#taking the implication that in order for marc to be whole he had to get rid of steven at the end on one ep
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murdockmeta · 1 year ago
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thinking about moon knight having marc call steven the best superpower he's ever had during a really emotional moment and how that show handled DID better than just about any piece of media I've ever seen and. I'm sobbing actually. they equated his neurodivergence with being the greatest part of him after marc had spent so long trying to hide his DID out of shame. and maybe that sounds like bordering on glorification but it really wasn't. because they made it so obvious that what marc meant was that steven kept him ALIVE and that's the most he could ever ask for and anyway. whatever whatever it's fine
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fibula-rasa · 4 years ago
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12 Christmas Films of a Century Past
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For some reason, I thought it would be a good idea to watch somewhere around 50 Christmas and Christmas-adjacent silent films from before 1920 to put together a playlist for you all. So, I hope you enjoy!
I chose these twelve as a representative selection. My general criteria were:
Christmas should be central to the story
The plot should be novel to a modern viewer or something a modern viewer would be surprised to see so early on film
The list on the whole should have a variety of settings and narrative structures
Here’s a direct link to the YouTube playlist if you want to watch them all in one go. (They are all shorter than feature length!)
Two quick presentation notes: 1. Some of the videos have music and some don’t, so you may want to check your volume level. 2. The intertitles for some of these films are not in English, so be sure you have captions turned on for English translations.
See the whole list BELOW THE JUMP!
1. Santa Claus (1898) (UK)
Directed by George Albert Smith
Short and sweet, this film sees children put to bed by their nanny on Christmas Eve and Santa Claus coming down the chimbley to fill their dutifully hung stockings. Director G.A. Smith used his own patented technique of double exposure to show Santa’s arrival without cutting away from the children’s room. Santa Claus might not pack the punch of a MĂ©liĂšs trick film, but it’s a fun novelty and is purportedly the first appearance of Santa Claus on film.
2. The Little Match Seller (1902) (UK)
Directed by James Williamson
This one’s quick but effective adaptation of the Hans Christian Anderson tragedy featuring impressively well-coordinated superimpositions.
3. The Christmas Angel (1904) (FR)
Directed by George MĂ©liĂšs for Star Film Company
The Christmas Angel follows an impoverished girl driven into the city to beg on a snowy winter night. First she’s chased away from a church by more seasoned beggars; then she’s thrown out of a poultry seller and harassed by police. On the verge of falling asleep in the snow, a rag-and-bone man rouses her and offers her help. Later, the girl passes out beside a road but is luckily spotted by a wealthy couple on a car ride. When they learn of her plight, they bring her home along with food and gifts.
Though not as fantastical as some of MĂ©liĂšs’ more famous works, The Christmas Angel is still highly stylized (and stylish) and features special effects that photograph beautifully. It’s also worth noting that the version of the film included here is the American cut. The original French cut, titled DĂ©tresse et CharitĂ© (Distress and Charity), did not include the sequence with the wealthy couple and instead ends with the girl dying in the snow.
4. The Night Before Christmas (1905) (US)
Directed by Edwin S. Porter for Edison Manufacturing Company
This is the first time the poem “Twas the Night Before Christmas” was put on film. Loosely following the poem, we see Santa Claus prepare for his yearly trek while a middle-class family prepares for his visit. When Santa heads out, we are treated to an extended panning sequence with a fully painted backdrop for a mini Santa and his reindeer to glide across. When Santa arrives at the family home, he chaotically dumps presents and decorations around their living room and makes a large, decorated tree appear out of thin air. (Across many of the movies I watched to put this post together, this seems to be a favored scenario for the jolly fat man around this time–and it’s delightful.) The family then wakes to find their gifts and the film closes with Santa directly wishing us a Merry Christmas.
5. A Little Girl Who Did Not Believe in Santa Claus (1907) (US)
Directed by J. Searle Dawley and Edwin S. Porter for Edison Manufacturing Company
Even at the risk of this list being too Edison heavy, I couldn’t leave this great short out. While walking with his mother, a rich little boy encounters a poor little girl alone in the cold. They take her home to play and warm up. When the boy learns that the girl doesn’t believe in Santa because apparently Santa doesn’t visit poor children, he hatches a scheme. On Christmas Eve, the boy has a stake out near the fireplace and takes Santa hostage, tying him up and holding him at gunpoint. The boy then forces Santa to visit the girl–going so far as shimmying down the chimney himself to let Santa in the front door. When the girl wakes up to a beautifully decorated tree, new toys, and a full stocking, she can finally believe in Santa Claus. While I’m generally not so into stories about supposedly benevolent rich people, I do love the implications this story has on how Santa Claus works and I also find the means with which the boy gets his way hilarious.
6. Il Natale di Cretinetti / Foolshead’s Christmas (1909) (IT)
and Come fu che l’ingordigia rovino il Natale di Cretinetti / How Greediness Spoilt Foolshead’s Christmas (1910)
and Il Natale di Cretinetti (1911)
Directed by Andre Deed for Itala Film
This entry is a three-for, which I hope you’ll excuse, but I couldn’t decide which Cretinetti Christmas to share! Cretinetti, the comedic persona of filmmaker Andre Deed, is an absolute agent of chaos.
In the 1909 film, Cretinetti attempts to bring a tree home for a Christmas party. The destruction escalates wildly, culminating in an entire building falling to pieces.
If you can believe it, the stakes are even higher in the 1910 film, when Cretinetti can’t resist sneaking out of bed on Christmas Eve to snack on the candy decorating the tree. When Santa sees what Cretinetti has done, he chides him and takes him back to his workshop, which is apparently in heaven. Destruction ensues. Cretinetti then proceeds to cause havoc for Saint Peter, annoying god so much that he calls the devil to come get Cretinetti. Cretinetti is then chased to hell where demons try to cook him alive. Thankfully, spoiler alert, it was all a bad dream and he wakes up on Christmas morning with a terrible stomach ache.
The 1911 film returns to localized chaos. Cretinetti has a run-in with a mail carrier and his Christmas packages get mixed up with one of the carrier’s parcels. The parcel contains three bottles of ether which then begin to emit gasses in the middle of the family Christmas party.
I wasn’t familiar with Cretinetti before reviewing films for this list, but I’m definitely going to seek out more of Deed’s movies. Each of these films had well-executed chaotic slapstick; over-the-top in all the right ways.
7. Making Christmas Crackers (1910) (UK)
Produced by Cricks & Martin Films for Clarke, Nickolls, & Coombs Confectionery
To start, if you’re not sure what a Christmas cracker is, it’s a colorfully decorated paper tube that makes a cracking noise as you pull it open. Inside the tube is a paper hat, a joke, and/or a small toy. It’s a traditional part of UK Christmas celebrations.
This short starts as a documentary of the workers at Clarke, Nickolls, & Coombs constructing the crackers. It’s a fun thought that as early as 1910, people were interested in watching how mass-produced consumer goods were made. It’s also fun to see these skilled workers ply their trade so deftly (even though I’m sure wages and working conditions were less than ideal). The film ends with a family celebrating around a Christmas tree topped with a functional giant cracker.
8. A Christmas Carol (1910) (US)
Directed by J. Searle Dawley for Edison Films Manufacturing Company
There are so so so many film adaptations of Charles Dickens’ A Christmas Carol made before 1920 that it was hard to choose which one to include on this list. In the end I chose this 1910 version for its economy of storytelling, fluid use of special effects, and for Marc McDermott’s great performance as Scrooge.
9. Broncho Billy’s Christmas Dinner (1911) (US)
Directed by Gilbert M. Anderson (Broncho Billy) for The Essanay Film Manufacturing Company
Gilbert M. Anderson was an incredibly prolific and popular filmmaker and star of early American film, particularly in his role as Broncho Billy. As was typical for Anderson, he’s pulling triple duty on Broncho Billy’s Christmas Dinner as the star, director, and producer. The film features a simple and heartwarming story.
On Christmas, Billy comes across a young woman in peril as her horses got startled and are now pulling her cart along wildly. Billy manages to wrangle the horses and in gratitude she invites him to Christmas dinner at her parents’ home. Unfortunately, her father happens to be the sheriff. But, all is well, as it turns out that Broncho Billy’s been given a pardon and the sheriff welcomes him to the table gladly.
The enduring appeal of outlaws or criminals getting into the Christmas spirit is fascinating to me and it’s cool to see such an early instance of the story!
10. Le Noel de la princesse / The Little Princess’s XMas Gift (1911) (FR)
Produced by SociĂ©tĂ© GĂ©nĂ©rale des CinĂ©matographes Éclipse
In all honesty, this is the least Christmassy of all the films I included here, but its style and novelty stood out. The sets, costuming, and production design are lush. It might also be one of the weirdest Christmas stories I’ve even encountered.
After Lord Othberg passes away, the conniving Otto plans to assassinate the baby prince in order to inherit the lordship himself. He poisons the baby, but the princess prays for her baby brother to come back to life as her Christmas gift. An angel appears to her and they summon Jesus, who resurrects her baby brother. Of course, they then place the revivified baby in the castle’s nativity scene, to the joy of all but Otto.
11. Ida’s Christmas (1912) (US)
Directed by Van Dyke Brooke for Vitagraph Company of America
With a more classic Christmassy story, Ida’s Christmas tells us of a family who are facing hard times. Ida (played by a very small Dolores Costello) has her eyes on a pricey doll. Meanwhile, her mother seeks out employment with a wealthy family. The matriarch of the wealthy family overhears Ida’s wish and decides to buy the doll for her as a surprise. Later, Ida is distraught to find that the doll has been purchased but comes across a wallet that someone has dropped. She considers taking the money, but chases down the owner instead. The old man gives her some reward money for returning the wallet. Ida rushes to see if she can buy the doll, but has second thoughts when she thinks about how much her family could use the money. She arrives home with the money just in time for a Santa-esque old man to show up bearing packages and an assurance that the wealthy family has work for her father. The film ends with the family celebrating an unexpectedly Merry Christmas.
