewithcapitalistfrayers · 2 years

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from the article:

In late 2016, Dutch national Sjoerd Heeger (nom de guerre Baran Sason), traveled from Europe to northeast Syria via Iraq to join the Kurdish YPG under the SDF. Sjoerd attended the YPG International Academy outside Al-Malikiyah (Dêrik) in the northeast corner of Syria. Upon completing his training around February 2017, Sjoerd was assigned to a Kurdish unit. He was killed fighting against ISIS in Deir ez-Zor on February 12, 2018.

While at the YPG International Academy, Sjoerd’s far-right political views were known to the other internationalists and to the YPG Academy leadership. What was unknown to many until his death was the full extent and depth of his background and beliefs.

Prior to his arrival in Syria, Sjoerd had traveled to Ukraine, where he joined Right Sector, a neo-Nazi group that formally became a political party following the Maidan coup. Little is known about his time with Right Sector or the full extent of his fighting in Ukraine. After his death, however, photos were made public on social media revealing his allegiance to Nazi ideology, and his blog and YouTube channel surfaced, where he made neo-Nazi views explicit.

In one photo, he appears next to a weapons cache in Ukraine holding a book titled Third Reich Pilgrim.

His blog, titled “The Sword’s Awakening,” features pictures including him holding a pistol and axe in front of a Nazi flag, a drawing with a Ukrainian fighter with the colors of the Ukrainian flag and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), which collaborated with the Nazis to mass-murder Jews and ethnic Poles, with the black sun as a halo behind the fighter’s head, and Waffen SS artwork. His neo-Nazi views ran deep and his website, which includes his writings and musings on life, politics, and current events, are replete with fascist imagery and beliefs.

Upon arriving in Syria, Sjoerd used the Kurdish nom de guerre Baran, claiming to have changed his ideological perspective. He publicly stated that he was supportive of the Kurdish struggle and of Abdullah Ocalan’s theory of “democratic confederalism.”

However, his views on the Kurds contradicted this supposed ideological conversion. Sources we spoke to who knew him claim that he viewed the Kurds as Aryans who were worthy of protecting and fighting for. According to some who interacted with him in Syria, he maintained his fascist views in private.

After his death, Sjoerd was given the title of martyr by the YPG as well as by the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) of Turkey/Kurdistan and the Internationalist Commune. He was given a martyr’s funeral service attended by many and was buried in northeast Syria.

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lebizcanada20 · 4 months

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penguicorns-are-cool · 5 months

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for the post about the gay war criminal who joined the YPG that you wrote an image description for the other day, the person depicted on the flag is Abdullah Öcalan, İ'd recommend editing that into the description

thanks, I had a hard time finding that information online

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ahb-writes · 1 year

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Book Review: ‘The Daughters of Kobani: A Story of Rebellion, Courage, and Justice‘

