#traffic camera counter abu dhabi

[furiousstarfishphilosopher]

Tektron Traffic surveys aim to capture data that accurately reflects the real-world traffic situation in the area. It may be counting the number of vehicles using a road or collecting journey time information for example, but there are many other types of data that traffic surveys collect

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[newstfionline]

At a ‘Defense’ Expo, an Antiseptic World of Weaponry

By Ben Hubbard, NY Times, Feb. 23, 2017

ABU DHABI, United Arab Emirates--Serbia showed off armored vehicles, rockets and rifles, and drew in passers-by with a video showing soldiers shooting targets to action movie music.

Pakistan had glass cases full of bullets, mortars, grenades and guns, including a gold-plated AK-47.

And Sudan displayed an antiaircraft missile and its launcher. A salesman in a white robe and snakeskin shoes pointed out that it was an upgraded model. “Now they have a wider area of explosion,” he said proudly.

Such casual sales pitches for lethal merchandise coursed through the carpeted halls of this wealthy Arab city’s convention center this week, where more than 1,200 military technology companies and contractors from around the world convened to hawk their wares.

The event, the International Defense Exhibition and Conference, or IDEX, is the largest show of its kind in the Middle East, and it had the feel of a high-end arms bazaar, a megamall where men in dark suits browsed Estonian drones, Chinese tanks, Brazilian amphibious vehicles and guns from all over.

There was so much weaponry inside that visitors got searched not just on the way in, but also on the way out.

The exhibition served to promote Abu Dhabi, the capital of the United Arab Emirates, which has distinguished itself as a regional hub for international business at a time when wars and uprisings have upended other Arab states.

It also provided a visual layout of the global arms trade, which is at its most active since the end of the Cold War, analysts say.

International transfers of major weapons over the last five years were 8.3 percent higher than during the previous five-year period, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute said in a recent report.

Much of that traffic was in the Middle East, where wars are raging in Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen, and where Persian Gulf states like Saudi Arabia have beefed up their arsenals because of worries about Iran.

Arms deals worth more than $5.2 billion were announced during the five-day event, which ended on Thursday, according to Gulf News.

Regional and international realities lurked not far below the glittering surface.

The United States had the most floor space, befitting its status as the world’s largest arms exporter. More than 100 American companies were present, with elaborate displays showing everything from handguns to armored vehicles to drones.

Iran, referred to by one defense executive as “the big guy across the strait,” was not invited. Nor was Israel, another major weapons producer.

But dozens of other countries were, highlighting how many have expanded their arms exports to earn money and build alliances.

Many at the show noted the size of the Chinese display, where eight state-run companies advertised boats, tanks, missiles and other items. Standing next to a real-life tank, Ji Yanzhao, deputy director for marketing at Norinco, said that his company was targeting the Middle Eastern market, which is why it had brought not one but two armored vehicles to display.

“The real thing always does better than the models,” he said, as another visitor smiled for a photo with the tank.

Tate Nurkin, senior director for strategic assessments at IHS Jane’s, said that many middle-income countries had entered the arms business over the last decade and now provided lower-cost alternatives for states on tight budgets.

That list has expanded recently in the Middle East, where low oil prices have left some Arab states looking for bargains where previously they snapped up top-of-the-line items.

“They don’t need to buy just American high-end equipment,” Mr. Nurkin said. “They can buy from China and it’s good enough.”

As a Middle East correspondent, during visits to Gaza, Syria, Iraq and Yemen I have seen up close the human cost to communities on the receiving end of many of these weapons. So after a few hours of wandering between displays, I began feeling overwhelmed.

They ranged in size and approach, but the marketing language focused on “defense,” as if none of the weapons could be used to invade one’s neighbor, break up families or create refugees.

Nowhere did I see images of blood, injuries or death.

“It’s a very dangerous world and region, and there are things worth defending, and that requires some of this equipment,” Mr. Nurkin said. “But it can be a bit disconcerting for those who have never been to defense exhibitions to see them being traded like iPhones.”

Poongsan, a South Korean company, had bullets of different sizes arranged in lighted glass cases, like jewelry. Glock, the Austrian gun maker, had more than a dozen pistols out for visitors to cock, aim and take selfies with, making it one of the most visited stalls.