It’s a sweet story that hits so many beats of what we now consider traditional Christmas tales.
12. Rozhdestvo obitateley lesa / The Insect’s Christmas (1913) (RU)
Directed by WƂadysƂaw Starewicz for Khanzhonkov
Fair warning, if you thought The Princess’s XMas Gift was odd, you might need to ready yourself for this one. Stop-motion virtuoso WƂadysƂaw Starewicz (Ladislas Starevich) spins a tale about a tiny ornament of Santa/Ded Moroz coming to life on Christmas and going out into the wild to bring Christmas joy to creatures small and smaller, including a frog and a ladybug. Starewicz’s animation is as impeccable as ever and the short is imaginative and quirky.
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treatian · 4 years ago
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The Chronicles of the Dark One: Breaking the Curse
Chapter 34: Criminal Organizations
It was a perfect plan. A brilliant plan. But it was a double-frame job, and that made it a complex plan. He had to make it look like Mary Margaret was behind Kathryn Nolan's disappearance, on the surface, at least. But when it came right down to it, he had to make it something deeper. He intended to make Regina look like she was responsible for framing Mary Margaret. It was complex on the whole, but when he sat down to think it through it, piece by piece, it at least seemed much simpler. But still, expensive.
There was work to be done with this, work he couldn't be seen doing, work he couldn't actually do physically because he might be too slow, or it might arouse suspicions. So, he hired Dove's cousins, damn near all of Dove's cousins. It felt like every last one of them had a job to do or was reporting to him. Marc was already watching David. He'd put Stan on watching Emma Swan while Dove assisted him with Kathryn. He finally broke down and tasked another cousin to watch Mary Margaret and one to keep an eye on Regina from a distance and another for Sidney Glass, first because he wasn't going to make the mistake of underestimating him again and second because he had plans for him later. Hell, he'd even gotten Dove to put his old friend Will Scarlet on the payroll. He'd asked him to stick to his job at Granny's as a new dishwasher a little more reliably for a while. Everything happened at Granny's; he wanted eyes and ears there too. If any of them suspected what they were participating in, they didn't question it. It was expensive, but it would be worth it if he could pull this off with the desired results.
He employed two more to go to Regina Mill's residence, where he told them to retrieve a shovel. They'd returned with one that was large and bulky, probably not the right choice for a woman, but he'd work with what he had. When they returned, he sent them to Mary Margaret's apartment with a skeleton key he'd gotten "on loan" from Regina earlier in the day and a hunting knife he'd had in the back of his shop collecting dust since the beginning of the Curse. It was likely one of Graham's, from the other world, but he'd never claim it now. And because he'd already seen to any evidence it had ever been in his shop, no one would ever trace it to him either. "Use this to get into Mary Margaret's apartment," he explained, handing the key over, "and be sure to hide this," he wrapped the knife in a cloth and gave it over as well, "somewhere in the apartment that is neither too obvious nor too difficult to find. Remember to wear gloves and don't make a mess of things. Oh, and while you're there, I need you to steal something, preferably a box, preferably something old or stashed away in a closet that the girl isn't likely to notice it gone for a while. And on your way back, I need you to go see Sheri Lewis, the butcher..."
A few hours later, they'd done their job. Extremely well, if he had to say so himself. They'd returned from Mary Margaret's with an old jewelry box they claimed they found in the back of her closet buried under some clothes as if for safekeeping. And from Sheri Lewis, former warlord turned butcher, they returned with a sheep's heart. He fetched another hunting knife from his back room and made sure to cut just below all the places Lewis had cut the heart himself. It wouldn't be an exact match, but at least it was two hunting knives that appeared to make the cuts instead of a clean butcher's knife. Then, after cleaning the blade, he placed the heart inside the jewelry box himself then returned to the front of the store and the men who were waiting. He handed one of them the shovel along with the small piece of the shovel he'd broken off himself while they'd been at Mary Margaret's.
"Bury this-" he motioned to the metal fragment, "under this-" he handed him the box as well, "using this-" he explained, handing them the now broken shovel. "Bury it under the old toll bridge." The place that Marc had told him David would meet Mary Margaret when they were seeing each other. "Were seeing," past tense, since his spies reported they were on the outs since the affair went public. "When you are done with that shovel, kindly return it to Regina's home to the place you found it. And please, both of you, remember not to muddy the future crime scene with your fingerprints or other potential evidence," he muttered, glancing down at their shoes. "You only get paid if the right people are implicated."
Breaking and entering, murder weapon hidden, soon enough Kathryn would be secure and missing...but it still wouldn't be enough. He would need DNA. He was a lawyer; he knew that would be the clincher to doing this right. But he had plans for that to be fixed at a higher level. Dove had a cousin who worked in the hospital. When Dove went to pick up Kathryn, he was under orders to get some of her blood and leave it in the mailbox when he arrived at the safe house. Once everyone of his players were asleep, he'd send another cousin to pick it up and take it to the cousin who worked in the hospital and now for him. That cousin would make sure results matched when the time came. In the meantime, he resisted the urge to take notes on who was doing what or start making name tags for all Dove's cousins. It might help him keep things straight, but as of right now, none of this could be tied to him, and if he made a list like that...
"Is it done?" he questioned when he received a call from Dove just past one in the morning a couple of nights after he'd had his conversation with Regina. He was utterly exhausted already. He'd wanted everything done and set by the time this call arrived. He usually was in bed strictly by nine, ten at the latest, but he'd waited up just to hear from Dove that one of the last pieces had fallen into place.
"Yeah, just finished getting her in and settled
if you call banging against a soundproof door settled."
"Did she give you any trouble?"
"No. The car stopped just like you thought. How did you know that would happen?"
"I have my ways, Mr. Dove. Everything else went as planned?"
"Yeah, I blindfolded her, convinced her I had a gun, and got her into the car, then waited until after dark to get her into the house. Blood's in the mailbox. She actually cut herself before I grabbed her, so no harm, no foul there. She's in the basement now. I left her some books and cards to keep her entertained; hopefully, she'll notice when she calms down a bit. Why do you have a house like this?"
"The former tenant wanted to start a band and make a recording studio. When he failed to pay rent, I saw the benefit in keeping what he'd done. Make yourself comfortable, Mr. Dove, check-in and call me if you need something. I'll see your needs are met."
Getting Kathryn, like the rest of the plan, was easy enough. In talking to Regina, he'd learned that Kathryn had confessed to her weeks ago that she'd applied to law school in Boston. Boston
David's affair with Mary Margaret wasn't a strong relationship, nor was his relationship with Kathryn. A little pressure and everything was sure to begin to crack. And with just the right pressure, then Kathryn would get herself to the perfect place to disappear for a while
the town line. Either she'd get there alone, and he could go through with his plan. Or David would go with her, and Mary Margaret would be devastated. One way, and he'd be happy, another and Regina would be. It was a careful bet. But it had paid off. The affair became public knowledge yesterday. Will Scarlet had reported that to Dove, who had let him know that the relationship seemed to be over. Tonight, he wasn't surprised that Kathryn had gone alone. Or attempted to, at least.
He was exhausted, sorely in need of a good night's sleep after all of this, but he wasn't done yet. This weekend was Miner's Day, a town holiday, and the morning after Dove took Kathryn, as the town prepared for a weekend of festivities, he realized that he had one more visit to pay. Regina was taken care of, and Mary Margaret was taken care of
now he had to handle the third person in this trio
Emma Swan.
Yes, he wanted Regina to think he was working for her, and yes, he wanted to let her think she was close to getting everything she'd ever wanted
again. But then he needed Emma to take it all away. Emma was the key; the wild card he needed to be sure was tamed. After what he'd done, in a normal police precinct, Mary Margaret would go to jail for life, without question, because there would be no reason for the police to look deeper into it. But in Storybrooke, Emma Swan was the sheriff, and even if Regina had forgotten who the enemy was, he suspected that Emma would not. With everything pointing to her good friend Mary Margaret she'd investigate, she'd leave no stone unturned. She'd be determined to look deeper and prove it wasn't her. What would she find? Regina. Not Mary Margaret, but Regina. He was paying good money for that.
But it wasn't enough. He needed to be certain that along with Regina's guilt and Mary Margaret's innocence, she discovered something else. Motive. It was time. All his visions in the Enchanted Forest had always been clear. Emma needed to face off Regina. If it wouldn't happen naturally, then he'd kill two birds with one stone and orchestrate the damn thing himself. In the midst of all this, he needed Emma to ask questions, and he needed her to think. Why would the Mayor of Storybrooke hate a simple schoolteacher so much that she was willing to frame her? Why would she murder someone just to put Mary Margaret in jail? Why would she care so much?
Those were difficult questions that required a difficult answer, but the time had come to give her something to believe in that went beyond what she could see. And how would he do that? Well
there was one step in his plan that he was most worried about, one step that he didn't want to leave up to fate. Mary Margaret running away. He had a plan for that, but unfortunately, he needed someone to help him, and he was fresh out of cronies. Fortunately, he knew someone he might be able to convince, someone who used to work for him, someone who hadn't wanted to see him again but wouldn't remember that in this world.
"Mr. Jefferson," he smiled when his old associate answered the door. He stepped forward to offer his hand in a friendly shake. "I don't believe we've met, I'm-"
"Rumpelstiltskin
what took you so long?"
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lovehaswonangelnumbers · 6 years ago
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New Post has been published on https://lovehaswonangelnumbers.org/astrology-the-sabian-journey-of-magical-chiron/
Astrology ~ The Sabian Journey of Magical Chiron
Astrology ~ The Sabian Journey of Magical Chiron
This post is written by James Burgess, a writer and teacher of astrology. He has published works on Sabian Symbols and is currently working on a commentary about Dane Rudhyar’s contribution to Sabian Symbols.
