#virak

[ikrutt]

Betrayal!, 2023

Virak joins the party, develops trust issues.

Moskuans have two spoken languages, Groundtalk and Overspeech. Groundtalk is long-distance communication in the infrasound range. Overspeech is regular spoken language for everyday conversation.

Adreas cannot hear Groundtalk, but understands Overspeech just fine.

[danieltv1]

https://heylink.me/Danieltv/

[calystuf]

— Yunjin lockscreen. ✩

link do meu vídeo novo : ✩

[ophionyx]

Augment my beloved..

[kittymochi-art]

kai got to talk to virak alone in last night's dnd session and let me just say the slowburn is burnin

[tikistots]

Late Mother’s Day gposes!

[tikistots]

None of my characters are the WoL.

I actually find it really difficult to relate to the WoL, so every time I make a new alt, they end up being very different than what the game wants them to be lol

Shono and Virak were born on the Steppe, and circumstances lead Shono into Doma to serve Kaien. She brings Doman refugees to Eorzea and ends up in Ishgard, before going back to the Steppe with Gosetsu. She does take the WoL's place during the Steppe part of Stormblood- becoming Khagan and uniting the tribes on Hien's orders.

Virak was taken by the Buduga after the loss of their birth clan, but immediately defects to help his sister upon her return.

Flarette possesses the Echo and was set to become a priestess in Sui no Sato, but was taken to Eorzea by her father to prevent her from being cloistered in a temple. She may or may not join the scions once there.

Petra is the bastard daughter of an Ishgardian noblewoman and a hyur adventurer. Ishgardian nobility being what it is, rumors forced her to leave her mother's house and join her father as traveling bards/mercenaries based out of Gridania.

Q'tiki is a nobody that stowed away on a ship from Costa del Sol to Limsa Lominsa and is an adventurer/public menace with few to no goals.

Okay but I wanna see ALL of the non-wol OCs, send them my way, I gotta follow more peeps. I want more FFXIV inhabitants on my dash.

Also like, let me know, what do they do, what are they like?

Please reblog for visibility so more people can poke me.

[zoroshark]

Fourth attack on art fight! Virak belongs to Doukz on Instagram and DeviantArt!

[ikrutt]

Historians, 2024

Ma-Vireva and a slightly more grown up Virak hang out and get excited over a book or something. Nerds!

[mutsky]

love sea ep 8 running commentary lets go

-aww the domestic fluff best way to start an episode

-mut and meena are so cute

-vimook are girlfailure4girlfailure

-ok househusband

-cuddles yippee

-theyre so cute and cuddly

-you cant trick him out of his emotional constipation

-ugh love viraks hag and fag vibes

-i just hate the jargo pants

-oop gagged her

-lmaooo everyone but kaimook knows

-FINALLY A LESBIAN WITHOUT THE STRAIGHT GIRL MANICURE

-you tell her rak

-SHOULD I JUMP HER??!2&3'wmf

-stop his little smile

-so vie is allowed in his bedroom?

-virak can read each other like a book

-catfight!

-ew gross i was enjoying myself

-can you laser down there? i dont really wanna know

-everytime someone mentions raks feeling to him he clams up

-right like wheres khom why are you asking a kid

-woah dont say this to a child

-yeah muts closer in age with meena than rak do with that info what you will

-mut taking a second to compose himself when tongrak is acting out ughhhh theyre dynamic is so sexy

-mut making him say it is so hot wow

-ew

-tongrak really is a cat

-kaimooks robotic reading is sending me

-saying were both women as if you arent a raging dyke... pvie please

-chanya is so buff i keep getting distracted

-i think vie was finally about to come clean

-GREAT KISS first gl kiss where they both want it lmao

-poor mook my baby no dont cry

-fuck i might cry

-the emotions aya portrayed in that scene were excellent

-shut up asshole

-god mahasamut is scary when hes angry and hot

-fort is like my boy crush you know how straight girls have girl crushes yeah like that

-poor meena she feels so much pressure

-"just like the guy at home"

-not the love sea poster

-oh and it gets worse

-what a shitty guy

-gonna kill you dad

-the drop to the knees :(

VIMOOK ENDING THEYRE SO CUTE

high highs and low lows this ep in terms of emotions but the episode itself was really good!