“It’s because we have the best goodies,” a woman behind the counter explained before correcting herself. “The best products.”

Many of the marketing slogans made sense only if you knew what the product did.

“Sees with out being seen,” boasted an ad for a Czech-made radar system.

“Your aim is our target,” promised a company displaying swiveling targets for marksmanship.

“Nothing escapes you,” said an ad for an optics company that makes, among other things, rifle scopes.

Sudan’s section featured a two-story fake stone castle surrounded by displays of rifles, rockets and a large, gray GPS-guided bomb.

“It is a very accurate way to hit a target,” said Ibrahim Ismael Bashir, the sales and marketing director for Sudan’s Military Industry Corporation.

In a small room nearby, I picked up a Sudanese machine gun simulator and blasted away at targets on a screen as martial ballads played in the background.

One of the most photographed items was a gold-plated AK-47 displayed by Pakistan. Muhammad Iqbal, the technical manager for weapons at the Pakistan Ordnance Factories, said the rifle cost about $1,000 and was usually bought by collectors or presented to foreign dignitaries, especially from the Middle East.

“They are very fond of this,” he said.

But the show was not all about weapons.

“Come on, I’ll show you the robot,” said Paul Bosscher, the chief engineer for robotic systems at Harris, of Melbourne, Fla., which focuses on communication technology.

On display was the company’s new robot, T7, which stands about six feet tall, moves about on treads and has a single arm with a big metal pincer on the end. Armored, covered with cameras and controlled remotely, it was designed to defuse bombs and, the company hopes, save lives--not just of civilians but also the soldiers and the police who have to cope with the explosives.

As I gripped the controller and directed the robot to stack lengths of plastic pipe, a man posed next to it while his friend took a photo.

“Who doesn’t want to get their photo with a robot?” Mr. Bosscher said.

[dubaization]

Uncanny Dubai: On transience and belonging

By Yasser Elsheshtawy

Dubai, in Joseph O’Neill’s marvelous novel “The Dog,” echoes the main protagonist’s sense of alienation, transience and anomie. The city’s rapid rise, its anonymous cityscape and transient population are all colluding to intensify the characters rapid descent into psychological and cognitive despair. In the novel the city is a place that caters to western desires, represented by a placeless architecture. It is an embodiment of a “fragmented, stateless and alienated society” in the words of one reviewer of the book who sees (dystopian) Dubai as a stand-in for modernity.[1] The city as a dystopian space of alienation, in which the main aim is to make its spaces and buildings “indistinguishable from its airport” – as one character in the novel declares (O'Neill, 2015).

Image 1: A view towards Business Bay and the Dubai Canal. Urban Dystopia?

Such views are not unusual – in fact they are a staple of much of the criticism that is directed at the city. And one must admit that many of its spaces are indeed unsettling. The protagonist’s reaction to the view from the windows of his serviced apartment near Dubai International Financial Center (DIFC) is one that many of us would recognize. Sheikh Zayed Road (SZR), that iconic highway leading into the city, where its “six lanes of traffic bowled ceaselessly toward the distant skittles of Sharjah” is the ultimate space where one can experience a sense of disconnectedness (p. 44). Furthermore, the constant activity of building towers in the desert, waiting to be occupied is another familiar trope pervasive in the narrative. Thus everyone “is looking forward to the day when everything has been built and all that remains is the business of being in the buildings” (p. 79). A view from a hotel in Business Bay to the newly constructed Dubai canal shows a cityscape that at the face of it is indeed empty, devoid of life, and where there is hardly any visible street activity. Some have argued that such spaces and sights are what our urban future entails (Auge, 2008).

Descent into Utopia

Arguably the manner in which some of the more visible spaces of the city have been designed and planned may run counter to the very notion of home or being at home. There seems to be a desire to project and encourage rootlessness. A constantly moving flow of people coming in and out of the city would be an apt visualization. Yet it is also clear that Dubai is composed of multiple layers that run counter to, and defy, any clear-cut and simplistic narrative of artificiality. Indeed looking behind the shiny veneer of the visible city another hidden and invisible city emerges. There one can find a sense of liveliness and lived-in spaces that would suggest that inhabitants have found a way – in the midst of the modern metropolis – to create and sustain a home.