Chiron is leaving Pisces. On February 18, 2019, it arrives at the first degree of Aries, commencing the start of a new 51-year cycle. We can track its Sabian journey to discover what Chiron is trying to teach us.
Chiron, known as the ‘wounded healer’ is a symbol of awakening. It brings a shift in perception – we change how we see things – and this perceptual shift is an aspect of our awakening, the key that unlocks secrets about the nature of reality. Its discovery on 1 November 1977 heralded a new era of human consciousness.
I remember the period very well when it was last going through Aries in 1968 – 1976. We had already been shocked to see what had become possible in the world, which was at last, starting to get over our history of poverty and grinding repression.
We had assimilated the shuddering impact of rock ‘n’ roll, The Beatles, The Doors, and Dylan and were dressing colourfully, rebelling against conventionality, and claiming unprecedented clout as teenage spenders – the fashion and music industries had reached economic maturity.
All of this was huge; yet the spark that could light up this potential fireball had not yet been lit. Not until Chiron entered Aries. During its passage through Aries some major initiatives occurred that have subsequently grown into era-defining movements. Here are some:
First Jumbo jet
Moon landing
Microsoft and Apple started
Woodstock Festival, and the electronic music revolution of Pink Floyd and others
Political agitation, with Vietnam protests, Luther King assassination, votes for 18 year olds, and riots in the Soviet Union.
If you look beneath the surface of these events we can tease out a common thread, one associated with Chiron’s meaning. We see the acceleration of awakening consciousness.
People travelled abroad on Jumbos, and had epiphanies to see that previously-feared foreigners were actually very much like them. The space programme brought to us a picture of our planet appearing as a vulnerable little ball suspended in the vastness of space, which triggered greater ecological awareness. Technology began – today’s lifestyle in the making – with computers, internet, social media and mobile phones which had been all but inconceivable to the ordinary person.
Also, with music, dance, drugs, and sexual liberation reworking our collective mind-set, somehow we became a little more enlightened, responsible, and accepting towards minorities.
Chiron is called the ‘Rainbow Bridge’ because its non-judgemental approach allows all the colours of the rainbow, and its ability to shift awareness bridges the separation between people of different viewpoints.
An aspect of Chiron’s teaching is equivalent to what many people are waking up to today – we need to get along better – and this will happen only when we see things from another point of view. Looking for and finding another viewpoint is a shared path for all of us who are now awakening.
The Sabian Symbol for the degree of Aries 1 is described by Marc Edmund Jones as ‘A woman rises out of the water, a seal rises and embraces her’. 
The ocean represents the unconscious, instinctual knowledge and behaviour of our species, from which uncounted initiatives are thrown up, as many as the waves of the sea.
Similarly, every word spoken could theoretically stimulate a knock-on effect creating tangible changes in the world. But most initiatives fall by the wayside, seeds spent without any lasting effect. Only one in a million thought-seeds can survive and we cannot know until later which will endure and have any outcome.
Yet not all are lost. There are creative initiatives, many of which are not well-formed or clearly stated as ideas, perhaps they are vague feelings just ready to become thoughts, and not even yet put into words.
In order to help this process we might want to improve our listening – not only to the poorly-expressed feelings of a friend but also to our own inner voice. We can also encourage new perceptions and ideas, especially in children who are less judgemental and stuck in old patterns.
It is intuitively clear that by 2070, when Chiron returns to Aries again, we will have either solved our issues to do with overpopulation, climate change, and other serious problems, or we will have paid the heavy price of collectively failing to do so.
Chiron offers us a way to build a bridge to that distant year and astrology historians may well be pointing to 2019 as the time that we found the seeding of our way out of the fog of confusion and distortion that currently clouds our thoughts.
From February 18, something can take place that is so very subtle that you may not easily notice or understand its long-term implications. Perhaps you have felt you were waiting for a special person or horizon-expanding opportunity; now is the time to be optimistic and expect this to occur.
Indeed we can all approach each new situation hopefully, and widen our sense of what might be possible – not excluding miracles and unicorns.
Read More:
What are Sabian Symbols?
Chiron in Aries 2018-2027
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ssinghsidhuadvocate-blog · 6 years ago
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Why Are So Many Black Ladies Single, Half 1
Why Are So Many Black Ladies Single, Half 1
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flauntpage · 7 years ago
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'Barça is More Than a Club'
Alex and SĂ­lvia are good friends. Born in the same year, they have known each other for more than two decades: they went together to the same school in a small town near Barcelona, and they went on to be university classmates in the Catalan capital afterwards.
Alex and SĂ­lvia also share a big passion: they are die-hard FC Barcelona fans.
On the outside they seem really alike, but nothing could be further from the truth. Alex and Sílvia are really different
especially in everything related to politics.
"Estelada" flags, symbols of the independence movement, are usual in balconies in Barcelona.
On Sílvia’s balcony there is a huge Catalan flag with a white star on a blue triangle: it is the "estelada," a symbol which identifies the independence movement in Catalonia.
In the election held on December 21 in this region of Northeastern Spain, SĂ­lvia voted for the center-right secessionist party Junts per Catalunya. In the vote, pro-independence parties won by a narrow margin over unionists.
On Alex’s balcony, however, there are no flags at all. In the elections, he decided to vote for Catalunya en ComĂș, a left-wing party which preferred to focus their campaign on social issues rather than positioning on independence.
"Caganers"—literally meaning "guy taking a shit"— are an an awkward traditional Catalan figure used in Christimas nativity scenes, wearing Barça jerseys.
Alex and Sílvia’s political ideology, as usual in Catalonia, has an echo in sports. Alex belongs to a sector of blaugrana fans whose motto is ‘only Barça.’ For them, the club is nothing more than a football team that carries no political significance. When he goes to Camp Nou, Alex’s chants simply cheer the players. Nothing else.
“I go to Camp Nou to enjoy football. That’s it,” says Alex. “In my opinion, when you go to the stadium you have to leave politics at home.”
FC Barcelona flags —as well as official shorts from different seasons—at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni, a fanclub located in central Barcelona.
Sílvia, however, believes that Barça is bigger than sports.
“NarcĂ­s de Carreres, a former president, described it very well: Barça is more than a club,” SĂ­lvia says, referring to the famous blaugrana motto "mĂ©s que un club."
Every time SĂ­lvia goes to the stadium, she wears yellow clothes, a reference to jailed pro-independence politicians and activists. She also shouts in favor of independence every game at the 17:14 minute: 1714 was the year Barcelona fell into the hands of Bourbon troops during the War of Spanish Succession.
“Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, a famous Catalan writer, described Barça as the unarmed army of Catalonia,” Sílvia adds. “I believe that this sentence defines the club really well.”
Barça fans watch the Clåsico between Madrid and Barcelona at the at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
Alex and SĂ­lvia exemplify two visions of a club which has as many faces and interpretations as fans.
Marc Duch is president of Manifest Blaugrana, an association of members whose objective is to build a more democratic and transparent FC Barcelona.
“What is Barça, you say?,” asks Duch. “I would say it depends on the time: for me, it has been a hobby, an untamable passion, an example to imitate, an absolute shame
and much more.”
“This game is just life for me,” says Ángel, a die-hard Barça fan. “We wait for Barça-Madrid all year long: winning at the BernabĂ©u stadium is the best thing that can happen. The country’s current situation increases this rivalry, which is goes way further than just sport: it comes from many years ago, and now it’s even tougher. Without a Catalan team, the Spanish league would go down the drain.”
“Barça is an institution with the ability to mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, and that’s why we should demand it to have a proactive role in the social and human improvement of the country,” Duch adds. “That is where, at least partially, the motto ‘more than a club’ comes from.”
"FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
Marc Cornet takes this idea even further. On October 1, the Catalan regional government tried to organize a referendum on independence: the Spanish government considered it illegal and sent the police to repress it
violently. After the referendum, Cornet thought it was absolutely necessary for Barça to get more involved in social matters, and that is why, with other club members, he founded the Barça Republic Defense Committee—CDR, in Catalan.
“This game is much more than just sports,” says Cristian. “It’s a representation of the Catalonia versus Spain clash.”
“Our club has always been a symbol of anti-authoritarian resistance,” Cornet explains. “During the twenties, dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera closed our stadium because some fans whistled while the Spanish anthem was played; in 1936, our president Josep Sunyol was killed for being a Republican Catalanist; after the Civil War, the fascists took out the Catalan flag from our crest.”
“We don’t ask Barça to be openly independentist,” Cornet adds. “But we want it to be always on the side of civil rights, and that’s why we founded the CDR: we don’t want any other October the 1st, ever.”
“For us die-hard fans, Barça is our life,” says Jordi, who has followed the blaugrana team for decades. “Beating Madrid is important, but all games are important. Being a Barça fan means being part of something bigger, of some kind of huge family.”
The partisan positions of Duch and Cornet are pretty common among the Catalan culers—that is, Barça fans—but they’re not the only positions. Recently, the fanclub of Elda, near Alicante in Eastern Spain, publicly announced their decoupling from Barça as a reaction to the club’s decisions on October 1 to play their La Liga game behind closed doors as a means to protest against police violence.
An Elda fanclub spokesperson declared to local media that their members had “unanimously” decided to end their relationship with Barça “due to the implication of the club and its leaders in the events that took place in Catalonia.”
“Barça-Madrid is the best game of the season,” says Víctor, barman at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni. “But that’s it. It’s just a football game, nothing more.”
Other public figures such as the former Spanish international Julio Alberto Moreno, who played in FC Barcelona in the eighties, have also shown their disapproval of the club’s management: “The board has been chosen to rule a football club, not a political party,” Moreno said to the Spanish TV channel Antena 3.
“The independence process has destroyed much of the confidence between different social sectors and has caused a clear crack within Catalan society," says Berta Barbet, a political scientist at the University of Barcelona.