[tikistots]

Virak is aroace, but just identifies as "too busy"

Hey it's me again, I also wanna see your asexual and/or aromantic OCs ❤️

[ladydimitrescusdarling]

[calystuf]

Jung hoseok moodbord.

[southeastasianists]

Undeterred by the pouring rain, a long convoy of motorbikes carrying cheering, flag-waving supporters of Cambodia's ruling party revved their engines in preparation for their triumphant final rally in downtown Phnom Penh.

People dutifully lined the road as far as you could see, party stickers on their cheeks, the sky-blue hats and shirts they had been given to wear getting steadily wetter.

Perched on the back of a truck, Hun Manet, the 45-year-old eldest son of Prime Minister Hun Sen, greeted the crowds proclaiming that only the Cambodian People's Party (CPP) was capable of leading the country.

Indeed, his father had made sure that the CPP was the only party which could possibly win the election.

Hun Sen, 70, has run Cambodia in his trademark pugnacious style for 38 years: first in a Vietnam-installed communist regime, then under a UN-installed multi-party system, and more recently as an increasingly intolerant autocrat.

The only party now capable of challenging his rule, the Candlelight Party, was banned from the election on a technicality in May. The remaining 17 parties allowed to contest it were too small or too little-known to pose a threat.

A few hours after the polls closed, the CPP claimed the expected landslide, with a turnout of more than 80%. There were quite high levels of spoiled ballot papers in some polling stations: that was probably the only safe way voters could show their support for the opposition.

With Hun Manet expected to succeed his father within weeks of the vote, in a long-prepared transfer of power, this felt more like a coronation than an election.

"I don't think we can even call it a sham election," says Mu Sochua, an exiled former minister and member of the CNRP, another opposition party banned by the Cambodian authorities in 2017.

"We should call it a 'selection', for Hun Sen to make sure that his party will select his son as the next prime minister of Cambodia, to continue the dynasty of the Hun family."

Yet there were signs of nervousness in the CPP before the vote. New laws were hurriedly passed criminalising any encouragement of ballot-spoiling or a boycott. Several Candlelight members were arrested.

"Why was the CPP campaigning so hard, against no one in this election with no real opposition?" asks Ou Virak, founder of the Cambodian think tank Future Forum.

"They knew they would win the election - that was an easy outcome for them. But winning legitimacy is much more difficult.

"They need to keep weakening the opposition, but at the same time, they also need to satisfy the people, so there is no repeat of previous setbacks and disruptions, like street protests."

Hun Sen is one of Asia's great survivors, a wily, street-smart politician who has time and again outmanoeuvred his opponents. He has skilfully played off China, by far the biggest foreign investor these days, against the US and Europe, which are trying to claw back lost influence in the region.

But he has come close to losing elections in the past. He is still vulnerable, to rival factions in his own ruling party, and to any sudden downturn in the Cambodian economy which could sour public opinion against him. So as he prepares for a once-in-a-generation leadership change, he is trying to cement his legacy.

A short drive north of the capital, a 33m-high concrete-and-marble monolith was built recently, which he calls the Win-Win memorial.

Its massive base is covered in carved stone reliefs, echoing Cambodia's greatest historic monument, Angkor Wat.

They depict Hun Sen's flight from Khmer Rouge-ruled Cambodia to Vietnam in 1977, his triumphant return with the invading Vietnamese army in 1979, and his eventual deal with the last of the Khmer Rouge leaders in 1998 that ended the long civil war - his win-win for the Cambodian people.

Delivering peace and prosperity has long been Hun Sen's main claim to legitimacy. Since 1998, Cambodia has had one of the world's fastest-growing economies, albeit from a very low base.

But it is a model of growth which has concentrated wealth in the hands of a few families - the number of ultra-luxury cars on the roads of such a low-income country is jarring. It has encouraged rapacious exploitation of Cambodia's natural resources and it has left many ordinary people feeling that they are not winning under Mr Sen.

Prak Sopheap lives with her family at the back of an engine repair shop, squeezed between the main road and one of the many shallow lakes in the low-lying land outside Phnom Penh. They have been there for 25 years, fishing and cultivating vegetables on the lake.