To further elaborate on this I would like to explore the notion of the uncanny as it pertains to Dubai. The construct has been used to depict a modern condition that is characteristic of the modern city tracing its roots back to the 19th century. Dubai seems to be an embodiment of this. And, perhaps there is no other space that echoes notions of uncanniness (or perhaps spookiness) than SZR, the multi-lane highway leading us from new Dubai into old Dubai. A stretch of street that contains all the city’s iconic towers. Yet it is also a space that hides and masks, and it is precisely these qualities that makes it a perfect setting for exploring notions of home and belonging.

Image 2: Behind SZR. Backstage and work in progress.

According to architectural theorist Anthony Vidler, who has written extensively about the architectural uncanny, there is a “contemporary sensibility that sees the uncanny erupt in empty parking lots around abandoned or run-down shopping malls” (Vidler, 1992). Moreover this sensibility “has its roots and draws its commonplaces from a long but essentially modern tradition … the heir to a feeling of unease first identified in the late eighteenth century.” Such a condition manifests itself through “spatial fear, leading to paralysis of movement, and temporal fear, leading to historical amnesia” (p. 6). The roots of the uncanny are traced back to psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud, master of exploring modern humans inner psyche. He talks about the “transformation of something that once seemed homely into something decidedly not, from the Heimlich, that is, into the unheimlich,“ or unhomely. It is not simply a question of not belonging but being “defamiliarized, derealized, as if in a dream” (p. 7). While not a characteristic of the space itself, it is a projection that provokes “a disturbing ambiguity, a slippage between waking and dreaming” (p. 11). The empty spaces created by modern urbanism, the tabula rasa “imagined by modernist utopias” is precisely the kind of setting in which the uncanny proliferates, creating unsettledness that pervades modern cities. Georg Simmel in his classic early 20th century essay on the “Metropolis and Mental Life” writes in great detail about the experiential qualities that confront “modern man” who is transposed from a supposedly communal existence in small towns, to an anonymous presence (Simmel, 1903). Characterizing such feelings as a fundamentally modern condition, it is a theme that pervades much of writings on the city.

An Uncanny View from the Road

SZR is a multilane highway started in the 1970s linking Dubai to the port of Jebel Ali and then further west towards Abu Dhabi. The particular stretch that is of interest starts at what used to be known as Defense roundabout (and is now an incomprehensible network of exit/entry ramps) up until the World Trade Center intersection. Aside from the transportation relevance it contains some of Dubai’s most recognizable architectural icons. Coming from Abu Dhabi one is immediately confronted with Burj Khalifa which looms to the right – only to be faced with a 1970s throwback, the Toyota Building to the left. Standing bravely in the midst of an ever-changing cityscape it captures a certain modernistic optimism. Further along is the Crowne Plaza Hotel, a 1970s edifice constituting one of the city’s first modern hotels. As one moves further along the twin Emirates Towers appear which, harking back to the 1990s, epitomize the city’s dedication to high-tech architecture. The road concludes with the World Trade center apartments and the iconic World Trade Center itself. Designed by British architect John Harris it was considered to be the tallest building in the Arab world upon inauguration in 1979. In between these set-pieces, always recognizable to Dubai aficionados, are a series of buildings of varying design quality. Taken together they form an inscrutable wall that appears almost two-dimensional. Moreover because of the scale of the buildings the experience is akin to driving in a canyon. Of course hiding behind these inscrutable walls are two very different urban experiences. To the left is the ramshackle district of Satwa, housing the city’s downtrodden and low-income residents; while to the right, appearing behind the cracks of the skyscraper wall is DIFC, home to the city’s financial center and an assortment of high-end galleries, hotels and eateries. Conceived as a free zone it appears as a kind of “floating environment” catering to the elite and powerful.