“It has also caused a political deadlock in the whole of Spain and has affected many important institutions in Catalonia—including Barça, of course,” Barbet adds.
“Beating Madrid is beating the number 1 enemy,” says David. “Unfortunately, there’s more than football in this game.”
“Still, Barça can still be a key factor in order to fix this division: given its relevance, it could become a positive reference and generate a feeling of union between people who support independence and people who don't,” Barbet suggests.
Jordi Fexas, geographist, historian and writer of several books on the independence movement, disagrees with Barbet’s diagnosis: “The independence process had no negative effects until the Spanish government intervened,” he says.
“Barça is a key part of my life,” says Marta. “It’s not just football. FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
“It’s the Spanish State who created the concept of ‘social crack,’” Fexas adds. Independence activists might be naive sometimes, but they have never been violent. It was the State who tried to build the idea of latent violence in order to justify their intervention. Given this repressive context, Barça might act as a soft power to mediate.”
Alex and SĂ­lvia, like most Catalans, are deeply invested in the political events surrounding the Catalan independence movement. The independence debate has been at the center of Spanish politics for almost a decade. Many people are getting exhausted by it.
“The Clásico against Madrid is emotional. It’s really difficult to explain,” says Juan. “There’s a huge rivalry, and winning it is great, because everybody has some friends who are Madrid fans and whom you can laugh at when you beat them. I know the game may also have a political sense for some people, but for me it’s just sport: my family are from Galicia and Andalusia, and I have many friends in Madrid, so for me it’s just football.”
Barça’s convincing victory over Real Madrid at Santiago BernabĂ©u was seen by many fans as a pause, a little measure of happiness in tense times. For some hours, all culers agreed on celebrating SuĂĄrez, Messi, and Vidal’s goals at the eternal rival’s stadium.
“The Barça anthem says it all: ‘una bandera ens agermana,’—‘a flag unites us all’”—says Sílvia. “That is precisely what Barça is able to do: unite.”
Alex sums it up quickly: “In the end, everything is quite simple: we might think differently in political terms, but our love for Barça is the same,"
Barça fans celebrate a goal against Madrid at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
'Barça is More Than a Club' published first on http://ift.tt/2pLTmlv
0 notes
amtushinfosolutionspage · 7 years ago
Text
‘Barça is More Than a Club’
Alex and SĂ­lvia are good friends. Born in the same year, they have known each other for more than two decades: they went together to the same school in a small town near Barcelona, and they went on to be university classmates in the Catalan capital afterwards.
Alex and SĂ­lvia also share a big passion: they are die-hard FC Barcelona fans.
On the outside they seem really alike, but nothing could be further from the truth. Alex and Sílvia are really different
 especially in everything related to politics.
‘Estelada’ flags, symbols of the independence movement, are usual in balconies in Barcelona.
On Sílvia’s balcony there is a huge Catalan flag with a white star on a blue triangle: it is the ‘estelada’, a symbol which identifies the independence movement in Catalonia.
In the election held on December 21 in this region of Northeastern Spain, SĂ­lvia voted for the center-right secessionist party Junts per Catalunya. In the vote, pro-independence parties won by a narrow margin over unionists.
On Alex’s balcony, however, there are no flags at all. In the elections, he decided to vote for Catalunya en ComĂș, a left-wing party which preferred to focus their campaign on social issues rather than positioning on independence.
Caganers’ —literally meaning ‘guy taking a shit’— are an an awkward traditional Catalan figure used in Christimas nativity scenes, wearing Barça jerseys.
Alex and Sílvia’s political ideology, as usual in Catalonia, has an echo in sports. Alex belongs to a sector of blaugrana fans whose motto is ‘only Barça.’ For them, the club is nothing more than a football team with no political significance. When he goes to Camp Nou, Alex’s chants simply cheer the players. Nothing else.
“I go to Camp Nou to enjoy football. That’s it”, says Alex. “In my opinion, when you go to the stadium you have to leave politics at home”.
FC Barcelona flags —as well as official shorts from different seasons— at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni, a fanclub located in central Barcelona.
Sílvia, however, believes that Barça is bigger than sports.
“NarcĂ­s de Carreres, a former president, described it very well: Barça is more than a club”, SĂ­lvia says, referring to the famous blaugrana motto ‘mĂ©s que un club’.
Every time SĂ­lvia goes to the stadium, she wears yellow clothes, a reference to jailed pro-independence politicians and activists. She also shouts in favour of independence every game at the 17:14 minute: 1714 was the year Barcelona fell into the hands of Bourbon troops during the War of Spanish Succession.
“Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, a famous Catalan writer, described Barça as the unarmed army of Catalonia”, Sílvia adds. “I believe that this sentence defines the club really well”.
Barça fans watch the Clåsico between Madrid and Barcelona at the at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
Alex and SĂ­lvia exemplify two visions of a club which has as many faces and interpretations as fans.
Marc Duch is president of Manifest Blaugrana, an association of members whose objective is to build a more democratic and transparent FC Barcelona.
“What is Barça, you say?”, asks Duch. “I would say it depends on the time: for me, it has been a hobby, an untamable passion, an example to imitate, an absolute shame
 and much more.”.
“This game is just life for me”, says Ángel, a die-hard Barça fan. “We wait for Barça-Madrid all year long: winning at the BernabĂ©u stadium is the best thing that can happen. The country’s current situation increases this rivalry, which is goes way further than just sport: it comes from many years ago, and now it’s even tougher. Without a Catalan team, the Spanish league would go down the drain”.
“Barça is an institution with the ability to mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, and that’s why we should demand it to have a proactive role in the social and human improvement of the country,” Duch adds. “That is where, at least partially, the motto ‘ more than a club’ comes from.”
Marc Cornet takes this idea even further. On October 1, the Catalan regional government tried to organize a referendum on independence: the Spanish government considered it illegal and sent the police to repress it
 violently. After the referendum, Cornet thought it was absolutely necessary for Barça to get more involved in social matters, and that is why, with other club members, he founded the Barça Republic Defence Committee —CDR, in Catalan.
“This game is much more than just sports”, says Cristian. “It’s a representation of the Catalonia versus Spain clash”.
“Our club has always been a symbol of anti-authoritarian resistance,” Cornet explains. “During the twenties, dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera closed our stadium because some fans whistled while the Spanish anthem was played; in 1936, our president Josep Sunyol was killed for being a Republican Catalanist; after the Civil War, the fascists took out the Catalan flag from our crest”.
“We don’t ask Barça to be openly independentist,” Cornet adds. “But we want it to be always on the side of civil rights, and that’s why we founded the CDR: we don’t want any other October the 1st, ever.”
“For us die-hard fans, Barça is our life”, says Jordi, who has followed the blaugrana team for decades. “Beating Madrid is important, but all games are important. Being a Barça fan means being part of something bigger, of some kind of huge family”.
The partisan positions of Duch and Cornet are pretty common among the Catalan culers—that is, Barça fans—but they’re not the only positions. Recently, the fanclub of Elda, near Alicante in Eastern Spain, publicly announced their decoupling from Barça as a reaction to the club’s decisions on October 1 to play their La Liga game behind closed doors as a means to protest against police violence.
An Elda fanclub spokesperson declared to local media that their members had “unanimously” decided to end their relationship with Barça “due to the implication of the club and its leaders in the events that took place in Catalonia.”
“Barça-Madrid is the best game of the season”, says Víctor, barman at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni. “But that’s it. It’s just a football game, nothing more”.
Other public figures such as the former Spanish international Julio Alberto Moreno, who played in FC Barcelona in the eighties, have also shown their disapproval of the club’s management: “The board has been chosen to rule a football club, not a political party,” Moreno said to the Spanish TV channel Antena 3.
“The independence process has destroyed much of the confidence between different social sectors and has caused a clear crack within Catalan society, says Berta Barbet, a political scientist at the University of Barcelona.
“It has also caused a political deadlock in the whole of Spain and has affected many important institutions in Catalonia —including Barça, of course,” Barbet adds.
“Beating Madrid is beating the number 1 enemy”, says David. “Unfortunately, there’s more than football in this game”.
“Still, Barça can still be a key factor in order to fix this division: given its relevance, it could become a positive reference and generate a feeling of union between people who support independence and people who don’t,” Barbet suggests.
Jordi Fexas, geographist, historian and writer of several books on the independence movement, disagrees with Barbet’s diagnosis: “The independence process had no negative effects until the Spanish government intervened,” he says.
“Barça is a key part of my life,” says Marta. “It’s not just football. FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
“It’s the Spanish State who created the concept of ‘social crack,’” Fexas adds. IIndependence activists might be naive sometimes, but they have never been violent. It was the State who tried to build the idea of latent violence in order to justify their intervention. Given this repressive context, Barça might act as a soft power to mediate.”
Alex and SĂ­lvia, like most Catalans, are deeply invested in the political events surrounding the Catalan independence movement. The independence debate has been at the center of Spanish politics for almost a decade. Many people are getting exhausted of it.
“The Clásico against Madrid is emotional. It’s really difficult to explain,” says Juan. “There’s a huge rivalry, and winning it is great, because everybody has some friends who are Madrid fans and whom you can laugh at when you beat them. I know the game may also have a political sense for some people, but for me it’s just sport: my family are from Galicia and Andalusia, and I have many friends in Madrid, so for me it’s just football.”
Barça’s convincing victory over Real Madrid at Santiago BernabĂ©u was seen by many fans as a pause, a little measure of happiness in tense times. For some hours, all culers agreed on celebrating SuĂĄrez, Messi and Vidal’s goals at the eternal rival’s stadium.
“The Barça anthem says it all: ‘una bandera ens agermana’, ‘a flag unites us all,’” says Sílvia. “That is precisely what Barça is able to do: unite.”