The Daughters of Kobani: A Story of Rebellion, Courage, and Justice by Gayle Tzemach Lemmon My rating: 4 of 5 stars Repelling a multifront attack, abetted only by dwindling supplies, negligent regional allies, and limited external support (Kobani). Fording the turbulent Euphrates in the dead of night in anticipation of a mine-laden and sniper-beset shoreline (Manbij). Laying siege to a strategically valuable dam, the nation's largest, for two and a half months (Tabqa), situated fewer than thirty miles from ISIS's stronghold. And exhausting all manner of physical and mental strength to serve as the spearhead of regional militia seeking to pry open and overtake Raqqa. The fighters of the YPJ (women's protection units) exhibited remarkable fortitude and resilience, and their efforts proved pivotal in counterbalancing a world on fire. Lemmon's THE DAUGHTERS OF KOBANI is an informative and entertaining read that sits snugly in the middleground of illuminating nonfiction for policy novices or casual strategists. This isn't a book for grinding academics, and this isn't a book for skilled militarists. This book views a limited conflict, in a tucked away region of northern Syria, for the span of a few years, through the eyes and experiences of a handful of dedicated women, belonging to an ethnic minority (Kurds). Every injustice, travail, and disdain perpetuated by the thoughtlessness, violence, and corruption native to this conflict is etched into the hearts and minds of these individuals. Readers seeking more should hunt for supplemental analysis elsewhere. But for their efforts, the women who comprise the YPJ, the growing, specialized partition of the YPG (people's protection units), the battle is personal. These women defied and rebuked the threat of domestication to take up arms against terrorists both organized and not. Lemmon's journalism assiduously documents the YPJ's origin and the personalities that guide and ground its philosophy: Azeema, for example, is boisterous and confident, but also inscrutable and prudent ("We'll sleep when the fight is over," p. 73); Rojda's "quiet calmness" is purportedly mistaken as "passivity," but people "usually made that error only once" (p. 13); and Znarin is dutiful, but not to the patriarchic obligation through which she's lost everything, but to "the cause of women's rights and, as a consequence, Kurdish rights" (p. 23). THE DAUGHTERS OF KOBANI outlines the quest for self-governance (of the Kurdish people, before and during civil war), the quest for authenticity and viability (of extended militia, among enemies and allies old and new), and the quest for individual purpose (of the women whose lives and homes were ripped apart by varying components of black-flag terrorism). Remarkable, then, is Lemmon's interweaving of the fragmented capacity (or willingness) of U.S. policymakers with the difficult reality of on-the-ground, street-to-street combat. All the more so when the point of view for said exchanges pivots between sniper positions with broken radio signals or fiendish and frantic amphibious operations aboard borrowed watercraft. This book strikes a purposeful balance. For example, readers encounter the fantastic necessity of unearthing the historical truths, convenient or otherwise, about the philosophical influence of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) and its founder Abdullah Öcalan. The long-imprisoned Öcalan's progressive intellectualism seems radical and unlikely to western ears (e.g., gender equality, freedom of expression, full suffrage, economic fairness). But the dissident's tenets of human equality and of striking a balancing with the demands of ecological necessity are entirely rational and fundamental to others who's legislative and military options are all that remain when opposed and oppressed by autocrats and terrorists. Understandably, this approach may not suffice for readers hunting for more detail than personal stories can provide. Regional experts will demand more intricate maps of the infernally tense Manbij campaign, which saw waxing and waning success as Rojda and others crossed the Euphrates at night. Or perhaps demand a few more details on the Berthnahrin Women's Protection Forces, the all-female Assyrian militia. Other, book-savvy researchers will surely demand more context for the sprawling Syrian Civil War, proper, during which the book's events take place. Lemmon focuses on the military history and political corollaries associated with the YPG and YPJ, but spends little time on the influence and effectiveness of neighboring or oppositional parties. For example, the Democratic Union Party's Charter of the Social Contract, dated to January 2014, is a remarkable document. But the Charter has clearly been amended over the better part of a decade. Whether those changes are progressive or regressive, goes unstated. Altogether, THE DAUGHTERS OF KOBANI is accessible and edifying. The author's promise is to glimpse the peculiar and inspiring, and the book does well to deliver. The itinerant nature of international war reporting obliges a few gaps in the narrative, but for all intents and purposes, Lemmon composed a memorable story about principled people whose statelessness was only the beginning of their story.

Book Reviews || ahb writes on Good Reads

#review #nonfiction #the daughters of kobani #female soldiers #women soldiers #kurd #syria #international studies #4 of 5 stars #goodreads #dedicated women #fortitude and resilience #journalism #kobani #manbij #tabqa #raqqa #abdullah ocalan

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valiantzinepruneprofessor-blog · 2 years

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‏‎هـەرکـەس دڵخۆشه بـه زمـانـی خـۆی بـه خـاک و ئـالا و نـیشتمـانـی خـۆی شـانازی منیـش نـیشتمـانـمـه زمـانـی کـوردی و کـوردستـانـمه #زمانی_کوردی_بپارێزین #زمانی_کوردی Her kes bi zimanê xwe kêfxweş e ji ax, al û welatê xwe re Rûmeta min welatê min e Zimanê Kurdî û Kurdistan هرکس از زبان خودش راضی است به سرزمین، پرچم و کشورش افتخار من کشور من است زبان کردی و کردستان Everyone is happy with their own language to his land, flag and country My pride is my country Kurdish language and Kurdistan الجميع سعداء بلغتهم الخاصة لأرضه وعلمه وبلده كبريائي هو بلدي اللغة الكردية وكردستان Herkes kendi dilinden memnun toprağına, bayrağına ve ülkesine gururum benim ülkem Kürt dili ve Kürdistan لطفا صفحه ما را فالو کنید و به دوستان خود معرفی کنید✌✌ @Diroka_korda Lütfen sayfamızı takip edin Ve arkadaşlarınla tanıştır ✌✌✌ @Diroka_korda #diroka_korda #Wêne #wênefîlm #cıwanhaco #kurdistan #qamişlo #kobane #ypg #ypj #bakur #azadi #ahmedkaya #rojbaş #amed #mehebad #adnandilbrin #aysa_șan #kurd #kurdo #kobani #afri̇n #şakiro #wênefilm #demirtaş #hdp #saverojava @kawaurmiye_ @hozan__diyar @hunersam @seydaperincek.official @denizdeman_ @hozanaydinofficial @azadbedran @mala.dengbejan @kordmusic @mehmetyildirim.official @komaserhat @kemaleamed21 @Mohammadkhani_official @yaserahmadi292 @serhatcarnewa @tishk_tv @tirej_urmiye_official @_.dirok @dijwarelbanofficial @keskesor_muzik @dengbej_tv_welat @hemid_urmiye_officiall @denge_kurmanci_official @urmiye_muzik_ @evina.kordi @zinarsozdar.official @mesut‎‏ https://www.instagram.com/p/CnbTMWVN5OF/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