Image 3: A billboard behind SZR

Aside from the architectural and urban qualities of this road segment the particular infrastructural elements are of interest. There are six highway lanes either direction. And on top of that, in order to access the various buildings, slip roads enable a transition from the main highway to a calmer parallel two-way road system. This stretch contains various restaurants, cafes, service shops and entrances to the high-rises. Some semblance of a pedestrian walkway exists on which one can observe people hurriedly moving along. This road does not encourage lingering, loitering or simply hanging around to observe. A 19th century Walter Benjamin-like flâneur would feel out of place here (Benjamin & Tiedemann, 1999). Adding to the experience is the Dubai metro viaduct. A raised, bridge like structure, it runs to the right side of the road on top of a green median. One major station linked to DIFC interrupts movement. Its surrounding are desolate and empty. A major chain coffeshop continues to serve customer and some lonely bicycle rack pays homage to a form of Transit Oriented Development that may or may not happen there.

Image 4: Under the viaduct. SZR to the left.

The act of driving through this road is a quintessential Dubai experience in the sense that it  evokes certain experiential and perceptual qualities that we tend to associate with the city. As an experiment of sorts I mounted a camera on my car’s windshield and filmed the drive-through. Post-processing involved perspective correction and slowing down film speed. The result is an admittedly subjective perception of the street but it nevertheless captures an interesting experience. I am inspired here by the work of Kevin Lynch and Donald Appleyard who in their well-known study “The View from the Road” studied the experiential qualities of driving in 1960s Cambridge, USA (Appleyard, Lynch, & Myer, 1964). Indeed the mere fact that one has to “drive through” from the very outset establishes a certain viewpoint and enables a specific mindset.[2] Confined within the isolated spaces of an air-conditioned car one is removed from the immediate surroundings. Given the width of the road any signs of potential life are absent further adding to an unsettling experience. Most buildings are clad with an impenetrable curtain wall lacking any balconies or possibility for opening windows, making them appear as an Alphaville apparition.[3] In some sense it also reminds us of the iconic scene in Tarkovsky’s 1972 movie Solaris, in which the protagonists drive through Tokyo and emerge from a tunnel into the city with its highrises. A scene that is meant to question reality and dreaming and thus alternating between black and white and colour.

Video: SZR drive through

Along SZR any potential for personalization, and thus a signifier of life, is removed – and is also considered illegal. They very notion of home, belonging and sense of place is taken away. Thus the space becomes unhomely, or uncanny. The highly utopian appearance of the driverless Dubai metro train as it glides above ones head, with barely visible silhouettes of passengers intensifies notions of isolation and estrangement. It gives the sense of being in a dystopian movie set. Such feelings of unease are further heightened if one begins to contemplate what hides behind the Potemkin like streetscape.

Video: Solaris (Andrei Tarkovsky, 1972)

Beyond the Road: subverting the uncanny

As noted to the right is DIFC, a complex composed of a series of structures, including a Gate building. In many ways it continues the kind of anonymous, transient like character of SZR. While its cafes and galleries are teeming with the city’s bright and beautiful it has a very exclusive feel, with most of its activities taking place indoors. Surrounding streets are for car movement, parking and access to buildings. Pedestrian walkways are perfunctory. Ironically, an interesting outdoor pedestrian network exists but it is at the upper floor of the complex serving mostly patrons of the facilities – which includes the Middle East headquarters of the famed art auction house Christies. Of more interest is the space to the left of SZ road. The vertical streetscape masks two neighborhoods – Satwa and the now defunct Sha’abiat Al Shorta. Both in their ramshackle appearance and cobbled-together architecture are an embodiment of homeliness – a defiant stance against the neighboring uncanny.

Satwa has some of the oldest buildings in Dubai where, over the years, it has evolved into a rich and diverse neighborhood. It was initially home to locals who were given houses by the late Sheikh Rashid in the 1960s in what was then at the outskirts of the city. This explains the repetitive and standardized appearance of its residences. As the city grew locals moved out and a largely South-Asian population moved in (Alawadi, 2014; Elsheshtawy, 2010, 2011). This did not happen in every part of the district though; indeed at the far edge of Satwa, in al-Wasl area, was Sha’abiyat Al Shorta, the Police neighborhood, occupied until very recently by Emirati nationals.