Alex sums it up quickly: “In the end, everything is quite simple: we might think differently in political terms, but our love for Barça is the same,”
Barça fans celebrate a goal against Madrid at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
‘Barça is More Than a Club’ syndicated from http://ift.tt/2ug2Ns6
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apdapdapd-blog · 8 years ago
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FYI SEA Ad Spend Report: Opportunity, Implications And Realities
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The first FYI event of the year offered insights into the opportunities to be had for the digital industry – now armed with data from the first eMarketer and IAB Singapore SEA, Hong Kong and Taiwan Ad Spend Report. 
Kathryn Fries, Senior Director, Sales, eMarketer kicked things off with a methodology overview. The digital research firm drafted initial estimates based on analysis of macro-level economic conditions in the region, historical trends of the advertising market, estimates from other research firms, and consumer media usage data.
“Estimates were then updated after a series of reviews by member companies of IAB Singapore, with input from agency executives, publishers, and research companies in the region,” she said. “Going forward, we expect to review these forecasts every 6 months, as is our standard practice, and update them as needed.”
Fries also took attendees through the key highlights of the report.
SINGAPORE: Total media ad spending will slow during the forecast period but digital ad spending will continue to see double-digit growth through 2019.
INDONESIA: Total media ad spending is estimated to jump 8.4% in 2017, making it the fastest-growing market covered in this report.
MALAYSIA: Total media ad spending is projected to hit $1.30 billion in 2017, making it the second smallest ad market covered in the report.
THE PHILIPPINES: Digital ad spending and particularly mobile internet ad spending are rising quickly, but their shares of the country’s total ad investment remain modest.
THAILAND: A halt on advertising following the death of Thailand’s king led to reduced ad spending growth in 2016 to 1.5%. However, the country’s ad market will be helped along by the general election in 2017, with forecasts of 2.1% growth to reach $2.30 billion.
VIETNAM: Digital ad spending and particularly mobile internet ad spending are rising quickly in Vietnam, but their share of the country’s total ad investment is still quite small. 
[Download the report here]
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“What we can say for the region as a whole is growing rapidly, with double-digit gains in digital ad spending in 2017,” said Fries. “Increased demand for mobile, video and social media advertising will drive this growth.”
Opportunities and Implications
John Kerr, Chief Digital Officer of Zeno Group and project lead on the ad spend report, sought to bring context to the numbers with his presentation. 
One of the top takeaways is that if you look at it overall, media spend grows a little bigger but remains fairly static. Digital increases, mobile – no spoilers here – is the big growth engine and big winner here.
“But if you look at just the top line analysis you miss the churn, you miss the amount of transformation within the industry,” he said, adding that the industry has come a long way, going from 6% of total media spend to 20% in five and a half years.
“So it’s how do we go on and find the right balance between making sure that this moment and time is a truly transformational moment and time for us as an industry?” he added.
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Kerr outlined five areas or rather, food for thought, for the industry to focus on:
RELATIVITY 
As a marketer, I’m looking at these so called maturing markets as opposed to emerging markets. In many ways I’d say keep an eye on the transformation that is happening in India because in many ways it will be as, or more relevant to watch how India digitises itself moving to e-commerce, wallets and a high digital marketing context. It will get there.
MOBILE
Are we truly building the right capabilities, skills and capacity to understand what mobile really is and understand the psychological human differences, the format opportunities, and understand how to go to our clients and make them part with their money in this format – now this is a great opportunity
VIEWABILITY
We are in a region where there is still a huge mistrust about what goes on online so when P&G’s Marc Pritchard talks about adopting the MRC standards, the simple answer is that many of our Southeast Asian markets cannot adopt these same standards.
So, are we talking to our clients about what viewability is? Are we talking to them about the difference between viewability and ad fraud? Are we talking to them about the approaches that are being made globally and how they can be applied locally? This is the only way that we can overcome the psychology of mistrust.
CREATIVITY
With channels dispersing and breaking so quickly, the real creativity lies in iterative channel planning across programmatic and non-programmatic channels.  It lies in understanding formats and context. So again, if you are on a mobile device and you get served a banner ad and it takes your entire screen up as a consumer how does this feel vs. on a desktop? These are all the elements that we need to better understand.
CAPABILITY
If we do not help to build capacity, the reality of doubling digital investment and quadrupling mobile advertising investment will not happen.  And even with the exciting stage that our industry is at, there is a shortage of people, there is a shortage of good talent and there is a shortage of skills. And so I ask you, and I especially ask this in a mobile context – what have you personally done to improve your skills around digital marketing and mobile marketing?
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Mobile and metrics matters
During the panel discussion moderated by Joe Nguyen, Senior Vice President APAC of comScore, all panellists agreed that there is no doubt about spend shifting more and more towards digital and in particular, mobile.
Nanda Ivens, CEO of Mirum Asia Pacific pointed out that these days, most people would rather leave their wallet at home rather than their mobile phone.
“For the past few years, I’ve been hearing ‘this year is the year of mobile’ every year is the year of the mobile,” he added. “It’s already here!”  
However Tan Su-Lin, Head, Sales Strategy & Operations, Integrated Marketing, Singapore Press Holdings shared that despite many of the publisher’s online properties registering the majority of views via mobile, specific requests for mobile does not correlate.
“Are advertisers asking for mobile as a format that they’re actively seeking to buy?” she said. “More advertisers are certainly ‘buying digital’ a lot more, but asking about mobile as ‘moments of consumption’ and engaging consumers, is growing but not the norm yet.”
Sajith Sivanandan, MD of Malaysia, Vietnam, Philippines at Google noted the digital shift has already happened and is a secular trend, however advertiser demand may not be as uniform throughout the region yet.
“All mediums are important but that their relative importance has changed simply because audiences have shifted where they spend their time,” he added. “The data doesn’t lie, our lives do revolve around mobile now.”
 Asked about whether the focus on mobile skews too much toward activation campaigns as opposed to broader advertising executions, Richa Goswami, Asia Pacific Head of Digital, Johnson & Johnson noted how one buys media is merely a means to an end.
“If the creative is not compelling and it is not getting consumers to connect with it then it doesn’t matter how you bought it,” she said. “I don’t get as stressed about ad units as much as about how we can get consumers spend their valuable time connecting with what we have to offer them.”
Ivens pointed out that the competition for time and attention on mobile can result in a “graveyard of mobile apps”, where brands create apps that are not marketed and managed properly.
“It’s not just about activation or conversion, it’s about being a part of journey that the consumer is already on, with mobile at the centre of it,” he added.
Echoing Kerr’s earlier points, the panel agreed that key to ensuring digital advertising reaches its full potential, are talent and metrics. 
Tan noted that trying to either transition from traditional to digital or recruiting more digital talent remains a “difficult process.”
Sivanandan pointed out that if companies want to hire people with experience in the region, then the pool of candidates is going to be a small one – given the realities of digital as a still-nascent industry, and more focus should be put into educating young talent.
Ivens shared that individual companies do a “pretty good job” when it comes to training staff internally but as an industry, there isn’t much being done to support external talent sources such as universities. 
“There is no university in Indonesia that offers a course or subjects on digital marketing at the moment,” he said. “If this country of 280 million is going to have that double-digital growth in digital, and if this is going to grow, there needs to be outreach from all of us to create this base of education for the next generation of digital marketers.”
Goswami agreed, noting that traditional recruitment methods should also be retooled in order to ensure that wider pool of digital talent could be discovered.
The other hurdle to digital achieving it’s full potential is around what success looks like and the common metrics that define it. Ivens argued that for too long there’s been a “set of metrics brewing in the cauldron of KPI of death.”
“Change can be frightening and there are only too many marketers happy to keep on doing what they know and just as many agencies that are only too happy to comply,” he said. “We actually need to push each other, and if as an agency we don’t have the balls to push clients on adopting better metrics then nothing will change.”
But while the digital advertising industry continues on its path to maturity and consensus around metrics, for brands one thing is already clear.
“Ultimately we’re here as a business to make an impact,” said Goswami. “We need to be able to see the impact of digital on objectives as simple as ‘is it helping my product move off the shelves?’ and I think we’re getting better at understanding that.” 
0 notes
flauntpage · 7 years ago
Text
'Barça is More Than a Club'
Alex and SĂ­lvia are good friends. Born in the same year, they have known each other for more than two decades: they went together to the same school in a small town near Barcelona, and they went on to be university classmates in the Catalan capital afterwards.
Alex and SĂ­lvia also share a big passion: they are die-hard FC Barcelona fans.
On the outside they seem really alike, but nothing could be further from the truth. Alex and Sílvia are really different
especially in everything related to politics.
"Estelada" flags, symbols of the independence movement, are usual in balconies in Barcelona.
On Sílvia’s balcony there is a huge Catalan flag with a white star on a blue triangle: it is the "estelada," a symbol which identifies the independence movement in Catalonia.
In the election held on December 21 in this region of Northeastern Spain, SĂ­lvia voted for the center-right secessionist party Junts per Catalunya. In the vote, pro-independence parties won by a narrow margin over unionists.
On Alex’s balcony, however, there are no flags at all. In the elections, he decided to vote for Catalunya en ComĂș, a left-wing party which preferred to focus their campaign on social issues rather than positioning on independence.
"Caganers"—literally meaning "guy taking a shit"— are an an awkward traditional Catalan figure used in Christimas nativity scenes, wearing Barça jerseys.
Alex and Sílvia’s political ideology, as usual in Catalonia, has an echo in sports. Alex belongs to a sector of blaugrana fans whose motto is ‘only Barça.’ For them, the club is nothing more than a football team that carries no political significance. When he goes to Camp Nou, Alex’s chants simply cheer the players. Nothing else.
“I go to Camp Nou to enjoy football. That’s it,” says Alex. “In my opinion, when you go to the stadium you have to leave politics at home.”
FC Barcelona flags —as well as official shorts from different seasons—at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni, a fanclub located in central Barcelona.