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glorioustidalwavedefendor · 2 years

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Women's revolution in northern Syria - With will and weapons By Cewher Mohamed, President of several women's cooperatives

Since the revolution was proclaimed in Kobanê in 2012, women in the Kurdish self-government in northern Syria have fought for many freedoms: against the IS terrorist militia and male power structures. Their goal is equality.

The women's village of Jinwar is located near the city of Amûdê, behind a small hill in northern Syria. Jin means woman in Kurdish. Here women live together collectively. They elect a village spokeswoman, run agriculture, a village shop and a small bakery. There is a school that children from the surrounding villages also attend.

One of the first residents of this extraordinary project was Zeyneb: "I am approaching my own life little by little." In 2017 she came with her son Çiya. There are various reasons why women decide to move to Jinwar.

Some out of conviction, some fled from war, others from their forced marriage: “I got married when I was 15 or 16. I was still very small, I had not yet understood life and was already becoming a bride. I was just a kid and didn't know what it meant to get married. I couldn't cook any food, I was still very dependent." Escape from ex-husband in Turkey

She tells about her former, much older husband: “He hit me. I have experienced violence. It wasn't a life for me that I led there. But because I was pregnant, I decided to move on with my life. I wanted to raise my child and teach him something, but definitely not stay with the man.”

Zeyneb is Kurdish and grew up in Turkey. She fled from her husband to northern Syria, to the areas mostly autonomously administered by Kurds. First in a refugee camp, then she found out about Jinwar.

Four women sit on the stairs of a house and talk in the women's village of Jinwar. Zeyneb is sitting on the far right - dressed in dark jeans, a light blue blouse and a pink headscarf.

Zeyneb attended various further training courses in the women's village. The tasks of the women in the village rotate. So everyone should learn something new regularly. Her son Çiya also feels at home in Jinwar: “Our life in the village has become very nice. My son Çiya goes to school here, he's learning something. He's super smart. He likes school.”

The fact that Zeyneb works, gets further training and that her son Çiya goes to school is not a matter of course in the region. But ten years ago a revolution was proclaimed in the northern Syrian city of Kobanê - this revolution was also to develop into the women's revolution. The black stadium - a place of terror

Colorful flags flutter over the black stadium in northern Syrian Raqqa. The overdriven music blares from speakers next to a stage set in the middle of the green lawn.

A woman with bleached hair turns to another woman who is wearing a Palestinian scarf as a head covering. Elderly men in floor-length white robes sit on the stone benches in the stands.

Today it is difficult to imagine that a few years ago the bloodthirsty show trials of the so-called Islamic State took place in this stadium.

"Our whole life has changed under IS," says Ruth, a worker at a women's aid organization in Raqqa.

First they required women to wear full veils, then other rules were added. All under the guise of Islam. They introduced a vice police. Any woman who made a mistake was punished in a public square. They were whipped, stoned or raped.

There was little escape: “Rakka was cut off from the world. They clipped the satellites. Even if people wanted to go in or out, they couldn't. In addition, IS has planted landmines around the region.” IS fighters feared being killed by women

A reign of terror that initially seemed endless. But in 2015 the IS was defeated first in Kobanê and later in 2017 in Raqqa: The Kurdish People's Defense Unit YPG and the Women's Unit YPJ played a key role in this.