Image 5: Waiting for Sha’abiyat al-Shorta replacement

Satwa was slated for demolition to be replaced by a mixed used development called Jumeirah Gardens, unveiled at the Dubai Cityscape exhibition in October 2008. The global financial downturn put a halt to these dystopian ambitions and promptly previously displaced residents moved back in. Immediately adjacent to Satwa though a fascinating situation has been unfolding over the last few years. The previously mentioned Sha’abiyat Al Shorta is located across the road and is considered an extension of sorts for Satwa. That district is composed of identical courtyard houses from the 1970s and was planned as residence for Emirati employees of the police force and evolved over the years into a space that is evocative of old Dubai. Appearing mostly as a curiosity from a bygone era most of its houses were abandoned and covered with graffiti and wild vegetation. Yet some were still occupied and while I was walking among its dusty lanes in 2014, I met a resident who informed me that they will soon have to leave. We stood in front of his house, which was completely surrounded by vegetation. He said that his mother still waters the garden every day even though she knows that she will move soon. When neighbors asked her about why she keeps doing this, she responded that she will continue to do so until the last day of their stay. This elderly local woman refuses to accept that this will all be gone soon, continuing her daily routine (more on this can be found at The Guardian’s “Urbanist Guide” series which also includes a video filmed in the Shorta neighborhood: http://www.theguardian.com/cities/2014/may/13/an-urbanists-guide-to-dubai). The architecture and the urban setting convey a sense of attachment and belonging that stands in stark contrast to the anonymous and placeless dystopia which exists just across the road.

 Image 6: A house enveloped by vegetation. Dystopia in the distance.

Such spaces are the antithesis of the uncanny and are a physical embodiment of dwelling, or rootedness to place. Indeed the notion of dwelling is critical here as its loss is used to critique modern life in general. Philosopher Heidegger describes dwelling as the very essence of what it is to be human. Thus “the way in which you are and I am, the manner in which we humans are on earth, is ... dwelling.” Furthermore, “to be a human being means to be on earth as a mortal. It means to dwell” (p. 147). Dwelling is also defined as an activity that involves such feelings as to cherish and protect, to preserve and care for. A person’s whole being hinges on being able to dwell properly (Elsheshtawy, 2001). Similar notions are also expressed in Gaston Bachelard’s meditation on the meaning of home (Bachelard, 2014). In many ways Sha’abiat al Shorta evokes these qualities. Through the careful nurturing of a garden, the extensions and additions made by residents, the presence of multiple generations in one dwelling, and perhaps the most important: memories sustained over decades of living.

As a footnote to this the district has been demolished to make way for an extension of City Walk, a high-end retail/residential development. The original neighborhood has become a distant memory. Instead, a generic landscape has been put in place with the requisite universal street signage and furniture. Wide sidewalks and an upscale retail mix cater to a well-to-do clientele that is a far cry from the modest spaces it replaced. The uncanny has prevailed and has taken over this neighborhood.

Image 7: Sha’abiyat al Shorta replacement – the triumph of the uncanny

Learning from Dubai: Beyond the Uncanny

“… seek and learn to recognize who and what, in the midst of the inferno, are not inferno, then make them endure, give them space.”

                                    -- Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities (Calvino, 1978)

The uncanny pervades the city. It is everywhere and its march is unstoppable. This is not necessarily a Dubai-specific problem however. Anthropologist Marc Augé argues that such constructs have become a distinct sign of “super-modern cities” leading to the presence of “non-places” which are “spaces which do not integrate the earlier places.” It is “a world thus surrendered to solitary individuality, to the fleeting, the temporary and ephemeral” (Augé, 2008).

Yet Dubai is not just composed of such spaces. These are the fleeting impressions of the hurried and the biased. It is the main argument of this essay that places as the Shorta neighborhood, of which many still exist in the city, are evidence of a defiance exhibited by city dwellers. Here they subvert notions of transience and anomie, encouraged by city planners and officials to minimize attachment to place. Juxtaposing these two experiences – the canyon drive through along SZR vs. the down-to-earth spaces of the Sha’abiya – shows how through the cracks of Uncanny Dubai another city emerges. A city that is full of life, in which its citizens dwell in the true sense of the word. And it is these places that those of us who care about the city should seek. As Italo Calvino, author of Invisible Cities, reminds us we need to give them space and make them endure. The alternative is dystopia and a sustained and uncanny drive through an endless, anonymous and place-less architecture.

