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bluewatsons · 4 years

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Rebecca Tiger, Race, Class, and the Framing of Drug Epidemics, 16 Contexts 36 (2017)

Abstract

race is key in constructing drug scares, but by looking at the framing of america’s opiate epidemic, class is highlighted as another dividing line between those drug users subjected to or exempted from punitive social control.

As America’s opiate epidemic rages on, calls for “treatment not punishment” dominate the national media. The hypocrisy of this response is not lost on a range of commentators: the reported move away from criminalization, they argue, is yet another example of racist drug policy. White people get treatment and poor people of color get punishment. Again.

Graffiti in downtown Olympia, Washington.

A cursory reading of national media seems to confirm this long-standing narrative of White, middle-class drug users as victims, not criminals. For example, the New York Times’ coverage of suburban drug users has invited sympathy and identification with the people in the stories, encouraging the reader to see themselves, their child, or someone they know in the stories of good people raised in loving families who became opiate addicts almost by accident. The accompanying pictures to these articles show white people hugging as they leave drug treatment and well-dressed parents looking at pictures of the son or daughter they’ve lost to heroin. Photos of attractive and smiling teenagers—someone’s children—remind us of the promise and potential extinguished by an overdose. And yet, the Times is also savvy enough to contextualize this new drug panic when they write, “In Heroin Crisis, White Families Seek Gentler War on Drugs” (Oct. 30, 2015). They subtly remind the reader that non-White addicts get punishment and harshness when they refer to the White opiate crisis as a “new era” characterized by “striking shifts… some local police departments have stopped punishing many heroin users.” It is only because the users are White that a redemptive narrative of families and police coming together to stop opiate use can gain traction in print and in legislative bodies.

Drug scares have a deeply racist history.

And yet, this same media inadvertently invites a disruption to the dominant reading. In regional coverage of the opiate panic in Vermont, for example, the “crisis” of opiate use is framed as a “scourge” in quaint Bennington and in Rutland, a “blue-collar” town filled with addicts and drug dealers. The images accompanying these stories show a different tale of White drug use. Stephanie Predel, with dark circles under her eyes, is smoking a cigarette (itself a symbol of disrepute) in front of a ramshackle and dirty house. Alfred Hickey, looking tired and disheveled, is captioned to cast doubt: “[he] said he quit heroin.” Twenty-year-old Hailey Clark, here depicted as someone’s mother rather than daughter, is crying after losing custody of her son because of a heroin conviction. And two state troopers are pictured searching a suspect’s car for drugs. The story of opiates in Vermont is the opposite of innocence and community cohesion. As in suburban America, opiates are the culprit, but the response is markedly different. Poor White drug users get punishment.

Pennsylvania’s governor, Tom Wolf, announces an expansion of a program to equip DCNR rangers with naloxone to reverse opioid overdoses. Governor Tom Wolf, Flickr CC

While media coverage hints at this differential treatment among White users, an almost exclusive focus on racial inequality in drug policy has been repeated without question by both drug policy reformers and scholars. For good reason, many are ready to see yet another example of racism in current drug policy: drug scares have a deeply racist history. The “crack epidemic” of the 1980s is a stark example of the way the fear of drugs was used to justify increased criminalized repression of people of color. The egregious sentencing disparity between crack (coded as a Black drug) and powder cocaine (coded as a White drug), emerged through bi-partisan Congressional consensus. Sentencing disparities by race remain a hallmark of the War on Drugs. The first drug scares in the U.S., which were also about opiates, were reflections of thinly veiled anti-Chinese racism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Drug prohibition often relies on the image of a demonized racial other whose drug use threatens social stability.

But if we see only racial animus in drug scares, we overlook another engine of social control and harm: classism. The primary framing of the opiate epidemic as “White and middle-class” and the assumption that all White drug users have privilege serves to obscure the ways in which class figures prominently as a dividing line between which drug users are subjected to and exempted from punitive social control.

For the past several years, I have studied the opiate panic in Vermont. I’ve lived in the town often referred to as “the heroin capital of New England”, talking with drug users, addiction medicine doctors, prosecutors, judges, defense attorneys, police and probation officers, jail superintendents, harm reduction providers, and community members, many of them neighbors. The notion that this is a “gentler drug war” conflicts with the punitive response I see in practice, in which poor White drug users are caught at the intersection of the criminal justice, drug treatment, and child protection systems.