Especially the young women, who the IS fighters beat with their own ideology: According to the jihadists, women are impure, which is why the jihadist terrorists feared the female fighters particularly. According to their belief, anyone who is killed by a woman will no longer go to heaven.

For us, the Kurdish woman is a role model, says Ruth, the assistant: “We saw the Kurdish women defending their country and becoming martyrs. In Kobanê the woman put up resistance and did not accept this oppression for herself. She fought, got hurt and fell.”

Until the victory of the Kurdish militias in Kobanê, IS was considered virtually invincible. After initial success, Arab women in Raqqa also joined the YPJ women's defense unit.

“Arab culture was broken up by this: the women started carrying weapons and military clothing and fought. This broke through the first barrier of tradition and culture. That was a great achievement for the woman.”

Ruth and her colleagues from the aid organization in Raqqa support women who are experiencing domestic violence and any form of oppression. They specialize, among other things, in cyber extortion of young women, which can repeatedly lead to death in conservative families.

Today, after years of her own oppression, Ruth finds strength to offer support to other women. But stability in the region remains shaky. Numerous so-called IS sleeper cells are still underground.

"We women in Raqqa ask ourselves: Is it possible that IS will regain strength? We reject the numerous threats made by jihadists in our public cityscape,” she says. “The IS is probably already reorganizing underground. In order not to let the IS come back to power, we resist. We are afraid that we will lose what we have achieved – everything we have built.” Working for women's cooperatives

Nesrîn Paşu sits behind a sewing machine in the northern Syrian city of Heseke: "We are really very happy that we women are allowed to work. I enjoy the work and it frees me from domestic oppression.”

Fine fabric slides through her hands. A colleague cuts material to size, another pins sand-colored fabric on a bust.

"I've been doing this job since 2015," she says. “A lot has changed: Today, women can go out or walk as much as they want. In the past, even a woman who worked had to go home immediately afterwards. Today, women can do whatever they want. The woman is free. She can decide for herself.”

Nesrîn Paşu is sitting at a sewing machine - behind her other women. They work concentrated in the hall. Power cables hang from the ceiling.

The Assad regime ruled Syria for decades, then came the uprising in 2011, then the civil war and the jihadists. It was unthinkable for most women in those times to go to work themselves. Her place was at home.

But the proclamation of the revolution in Kobanê in 2012 changed the situation. The Kurds began to self-govern in the area with the Kurdish name Rojava - which stands for West Kurdistan - in contrast to the Kurdish areas in Turkey, Iran and Iraq.

Since 2018, the area has been called Autonomous Self-Government in North and East Syria and has a multi-ethnic claim. That means cities like Heseke, without a Kurdish majority, are also part of it. Here the women's cooperative Lavîn employs about 20 women.

“We see that women are not only concerned with money. So it's not just about how they can make more money. That's why there are educational opportunities. It's also about changing women. That they continue to develop,” says Cewher Mohamed.

She is the chairwoman of all women's cooperatives in the canton of Heseke. She too could not go to work before the women's revolution.

Before the revolution my husband worked, I was at home. Now he can't work anymore and I go to work. We're helping each other. The relationship has also changed: he used to come home from work sometimes and was very stressed. If he's stressed today, I'll say, 'Come down, relax'. Today we deal with each other in a completely different way.

In addition, she says with a mischievous smile when the microphone is off, she particularly likes that her husband kissed her goodbye today. It used to be the other way around. You don't have to separate from your husband, the new opportunities for women could also be good for the marriage. Equality should prevail everywhere

Dilar Dirik believes that many problems are also related to the fact that women do not have their own financial resources. She is Kurdish herself, grew up in Germany and now works as a sociologist in Oxford, UK. Her research focus: the Kurdish women's movement, from oppression to the women's revolution.

"When you hear the term revolution, you always think of a dramatic point after which everything will change," she says. "But I think women's revolution, as defined in the Kurdish movement, is to be understood differently. Because in general, the revolution is not defined as a day after everything changes, but a very long social process that can last for decades or centuries.”

A process that fights for equality for women with the slogan "Jin, Jiyan, Azadi" "Women, life, freedom" and has enormously expanded the opportunities for women in north-eastern Syria since the revolution was proclaimed. That means equality should prevail practically everywhere, explains Dirik.

A man and a woman at the head of every organization, commune, council and so on. But also in the area of justice, in general in the area of education, care is taken to ensure that the materials do not teach any stereotypes, for example.