Sílvia, however, believes that Barça is bigger than sports.
“NarcĂ­s de Carreres, a former president, described it very well: Barça is more than a club,” SĂ­lvia says, referring to the famous blaugrana motto "mĂ©s que un club."
Every time SĂ­lvia goes to the stadium, she wears yellow clothes, a reference to jailed pro-independence politicians and activists. She also shouts in favor of independence every game at the 17:14 minute: 1714 was the year Barcelona fell into the hands of Bourbon troops during the War of Spanish Succession.
“Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, a famous Catalan writer, described Barça as the unarmed army of Catalonia,” Sílvia adds. “I believe that this sentence defines the club really well.”
Barça fans watch the Clåsico between Madrid and Barcelona at the at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
Alex and SĂ­lvia exemplify two visions of a club which has as many faces and interpretations as fans.
Marc Duch is president of Manifest Blaugrana, an association of members whose objective is to build a more democratic and transparent FC Barcelona.
“What is Barça, you say?,” asks Duch. “I would say it depends on the time: for me, it has been a hobby, an untamable passion, an example to imitate, an absolute shame
and much more.”
“This game is just life for me,” says Ángel, a die-hard Barça fan. “We wait for Barça-Madrid all year long: winning at the BernabĂ©u stadium is the best thing that can happen. The country’s current situation increases this rivalry, which is goes way further than just sport: it comes from many years ago, and now it’s even tougher. Without a Catalan team, the Spanish league would go down the drain.”
“Barça is an institution with the ability to mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, and that’s why we should demand it to have a proactive role in the social and human improvement of the country,” Duch adds. “That is where, at least partially, the motto ‘more than a club’ comes from.”
"FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
Marc Cornet takes this idea even further. On October 1, the Catalan regional government tried to organize a referendum on independence: the Spanish government considered it illegal and sent the police to repress it
violently. After the referendum, Cornet thought it was absolutely necessary for Barça to get more involved in social matters, and that is why, with other club members, he founded the Barça Republic Defense Committee—CDR, in Catalan.
“This game is much more than just sports,” says Cristian. “It’s a representation of the Catalonia versus Spain clash.”
“Our club has always been a symbol of anti-authoritarian resistance,” Cornet explains. “During the twenties, dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera closed our stadium because some fans whistled while the Spanish anthem was played; in 1936, our president Josep Sunyol was killed for being a Republican Catalanist; after the Civil War, the fascists took out the Catalan flag from our crest.”
“We don’t ask Barça to be openly independentist,” Cornet adds. “But we want it to be always on the side of civil rights, and that’s why we founded the CDR: we don’t want any other October the 1st, ever.”
“For us die-hard fans, Barça is our life,” says Jordi, who has followed the blaugrana team for decades. “Beating Madrid is important, but all games are important. Being a Barça fan means being part of something bigger, of some kind of huge family.”
The partisan positions of Duch and Cornet are pretty common among the Catalan culers—that is, Barça fans—but they’re not the only positions. Recently, the fanclub of Elda, near Alicante in Eastern Spain, publicly announced their decoupling from Barça as a reaction to the club’s decisions on October 1 to play their La Liga game behind closed doors as a means to protest against police violence.
An Elda fanclub spokesperson declared to local media that their members had “unanimously” decided to end their relationship with Barça “due to the implication of the club and its leaders in the events that took place in Catalonia.”
“Barça-Madrid is the best game of the season,” says Víctor, barman at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni. “But that’s it. It’s just a football game, nothing more.”
Other public figures such as the former Spanish international Julio Alberto Moreno, who played in FC Barcelona in the eighties, have also shown their disapproval of the club’s management: “The board has been chosen to rule a football club, not a political party,” Moreno said to the Spanish TV channel Antena 3.
“The independence process has destroyed much of the confidence between different social sectors and has caused a clear crack within Catalan society," says Berta Barbet, a political scientist at the University of Barcelona.
“It has also caused a political deadlock in the whole of Spain and has affected many important institutions in Catalonia—including Barça, of course,” Barbet adds.
“Beating Madrid is beating the number 1 enemy,” says David. “Unfortunately, there’s more than football in this game.”
“Still, Barça can still be a key factor in order to fix this division: given its relevance, it could become a positive reference and generate a feeling of union between people who support independence and people who don't,” Barbet suggests.
Jordi Fexas, geographist, historian and writer of several books on the independence movement, disagrees with Barbet’s diagnosis: “The independence process had no negative effects until the Spanish government intervened,” he says.
“Barça is a key part of my life,” says Marta. “It’s not just football. FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
“It’s the Spanish State who created the concept of ‘social crack,’” Fexas adds. Independence activists might be naive sometimes, but they have never been violent. It was the State who tried to build the idea of latent violence in order to justify their intervention. Given this repressive context, Barça might act as a soft power to mediate.”
Alex and SĂ­lvia, like most Catalans, are deeply invested in the political events surrounding the Catalan independence movement. The independence debate has been at the center of Spanish politics for almost a decade. Many people are getting exhausted by it.
“The Clásico against Madrid is emotional. It’s really difficult to explain,” says Juan. “There’s a huge rivalry, and winning it is great, because everybody has some friends who are Madrid fans and whom you can laugh at when you beat them. I know the game may also have a political sense for some people, but for me it’s just sport: my family are from Galicia and Andalusia, and I have many friends in Madrid, so for me it’s just football.”
Barça’s convincing victory over Real Madrid at Santiago BernabĂ©u was seen by many fans as a pause, a little measure of happiness in tense times. For some hours, all culers agreed on celebrating SuĂĄrez, Messi, and Vidal’s goals at the eternal rival’s stadium.
“The Barça anthem says it all: ‘una bandera ens agermana,’—‘a flag unites us all’”—says Sílvia. “That is precisely what Barça is able to do: unite.”
Alex sums it up quickly: “In the end, everything is quite simple: we might think differently in political terms, but our love for Barça is the same,"
Barça fans celebrate a goal against Madrid at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
'Barça is More Than a Club' published first on http://ift.tt/2pLTmlv
0 notes
flauntpage · 7 years ago
Text
'Barça is More Than a Club'
Alex and SĂ­lvia are good friends. Born in the same year, they have known each other for more than two decades: they went together to the same school in a small town near Barcelona, and they went on to be university classmates in the Catalan capital afterwards.
Alex and SĂ­lvia also share a big passion: they are die-hard FC Barcelona fans.
On the outside they seem really alike, but nothing could be further from the truth. Alex and Sílvia are really different
especially in everything related to politics.
"Estelada" flags, symbols of the independence movement, are usual in balconies in Barcelona.
On Sílvia’s balcony there is a huge Catalan flag with a white star on a blue triangle: it is the "estelada," a symbol which identifies the independence movement in Catalonia.
In the election held on December 21 in this region of Northeastern Spain, SĂ­lvia voted for the center-right secessionist party Junts per Catalunya. In the vote, pro-independence parties won by a narrow margin over unionists.
On Alex’s balcony, however, there are no flags at all. In the elections, he decided to vote for Catalunya en ComĂș, a left-wing party which preferred to focus their campaign on social issues rather than positioning on independence.
"Caganers"—literally meaning "guy taking a shit"— are an an awkward traditional Catalan figure used in Christimas nativity scenes, wearing Barça jerseys.
Alex and Sílvia’s political ideology, as usual in Catalonia, has an echo in sports. Alex belongs to a sector of blaugrana fans whose motto is ‘only Barça.’ For them, the club is nothing more than a football team that carries no political significance. When he goes to Camp Nou, Alex’s chants simply cheer the players. Nothing else.
“I go to Camp Nou to enjoy football. That’s it,” says Alex. “In my opinion, when you go to the stadium you have to leave politics at home.”
FC Barcelona flags —as well as official shorts from different seasons—at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni, a fanclub located in central Barcelona.
Sílvia, however, believes that Barça is bigger than sports.
“NarcĂ­s de Carreres, a former president, described it very well: Barça is more than a club,” SĂ­lvia says, referring to the famous blaugrana motto "mĂ©s que un club."
Every time SĂ­lvia goes to the stadium, she wears yellow clothes, a reference to jailed pro-independence politicians and activists. She also shouts in favor of independence every game at the 17:14 minute: 1714 was the year Barcelona fell into the hands of Bourbon troops during the War of Spanish Succession.
“Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, a famous Catalan writer, described Barça as the unarmed army of Catalonia,” Sílvia adds. “I believe that this sentence defines the club really well.”
Barça fans watch the Clåsico between Madrid and Barcelona at the at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
Alex and SĂ­lvia exemplify two visions of a club which has as many faces and interpretations as fans.
Marc Duch is president of Manifest Blaugrana, an association of members whose objective is to build a more democratic and transparent FC Barcelona.
“What is Barça, you say?,” asks Duch. “I would say it depends on the time: for me, it has been a hobby, an untamable passion, an example to imitate, an absolute shame
and much more.”
“This game is just life for me,” says Ángel, a die-hard Barça fan. “We wait for Barça-Madrid all year long: winning at the BernabĂ©u stadium is the best thing that can happen. The country’s current situation increases this rivalry, which is goes way further than just sport: it comes from many years ago, and now it’s even tougher. Without a Catalan team, the Spanish league would go down the drain.”
“Barça is an institution with the ability to mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, and that’s why we should demand it to have a proactive role in the social and human improvement of the country,” Duch adds. “That is where, at least partially, the motto ‘more than a club’ comes from.”
"FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
Marc Cornet takes this idea even further. On October 1, the Catalan regional government tried to organize a referendum on independence: the Spanish government considered it illegal and sent the police to repress it
violently. After the referendum, Cornet thought it was absolutely necessary for Barça to get more involved in social matters, and that is why, with other club members, he founded the Barça Republic Defense Committee—CDR, in Catalan.