Pervasive Criminalization

Something as simple as taking the bus to work, an hour and a half commute, turns into a lesson about life at the margins in a state governed by an opiate panic. Conversation inevitably turns to why someone is riding public transportation in a rural area where a vehicle is a necessity. I hear stories of people whose cars have been seized by the police, through asset forfeiture, returned to them so damaged from drug searches that the cars are beyond repair. People travel two hours south or north to meet with probation officers; an appointment in the afternoon means they might have to take the day off from work, spending several hours loitering in a local park or library until they can check in for the weekly supervision that costs them $100 a month. Lapses in regular ridership are often explained by a return to jail because of missed appointments with probation officers or positive drug tests.

Poor White people are caught up in the system of punitive and medical control that relies heavily on the criminal justice system and its extension, compulsory drug treatment. People who came into the syringe exchange where I volunteered would complain that there were police officers waiting at the door to the methadone clinic around the corner. When I asked a clinic administrator about the cops, she reminded me that you can’t trust “these people… remember why they’re here.” And though she acknowledged that the clinic was providing a social service to sick people, it didn’t change the fact that many of their patients were also criminals. Law enforcement and social workers decide together how to respond to a “dirty urine” report from drug treatment (weekend stints in jail are a common consequence). On a recent trip to a county correctional facility, the superintendent told me that about 80% of the inmates were there for drug or drug-related charges. We pass through a dark hallway: as my eyes adjust, I see a figure in a cot in a small, unlit cell. This is the “medically managed detox”: I see three guards watching the man, but I am told a doctor is in the facility. For many rural drug users, the first “medical care” they receive is in jail.

Punitive Medicalization

Much of the media focus on the opiate panic in Vermont has centered on the willingness of the former governor, Peter Shumlin, to tackle the panic head-on by referring to it in his 2015 State of the State address. And Vermont is praised for its efforts to get drug users, especially those with criminal convictions, into “medically assisted treatment” (opiate replacement therapy such as methadone or buprenorphine) quickly. The reality for the drug users I’ve spoken with is that this approach, praised by many treatment providers and advocates across the country as an “enlightened” way to treat opiate addiction, becomes another form of control.

Many opiate users began with prescriptions to manage pain, but turned to the illicit market when their legal access to opiates was cut off. The.Comedian, Flickr CC

“Heroin or nothing,” as Steven, a man I met at the syringe exchange, put it. Those were his options. He’d broken his back several years before, and opiates helped with the lasting pain as he continued in manual labor, working odd jobs and moving furniture. But treating the physical pain now meant dealing with the “pain in the ass” of the system, of the methadone treatment providers and probation officers. Steven was among the many people I encountered who had initially started using legally obtained opiates to treat pain from work-related injuries, only to find their access limited by increasingly stringent state prescribing regulations. People like Steven turned to heroin not because they preferred it, but because they could no longer get prescription painkillers.

Drug prohibition often relies on the image of a demonized racial other whose drug use threatens social stability.

Conversations with addiction medicine providers echo the judgment about which some of the drug users I’ve spoken with complain. In the New York Times’ coverage of the suburban opiate panic, doctors identify with their patients, perhaps even knowing them socially. This is not the case in Vermont, where the class divide between doctors and patients is wide. Even the most sympathetic physicians I spoke with endorsed monitoring and coerced treatment. One said that there was “no high-level thinking in Vermont” and “no one understands the medical piece.” When I asked about the best way to treat addiction, this doctor told me it was suboxone (buprenorphine) combined with “tight control… put an ankle bracelet on them and tightly monitor them… If you mess up, you go to jail. Folks do best when there are consequences.” Other medical providers were frustrated with their patients, viewing their poverty-related struggles such as lack of transportation or difficulty finding employment as “excuses” for not succeeding in recovery. Their patients’ continued smoking and poor eating habits are also a regular source of frustration. One doctor who called addiction a “disease” insists that the criminal justice oversight of a sick person is not a contradiction, but a mechanism to ensure sorely needed “accountability.”