But there is not only the dual leadership to secure the position of power for women. A central element of this struggle within society are autonomous women's structures: i.e. institutions that are exclusively for women.

So that the women “can, for example, criticize the general structures, i.e. the mixed structures, in their autonomous structures. They have a veto, but the general structures cannot interfere in the work of the women's movement," she says.

So if, for example, a local council votes for something, but the local, autonomous women's structure thinks it is problematic, they have a veto right. This does not apply the other way around. Women's channel Jin-TV has a different perspective

Editorial conference at Jin-TV in the northern Syrian city of Amûdê: Seven young women discuss the news of the day in the newsroom. Jin-TV means women's television. Only women work here, in front of and behind the camera. Since 2018, Jin-TV has been broadcasting in different languages. In northern and eastern Syria alone, the station has more than 70 employees.

Among them Dicle Ito: "In most editorial offices, women were only used as moderators or beauty figures to bind viewers to the television, but women were rarely allowed to work in positions of responsibility."

For the experienced editor and moderator, it makes a big difference to only work with women in a college. And together with her colleagues, she would like to change the public image of women and make other perspectives visible.

“From the political program, to the guests who are invited, the language you use or the way you moderate: At Jin-TV we can do many things differently. Always from the woman's point of view. This is not a world for men to lead alone, this is a world for together to lead.”

And by that Dicle Ito doesn't just mean North and East Syria: "Our goal is not just the women's revolution in Rojava, but a universal women's revolution, because women are oppressed all over the world. The women's revolution in Rojava has become a model. We want all women to support each other and bring equality forward in societies.”

#Syria #Kobanê #never allow men to be in charge of anything #Paradox of tolerance

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japanesemetal · 3 years

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#ypg #flag #red star flag #yellow

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kropotkindersurprise · 5 years

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March 21 2019 - After declaring victory in Baghouz, the last remaining IS enclave, the antifascist YPJ fighters took down the last black Daesh flag that still waved in the village and replaced it with their own.

The YPJ fighters devoted their victory to "all women in the world, but especially to the Yazidi women", wishing them a happy Newroz. [video]

#antifa #antifascism #antifascist action #ypj #ypg #daesh #is #victory #flag #flag waving #capture the flag #gif #2019 #syria #islamic state #newroz #kurds #feminism #sdf

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lesbianredpanda · 5 years

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#ya girl acquired a ypg flag at a protest today ✌️😋#now i need to actually find wall space to hang it lol #rambles

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ritchiepage2001newaccount · 8 months

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CorpMedia #Oligarchs #MegaBanks vs #Union #Occupy #NoDAPL #BLM #SDF #DACA #MeToo #Humanity #FeelTheBern

JinJiyanAzadi #BijiRojava WATCH The woman who defeated hundreds of ISIS militants [UPDATES]

Rojda Felat, who leads the “Wrath of the Euphrates Campaign,” is fighting to liberate Raqqa from ISIS.

Felat talks about the challenges she and the other female fighters she leads face on multiple fronts, and how she was able to gradually overcome fear.

This report comes within the framework of the 100 Women season, through which the BBC tells the stories of women and their achievements…

RELATED UPDATE: [FRENCH] WATCH Rojda Felat, the extraordinary Kurdish fighter who liberated Raqqa

The commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces who triumphed on Tuesday in the former “capital” of the caliphate is a long-time activist for women’s rights. Of all the women

On Tuesday, she displayed a radiant smile alongside dozens of comrades in combat, on the Al-Naïm roundabout, waving a huge yellow flag bearing the name of her militia. “This is where Daesh beheaded innocent people accused of refusing to serve the Islamic State (IS),” explained Rojda Felat, the commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) who led “Anger the Euphrates,” the operations. on the city of Raqqa, Syria. This city which was finally liberated after having served, for months, as a rear base for the jihadists and which the IS had proclaimed the capital of its terrorist “caliphate”.

For Elle, who painted her portrait last August, she is “the woman who has made Daesh tremble” for months. The magazine wrote in particular that “when the sweet voice of Rojda Felat rises in the military command room, […] everyone, without exception, listens to her religiously.” His role was “immense”: “It is an honor but it is a very great responsibility to lead the battle against the “capital” of Daesh. […] The Islamic State is not an enemy like the others. He is strong, well organized and has his ideology that he tries to spread. The issue is not only military,” continued the Kurdish commander, who calls herself a Muslim and a believer…