“This game is much more than just sports,” says Cristian. “It’s a representation of the Catalonia versus Spain clash.”
“Our club has always been a symbol of anti-authoritarian resistance,” Cornet explains. “During the twenties, dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera closed our stadium because some fans whistled while the Spanish anthem was played; in 1936, our president Josep Sunyol was killed for being a Republican Catalanist; after the Civil War, the fascists took out the Catalan flag from our crest.”
“We don’t ask Barça to be openly independentist,” Cornet adds. “But we want it to be always on the side of civil rights, and that’s why we founded the CDR: we don’t want any other October the 1st, ever.”
“For us die-hard fans, Barça is our life,” says Jordi, who has followed the blaugrana team for decades. “Beating Madrid is important, but all games are important. Being a Barça fan means being part of something bigger, of some kind of huge family.”
The partisan positions of Duch and Cornet are pretty common among the Catalan culers—that is, Barça fans—but they’re not the only positions. Recently, the fanclub of Elda, near Alicante in Eastern Spain, publicly announced their decoupling from Barça as a reaction to the club’s decisions on October 1 to play their La Liga game behind closed doors as a means to protest against police violence.
An Elda fanclub spokesperson declared to local media that their members had “unanimously” decided to end their relationship with Barça “due to the implication of the club and its leaders in the events that took place in Catalonia.”
“Barça-Madrid is the best game of the season,” says Víctor, barman at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni. “But that’s it. It’s just a football game, nothing more.”
Other public figures such as the former Spanish international Julio Alberto Moreno, who played in FC Barcelona in the eighties, have also shown their disapproval of the club’s management: “The board has been chosen to rule a football club, not a political party,” Moreno said to the Spanish TV channel Antena 3.
“The independence process has destroyed much of the confidence between different social sectors and has caused a clear crack within Catalan society," says Berta Barbet, a political scientist at the University of Barcelona.
“It has also caused a political deadlock in the whole of Spain and has affected many important institutions in Catalonia—including Barça, of course,” Barbet adds.
“Beating Madrid is beating the number 1 enemy,” says David. “Unfortunately, there’s more than football in this game.”
“Still, Barça can still be a key factor in order to fix this division: given its relevance, it could become a positive reference and generate a feeling of union between people who support independence and people who don't,” Barbet suggests.
Jordi Fexas, geographist, historian and writer of several books on the independence movement, disagrees with Barbet’s diagnosis: “The independence process had no negative effects until the Spanish government intervened,” he says.
“Barça is a key part of my life,” says Marta. “It’s not just football. FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
“It’s the Spanish State who created the concept of ‘social crack,’” Fexas adds. Independence activists might be naive sometimes, but they have never been violent. It was the State who tried to build the idea of latent violence in order to justify their intervention. Given this repressive context, Barça might act as a soft power to mediate.”
Alex and SĂ­lvia, like most Catalans, are deeply invested in the political events surrounding the Catalan independence movement. The independence debate has been at the center of Spanish politics for almost a decade. Many people are getting exhausted by it.
“The Clásico against Madrid is emotional. It’s really difficult to explain,” says Juan. “There’s a huge rivalry, and winning it is great, because everybody has some friends who are Madrid fans and whom you can laugh at when you beat them. I know the game may also have a political sense for some people, but for me it’s just sport: my family are from Galicia and Andalusia, and I have many friends in Madrid, so for me it’s just football.”
Barça’s convincing victory over Real Madrid at Santiago BernabĂ©u was seen by many fans as a pause, a little measure of happiness in tense times. For some hours, all culers agreed on celebrating SuĂĄrez, Messi, and Vidal’s goals at the eternal rival’s stadium.
“The Barça anthem says it all: ‘una bandera ens agermana,’—‘a flag unites us all’”—says Sílvia. “That is precisely what Barça is able to do: unite.”
Alex sums it up quickly: “In the end, everything is quite simple: we might think differently in political terms, but our love for Barça is the same,"
Barça fans celebrate a goal against Madrid at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
'Barça is More Than a Club' published first on http://ift.tt/2pLTmlv
0 notes
flauntpage · 7 years ago
Text
'Barça is More Than a Club'
Alex and SĂ­lvia are good friends. Born in the same year, they have known each other for more than two decades: they went together to the same school in a small town near Barcelona, and they went on to be university classmates in the Catalan capital afterwards.
Alex and SĂ­lvia also share a big passion: they are die-hard FC Barcelona fans.
On the outside they seem really alike, but nothing could be further from the truth. Alex and Sílvia are really different
 especially in everything related to politics.
‘Estelada’ flags, symbols of the independence movement, are usual in balconies in Barcelona.
On Sílvia’s balcony there is a huge Catalan flag with a white star on a blue triangle: it is the ‘estelada’, a symbol which identifies the independence movement in Catalonia.
In the election held on December 21 in this region of Northeastern Spain, SĂ­lvia voted for the center-right secessionist party Junts per Catalunya. In the vote, pro-independence parties won by a narrow margin over unionists.
On Alex’s balcony, however, there are no flags at all. In the elections, he decided to vote for Catalunya en ComĂș, a left-wing party which preferred to focus their campaign on social issues rather than positioning on independence.
Caganers’ —literally meaning ‘guy taking a shit’— are an an awkward traditional Catalan figure used in Christimas nativity scenes, wearing Barça jerseys.
Alex and Sílvia’s political ideology, as usual in Catalonia, has an echo in sports. Alex belongs to a sector of blaugrana fans whose motto is ‘only Barça.’ For them, the club is nothing more than a football team with no political significance. When he goes to Camp Nou, Alex’s chants simply cheer the players. Nothing else.
“I go to Camp Nou to enjoy football. That’s it”, says Alex. “In my opinion, when you go to the stadium you have to leave politics at home”.
FC Barcelona flags —as well as official shorts from different seasons— at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni, a fanclub located in central Barcelona.
Sílvia, however, believes that Barça is bigger than sports.
“NarcĂ­s de Carreres, a former president, described it very well: Barça is more than a club”, SĂ­lvia says, referring to the famous blaugrana motto ‘mĂ©s que un club’.
Every time SĂ­lvia goes to the stadium, she wears yellow clothes, a reference to jailed pro-independence politicians and activists. She also shouts in favour of independence every game at the 17:14 minute: 1714 was the year Barcelona fell into the hands of Bourbon troops during the War of Spanish Succession.
“Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, a famous Catalan writer, described Barça as the unarmed army of Catalonia”, Sílvia adds. “I believe that this sentence defines the club really well”.
Barça fans watch the Clåsico between Madrid and Barcelona at the at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
Alex and SĂ­lvia exemplify two visions of a club which has as many faces and interpretations as fans.
Marc Duch is president of Manifest Blaugrana, an association of members whose objective is to build a more democratic and transparent FC Barcelona.
“What is Barça, you say?”, asks Duch. “I would say it depends on the time: for me, it has been a hobby, an untamable passion, an example to imitate, an absolute shame
 and much more.”.
“This game is just life for me”, says Ángel, a die-hard Barça fan. “We wait for Barça-Madrid all year long: winning at the BernabĂ©u stadium is the best thing that can happen. The country’s current situation increases this rivalry, which is goes way further than just sport: it comes from many years ago, and now it’s even tougher. Without a Catalan team, the Spanish league would go down the drain”.
“Barça is an institution with the ability to mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, and that’s why we should demand it to have a proactive role in the social and human improvement of the country,” Duch adds. “That is where, at least partially, the motto ‘ more than a club’ comes from.”
Marc Cornet takes this idea even further. On October 1, the Catalan regional government tried to organize a referendum on independence: the Spanish government considered it illegal and sent the police to repress it
 violently. After the referendum, Cornet thought it was absolutely necessary for Barça to get more involved in social matters, and that is why, with other club members, he founded the Barça Republic Defence Committee —CDR, in Catalan.
“This game is much more than just sports”, says Cristian. “It’s a representation of the Catalonia versus Spain clash”.
“Our club has always been a symbol of anti-authoritarian resistance,” Cornet explains. “During the twenties, dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera closed our stadium because some fans whistled while the Spanish anthem was played; in 1936, our president Josep Sunyol was killed for being a Republican Catalanist; after the Civil War, the fascists took out the Catalan flag from our crest”.
“We don’t ask Barça to be openly independentist,” Cornet adds. “But we want it to be always on the side of civil rights, and that’s why we founded the CDR: we don’t want any other October the 1st, ever.”
“For us die-hard fans, Barça is our life”, says Jordi, who has followed the blaugrana team for decades. “Beating Madrid is important, but all games are important. Being a Barça fan means being part of something bigger, of some kind of huge family”.
The partisan positions of Duch and Cornet are pretty common among the Catalan culers—that is, Barça fans—but they’re not the only positions. Recently, the fanclub of Elda, near Alicante in Eastern Spain, publicly announced their decoupling from Barça as a reaction to the club’s decisions on October 1 to play their La Liga game behind closed doors as a means to protest against police violence.
An Elda fanclub spokesperson declared to local media that their members had “unanimously” decided to end their relationship with Barça “due to the implication of the club and its leaders in the events that took place in Catalonia.”
“Barça-Madrid is the best game of the season”, says Víctor, barman at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni. “But that’s it. It’s just a football game, nothing more”.
Other public figures such as the former Spanish international Julio Alberto Moreno, who played in FC Barcelona in the eighties, have also shown their disapproval of the club’s management: “The board has been chosen to rule a football club, not a political party,” Moreno said to the Spanish TV channel Antena 3.
“The independence process has destroyed much of the confidence between different social sectors and has caused a clear crack within Catalan society, says Berta Barbet, a political scientist at the University of Barcelona.
“It has also caused a political deadlock in the whole of Spain and has affected many important institutions in Catalonia —including Barça, of course,” Barbet adds.
“Beating Madrid is beating the number 1 enemy”, says David. “Unfortunately, there’s more than football in this game”.