U.S. Marshals and police undertake Operation “Salt City” in Syracuse, New York, 2015. The actions led to 248 arrests and the seizure of cash, firearms, and drugs including heroin. Shane T. McCoy/US Marshals

In my book Judging Addicts, I detailed the merger of the medical and punitive frameworks of addiction and how they’ve come to characterize the modern treatment system in the U.S.: criminalization and medicalization are complementary, rather than contradictory approaches, I argued. This merger is apparent in Vermont where the treatment and punishment systems are deeply intertwined. And yet, this mingling has not necessarily led law enforcement to a more progressive or lenient view of addicts or for medical providers to argue that addicts shouldn’t be criminally punished. A prosecutor who was assigned to a drug court told me: “Their problem isn’t really addiction, their problem is that they’re criminals. And their parents were criminals.” This person was reluctant to accept the narrative that these people were sick even though she was working as part of a Drug Court Team whose ostensible goal was to get addicts the services they need to become drug and alcohol, and thus crime, free.

Policing Families

Addiction becomes the pretext for a system of punitive social control over people whose long-standing poverty has made them objects of particular scorn. And it’s not just the medical and criminal justice systems. The Department of Children and Families is equally involved in many people’s lives. The head of DCF attributed the recent 40% increase in cases of children removed from their homes and placed in state custody to opiate addiction, despite data that indicates no statistically significant increase in opiate use in the state over the past decade. Children are being removed from their parents at such high rates that the Defender General had to hire several new attorneys just to handle these cases. Defense attorneys talked about the new “zero-tolerance” policies toward opiate-using mothers, how child protection staff and judges believe the opiate users they encounter are unfit parents solely because of their drug use. Once children are removed, parents face considerable obstacles in regaining custody. The combined conditions of stable housing, full-time employment, clean urinalysis, and regular attendance at drug counseling sessions (sometimes several a week), often without a car, prove insurmountable for many.

Class figures prominently as a dividing line between which drug users are subjected to and exempted from punitive social control.

Through my years of research, I have observed a social control system of poor White drug users that resembles many of the findings in studies of poor addicts of color in urban areas. The experiences of poor White drug users in rural Vermont reveal the same “hostile exercise in disciplining” that anthropologist Phillipe Bourgois observed in his research among low-income African-American and Latino methadone patients in New York City and San Francisco. Their addictions were “disciplined” through a quasi-punitive and medical treatment model in much the same way the addictions of many White drug users in Vermont are.

Expanding Punishment

Many of the people I’ve spoken with have had long-standing involvement with the criminal justice system. The enhanced cooperation among treatment and criminal justice has been strengthened because of the attention the opiate panic has received. This increased attention, in contrast to reports from suburban White America, has been accompanied by heightened policing. In June 2017, the Vera Institute of Justice released a report titled Out of Sight: The Growth of Jails in Rural America. It showed that the use of jails in rural areas has dramatically increased as it has declined in urban areas and asserted that this “new rurality of jails” is led, in part, by the growing incarceration of White people. Between 2004 and 2014, the percentage of White people in jail grew 19% in rural counties and 15% in small- and medium-sized cities. The New York Times has identified Dearborn County, Indiana as one of the most punitive places in the U.S. Over 97% of its inhabitants are White.

A woman holds up a photo of her son at a “Heroin Summit” with the Lt. Governor of Maryland. Joe Andrucyk, MarylandGovPics, Flickr CC

While violent crimes drive state and federal prison admissions, drug arrests and property crimes largely fuel the increase in admission to local rural jails. The criminal justice system does not collect information about social class, greatly limiting our ability to quantify the extent to which poverty plays a role in policing, prosecution, and sentencing decisions. But, from my research in Vermont and conversations with actors involved in the criminal justice system, I have seen how the mechanisms of social control deployed against poor White opiate users rely heavily on criminalization and look nothing like the “gentle” narrative portrayed in national media.

Jeff Sessions, currently the nation’s Attorney General, has made his intention clear: he will “aggressively prosecute” drug crimes. He has used the opiate crisis in his justification for no-tolerance policies. Local drug enforcement is not directly affected by federal policies but, given the rising rates of incarceration in rural America, there is little reason to doubt that county law enforcement will continue to jail its inhabitants, many of them White, at increasing rates. Political scientist Marie Gottschalk, in Caught, has argued that prisons are “resilient institutions” able to absorb critiques and emerge stronger. She points to arguments about racial bias, showing how some states simply increased their custodial control of White people to “equalize” incarceration rates between Whites and African Americans.