 Image 8: The other side of Dubai where people dwell.

(All images taken by the author)

References

Alawadi, K. (2014). Urban Redevelopment Trauma: The Story of a Dubai Neighbourhood. Built Environment, 40(3), 357-375.

Appleyard, D., Lynch, K., & Myer, J. R. (1964). The view from the road. Cambridge,: Published for the Joint Center for Urban Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University by the M.I.T. Press.

Augé, M. (2008). Non-places (2nd English language ed.). London ; New York: Verso.

Bachelard, G. (2014). The Poetics of Space: Penguin.

Benjamin, W., & Tiedemann, R. (1999). The Arcades Project. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press.

Calvino, I. (1978). Invisible cities (1st Harvest/HBJ ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.

Elsheshtawy, Y. (2001). Searching For Theory: Christopher Alexander's Intellectual Roots. Architectural Science Review, 44(4), 395-403.

Elsheshtawy, Y. (2010). Dubai : behind an urban spectacle. London ; New York: Routledge.

Elsheshtawy, Y. (2011). The Prophecy of Code 46: Afuera in Dubai or our Urban Future. Traditional Dwellings and Settlement Review, 22(11), 19-32.

O'Neill, J. (2015). The Dog. New York: Vintage, Random House.

Simmel, G. (1903). The Metropolis and Mental life. In J. Lin & C. Mele (Eds.), The Urban Sociology Reader (pp. 23-31). London, New York: Routledge.

Vidler, A. (1992). The Architectural Uncanny : essays in the modern unhomely. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

 Endnotes

[1] J. P. O’Malley (2014). “Joseph O'Neill's 'The Dog' Has a Dystopian Dubai as Modernity's Stand-In.” The Daily Beast. http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2014/09/08/joseph-o-neill-s-the-dog-has-a-dystopian-dubai-as-modernity-s-stand-in.html

[2] The movie can be seen at the following link: https://vimeo.com/122826954

[3] Alphaville is a 1965 movie directed by Jean Luc Goddard, depicting a dystopian cityscape set within some anonymous office park. Naturally the building are modernist glass boxes.

[furiousstarfishphilosopher]

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Traffic impact study (TIS) could also be a strong tool for engineers and planners to figure out the possible effects of any project on the transportation and traffic system. Often it’s applied only to the direct impact area and countermeasures for potential negative impacts are specific for the event . Traffic impact study (TIS) is performed to assess the adequacy of the prevailing or future transportation infrastructure to accommodate additional trips generated by a proposed development, redevelopment or land rezoning. These studies vary in their range of detail and complexity relying on the type , size and site of the event . they’re important tools in assisting public agencies in making land use planning decisions for local governments, especially for managing traffic and in planning their respective transportation systems.

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Traffic Impact Analysis (TIA) is implemented to assess and evaluate the interaction between existing transport infrastructure and proposed land development projects

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Turning Movement Count Surveys

Bus Occupancy Surveys

Intersection Count Surveys

Vehicle Occupancy Surveys

Pedestrian Count Surveys

Cycle Movement Surveys

Registration plate surveys

Public Transport Surveys

Trip Generation Surveys

GPS Journey Time Surveys

Origin Destination Surveys

Link Count Surveys

Smart Parking Surveys

Vehicle speed surveys

Pedestrian Counts Surveys

Stop & Speed Surveys

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Intersection count is a kind of traffic surveys where we have to count the vehicles, cycles, people on foot, which is passed on in a particular street, way or intersection. The primary purpose is to advance the counts of vehicle movements through an intersection during certain timeframes. 

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TEK Traffic data survey company. It is one of the most technologically advanced companies offering traffic data counting services. Tektraffic delivers quick and accurate data, which earlier used to take months to collect.

Registration plate surveys

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Trip Generation Surveys

GPS Journey Time Surveys

Origin Destination Surveys

Link Count Surveys

Smart Parking Surveys

Turning Movement Count

Bus Occupancy Surveys

Intersection Count Surveys

Vehicle Occupancy Surveys

Pedestrian Count Surveys

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