“Still, Barça can still be a key factor in order to fix this division: given its relevance, it could become a positive reference and generate a feeling of union between people who support independence and people who don't,” Barbet suggests.
Jordi Fexas, geographist, historian and writer of several books on the independence movement, disagrees with Barbet’s diagnosis: “The independence process had no negative effects until the Spanish government intervened,” he says.
“Barça is a key part of my life,” says Marta. “It’s not just football. FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
“It’s the Spanish State who created the concept of ‘social crack,’” Fexas adds. IIndependence activists might be naive sometimes, but they have never been violent. It was the State who tried to build the idea of latent violence in order to justify their intervention. Given this repressive context, Barça might act as a soft power to mediate.”
Alex and SĂ­lvia, like most Catalans, are deeply invested in the political events surrounding the Catalan independence movement. The independence debate has been at the center of Spanish politics for almost a decade. Many people are getting exhausted of it.
“The Clásico against Madrid is emotional. It’s really difficult to explain,” says Juan. “There’s a huge rivalry, and winning it is great, because everybody has some friends who are Madrid fans and whom you can laugh at when you beat them. I know the game may also have a political sense for some people, but for me it’s just sport: my family are from Galicia and Andalusia, and I have many friends in Madrid, so for me it’s just football.”
Barça’s convincing victory over Real Madrid at Santiago BernabĂ©u was seen by many fans as a pause, a little measure of happiness in tense times. For some hours, all culers agreed on celebrating SuĂĄrez, Messi and Vidal’s goals at the eternal rival’s stadium.
“The Barça anthem says it all: ‘una bandera ens agermana’, ‘a flag unites us all,’” says Sílvia. “That is precisely what Barça is able to do: unite.”
Alex sums it up quickly: “In the end, everything is quite simple: we might think differently in political terms, but our love for Barça is the same,"
Barça fans celebrate a goal against Madrid at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
'Barça is More Than a Club' published first on http://ift.tt/2pLTmlv
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flauntpage · 7 years ago
Text
'Barça is More Than a Club'
Alex and SĂ­lvia are good friends. Born in the same year, they have known each other for more than two decades: they went together to the same school in a small town near Barcelona, and they went on to be university classmates in the Catalan capital afterwards.
Alex and SĂ­lvia also share a big passion: they are die-hard FC Barcelona fans.
On the outside they seem really alike, but nothing could be further from the truth. Alex and Sílvia are really different
 especially in everything related to politics.
‘Estelada’ flags, symbols of the independence movement, are usual in balconies in Barcelona.
On Sílvia’s balcony there is a huge Catalan flag with a white star on a blue triangle: it is the ‘estelada’, a symbol which identifies the independence movement in Catalonia.
In the election held on December 21 in this region of Northeastern Spain, SĂ­lvia voted for the center-right secessionist party Junts per Catalunya. In the vote, pro-independence parties won by a narrow margin over unionists.
On Alex’s balcony, however, there are no flags at all. In the elections, he decided to vote for Catalunya en ComĂș, a left-wing party which preferred to focus their campaign on social issues rather than positioning on independence.
Caganers’ —literally meaning ‘guy taking a shit’— are an an awkward traditional Catalan figure used in Christimas nativity scenes, wearing Barça jerseys.
Alex and Sílvia’s political ideology, as usual in Catalonia, has an echo in sports. Alex belongs to a sector of blaugrana fans whose motto is ‘only Barça.’ For them, the club is nothing more than a football team with no political significance. When he goes to Camp Nou, Alex’s chants simply cheer the players. Nothing else.
“I go to Camp Nou to enjoy football. That’s it”, says Alex. “In my opinion, when you go to the stadium you have to leave politics at home”.
FC Barcelona flags —as well as official shorts from different seasons— at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni, a fanclub located in central Barcelona.
Sílvia, however, believes that Barça is bigger than sports.
“NarcĂ­s de Carreres, a former president, described it very well: Barça is more than a club”, SĂ­lvia says, referring to the famous blaugrana motto ‘mĂ©s que un club’.
Every time SĂ­lvia goes to the stadium, she wears yellow clothes, a reference to jailed pro-independence politicians and activists. She also shouts in favour of independence every game at the 17:14 minute: 1714 was the year Barcelona fell into the hands of Bourbon troops during the War of Spanish Succession.
“Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, a famous Catalan writer, described Barça as the unarmed army of Catalonia”, Sílvia adds. “I believe that this sentence defines the club really well”.
Barça fans watch the Clåsico between Madrid and Barcelona at the at the Peña Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
Alex and SĂ­lvia exemplify two visions of a club which has as many faces and interpretations as fans.
Marc Duch is president of Manifest Blaugrana, an association of members whose objective is to build a more democratic and transparent FC Barcelona.
“What is Barça, you say?”, asks Duch. “I would say it depends on the time: for me, it has been a hobby, an untamable passion, an example to imitate, an absolute shame
 and much more.”.
“This game is just life for me”, says Ángel, a die-hard Barça fan. “We wait for Barça-Madrid all year long: winning at the BernabĂ©u stadium is the best thing that can happen. The country’s current situation increases this rivalry, which is goes way further than just sport: it comes from many years ago, and now it’s even tougher. Without a Catalan team, the Spanish league would go down the drain”.
“Barça is an institution with the ability to mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, and that’s why we should demand it to have a proactive role in the social and human improvement of the country,” Duch adds. “That is where, at least partially, the motto ‘ more than a club’ comes from.”
Marc Cornet takes this idea even further. On October 1, the Catalan regional government tried to organize a referendum on independence: the Spanish government considered it illegal and sent the police to repress it
 violently. After the referendum, Cornet thought it was absolutely necessary for Barça to get more involved in social matters, and that is why, with other club members, he founded the Barça Republic Defence Committee —CDR, in Catalan.
“This game is much more than just sports”, says Cristian. “It’s a representation of the Catalonia versus Spain clash”.
“Our club has always been a symbol of anti-authoritarian resistance,” Cornet explains. “During the twenties, dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera closed our stadium because some fans whistled while the Spanish anthem was played; in 1936, our president Josep Sunyol was killed for being a Republican Catalanist; after the Civil War, the fascists took out the Catalan flag from our crest”.
“We don’t ask Barça to be openly independentist,” Cornet adds. “But we want it to be always on the side of civil rights, and that’s why we founded the CDR: we don’t want any other October the 1st, ever.”
“For us die-hard fans, Barça is our life”, says Jordi, who has followed the blaugrana team for decades. “Beating Madrid is important, but all games are important. Being a Barça fan means being part of something bigger, of some kind of huge family”.
The partisan positions of Duch and Cornet are pretty common among the Catalan culers—that is, Barça fans—but they’re not the only positions. Recently, the fanclub of Elda, near Alicante in Eastern Spain, publicly announced their decoupling from Barça as a reaction to the club’s decisions on October 1 to play their La Liga game behind closed doors as a means to protest against police violence.
An Elda fanclub spokesperson declared to local media that their members had “unanimously” decided to end their relationship with Barça “due to the implication of the club and its leaders in the events that took place in Catalonia.”
“Barça-Madrid is the best game of the season”, says Víctor, barman at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni. “But that’s it. It’s just a football game, nothing more”.
Other public figures such as the former Spanish international Julio Alberto Moreno, who played in FC Barcelona in the eighties, have also shown their disapproval of the club’s management: “The board has been chosen to rule a football club, not a political party,” Moreno said to the Spanish TV channel Antena 3.
“The independence process has destroyed much of the confidence between different social sectors and has caused a clear crack within Catalan society, says Berta Barbet, a political scientist at the University of Barcelona.
“It has also caused a political deadlock in the whole of Spain and has affected many important institutions in Catalonia —including Barça, of course,” Barbet adds.
“Beating Madrid is beating the number 1 enemy”, says David. “Unfortunately, there’s more than football in this game”.
“Still, Barça can still be a key factor in order to fix this division: given its relevance, it could become a positive reference and generate a feeling of union between people who support independence and people who don't,” Barbet suggests.
Jordi Fexas, geographist, historian and writer of several books on the independence movement, disagrees with Barbet’s diagnosis: “The independence process had no negative effects until the Spanish government intervened,” he says.
“Barça is a key part of my life,” says Marta. “It’s not just football. FC Barcelona is the representation of a country, of a feeling.”
“It’s the Spanish State who created the concept of ‘social crack,’” Fexas adds. IIndependence activists might be naive sometimes, but they have never been violent. It was the State who tried to build the idea of latent violence in order to justify their intervention. Given this repressive context, Barça might act as a soft power to mediate.”
Alex and SĂ­lvia, like most Catalans, are deeply invested in the political events surrounding the Catalan independence movement. The independence debate has been at the center of Spanish politics for almost a decade. Many people are getting exhausted of it.
“The Clásico against Madrid is emotional. It’s really difficult to explain,” says Juan. “There’s a huge rivalry, and winning it is great, because everybody has some friends who are Madrid fans and whom you can laugh at when you beat them. I know the game may also have a political sense for some people, but for me it’s just sport: my family are from Galicia and Andalusia, and I have many friends in Madrid, so for me it’s just football.”
Barça’s convincing victory over Real Madrid at Santiago BernabĂ©u was seen by many fans as a pause, a little measure of happiness in tense times. For some hours, all culers agreed on celebrating SuĂĄrez, Messi and Vidal’s goals at the eternal rival’s stadium.
“The Barça anthem says it all: ‘una bandera ens agermana’, ‘a flag unites us all,’” says Sílvia. “That is precisely what Barça is able to do: unite.”
Alex sums it up quickly: “In the end, everything is quite simple: we might think differently in political terms, but our love for Barça is the same,"
Barça fans celebrate a goal against Madrid at the Penya Barcelonista Sant Antoni.
'Barça is More Than a Club' published first on http://ift.tt/2pLTmlv
0 notes