Today, though, much of the lake has been filled with rubble by a property developer and Ms Sopheap's family have been ordered to leave.

She showed me a document from the local council, confirming how long she had lived there, and another document, a summons to court on a charge of illegally occupying state land. She feels powerless and angry - and she is not alone.

Land disputes are among the most incendiary grievances in Cambodia. All property deeds were destroyed in the Khmer Rouge revolution.

Since the end of the civil war, millions of hectares have been allocated for commercial development, a lucrative arrangement which has made many politicians and businesses allied to Hun Sen very rich.

The courts very rarely rule against these powerful interests. Transparency International ranks Cambodia as 150th out of 180 countries for corruption: in the Asia-Pacific region, only Myanmar and North Korea rank lower.

"Hun Sen always talks about his 'win-win policy'", says Ms Sopheap. "But we feel it is he alone who wins. We cannot feel at peace, as we now face eviction. We, the real Cambodian people, who live on this land, are suffering in the name of development."

Those who have tried to campaign against land grabs and evictions have been harassed, beaten and jailed, as have trade unionists and supporters of opposition parties. I asked Ms Sopheap how she would vote in this election. "Who can I choose?" she asked. "Who can protect me?"

Half of those eligible to vote are under 35 years old. The CPP has tried attracting them by having Hun Manet and other younger party leaders run this year's campaign, with a slick social media strategy.

But as most Cambodians have no memory of war or the Khmer Rouge, Ly Chandravuth, a 23-year-old law graduate and environmental activist, says the old CPP campaign points are no longer persuasive.

"Hun Manet's biggest challenge will be that my generation is very different from previous ones, who were traumatised by the Khmer Rouge," he says.

"Since I was a child, I have watched the ruling party reminding us of that tragedy, telling us that as they brought peace, we should support them. But that argument is less and less effective. Every time the ruling party brings it up, the young generation mocks them, because they have been repeating it for 30 years."

Can Hun Manet modify the rough-house, sometimes thuggish leadership style of his father to a softer and more subtle kind of rule? Despite his Western education, his years heading the army and his long apprenticeship, he has never yet held a top political office.

With him, other "princeling" sons of Hun Sen's contemporaries, such as Defence Minister Tea Banh and Interior Minister Sar Keng, are also expected to replace their fathers in the cabinet - a dynastic shift which keeps the levers of power with the same families, but in less experienced hands. The next few years could be a delicate, even dangerous time for Cambodia.

[beardedmrbean]

Hun Sen was elected the new head of Cambodia's Senate on Wednesday, taking over a key ceremonial role after handing over executive power to his eldest son last year.

The former dictator remains in charge of the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP). With most of the CCP's rivals dismantled during Hun Sen 38-year-long rule, the party now controls 55 out of 62 seats in the upper house of Cambodia's parliament.

Hun Sen thanked the senators for their confidence after the vote, according to a report by National Television of Cambodia cited by China's Xinhua news agency.

He also pledged to "further Cambodia's international diplomacy."

"It is my first time to sit on such a high chair," he said.

In a further sign of his party's dominance, Hun Sen was also backed by the two senators appointed by Cambodia's king as well as the two appointed by the lower house of the Parliament.

Hun Sen to sign laws in king's absence

His new position allows Hun Sen to act as the head of state when King Norodom Sihamon, is overseas. The 70-year-old monarch often travels abroad for health checkups, with his trips occasionally coinciding with the CCP's efforts to pass questionable laws.

The king's absence allows the senate president to sign the bills into law.

While Senate is not Cambodia's most powerful political or legislative body, it serves "as the highest political symbol of the nation," Cambodian political analyst Ou Virak told the AFP news agency.

New cabinet stacked with Hun Sen allies

In addition to Hun Sen now leading the Senate and his son Hun Manet leading the government, otherkey posts in the new cabinet are divided between Hun Sen's relatives or children of his allies.

The CCP also dominated last year's general election, with opposition parties struggling to come up with an effective strategy following a crackdown on the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). The CNRP was forcibly dissolved in 2017 on spurious accusations of plotting a coup after positioning itself as the key CCP rival during Hun Sen's rule.

[tikistots]

Au Ra August Day 3: Heat Wave

If you are overheating: DO- go to the beach DON'T- Lean on people