There are reasons to expect that White opiate users would receive better treatment than Black drug users, and much of the media rhetoric bolsters this assumption. But rhetoric is not reality in rural America. From New England to Appalachia, officials’ approaches to fighting opiates have largely involved a criminal justice response. Nor is the heightened punitive control of poor rural Whites new: The “meth panic” of the 1990s was accompanied by the criminalization of drug users, many White, in places like the Midwest. Again, the assumption that all White drug users are receiving better treatment because they are White ignores the stark class difference between suburban and rural drug users and the decades-long criminalized control of the latter. Poor White drug users complicate the dichotomies that characterize contemporary drug abuse discourse: poor and minority versus middle-class and White, prison versus treatment, addiction versus depravity.

It would appear that the long-standing poverty of many drug users in Vermont is itself being criminalized. As the superintendent of a local jail told me, most of the inmates are poor and they often need to come to jail to get stable housing and regular meals. “It’s sad,” he said, shaking his head, “it shouldn’t be this way.”

The national hand-wringing over opiates highlights the middle-class at a time when poor rural Whites are one of the fastest growing populations under criminal justice supervision. The media-framed drug panic obscures this inequality and exacerbates racial tension about the War on Drugs by focusing on the addictive drug that unites White opiate users rather than the class differences and inequality that divide them. As the criminal justice system modifies to withstand criticism, so too must those of us who care about drug policy and the effects of criminalization. Panic should not inform policy or displace the fact that criminalization reinforces class and race distinctions to the detriment of entire communities.

Recommended Readings

Acker, Caroline . 2001. Creating the American Junkie: Addiction Research in the Classic Era of Narcotic Control. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. A highly readable history of the first major U.S. opiate scare and the way in which medicine, psychiatry, and law combined to create the “junkie” figure so prominent in our cultural imagination.

Cherkis, Jason . 2015. “Dying To Be Free,” Huffington Post, January 28. A multimedia essay illustrating the moral discourse that prevents heroin users from getting humane and life-saving treatment.

Gottschalk, Marie . 2015. Caught: The Prison State and the Lockdown of American Politics. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Gottschalk presents meticulously analyzed data about punishment trends, including those that affect poor rural Whites, to argue that reforms based on racial inequality or race neutrality will fail to address the prison state’s expansion.

Hansen, Helena, Netherland, Jules. 2017. “White Opioids: Pharmaceutical Race and the War on Drugs that Wasn’t,” Biosocieities 12(2). The authors argue that because the opiate panic is a “White drug war”, it’s characterized by a less punitive, more clinical approach than is customary of drug panics focused on people of color.

Reinarman, Craig . 1994. “The Social Construction of Drug Scares,” in Adler, Peter, Adler, Patricia (eds), Constructions of Deviance. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing. A modern classic, this analysis of drug scares outlines their seven main ingredients and demonstrates that drug panics obscure the underlying racial and class tensions that precede them.

#socioeconomic status #race #intersection #medical sociology #public policy #drug policy #media analysis #punishment #opiate epidemic #social construction #moral panic #class stratification #inequality #containment #punitive control

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newstfionline · 7 years

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White House opioid commission to Trump: ‘Declare a national emergency’ on drug overdoses

Christopher Ingraham, Washington Post, July 31, 2017

The White House Commission on Combating Drug Addiction and the Opioid Crisis issued a preliminary report on Monday stating that its “first and most urgent recommendation” is for the president to “declare a national emergency under either the Public Health Service Act or the Stafford Act.”

“With approximately 142 Americans dying [of drug overdose] every day,” the report notes, “America is enduring a death toll equal to September 11th every three weeks.”

The commission, led by New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, states that the goals of such a declaration would be to “force Congress to focus on funding” and to “awaken every American to this simple fact: if this scourge has not found you or your family yet, without bold action by everyone, it soon will.”

In 2015, according to CDC figures, heroin deaths alone surpassed gun homicides for the first time. More than 33,000 people died of opioid overdose, with another 20,000 dying from other drugs. A recent federal study found that prescription painkillers are now more widely used than tobacco.

Prescription overdose deaths began to rise in the mid-2000, following aggressive marketing and widespread prescribing of the drugs starting in the late 1990s. In response, state and federal authorities began cracking down on prescription opiate availability, introducing “abuse-deterrent” formulations, tighter prescribing guidelines, and operations targeting so-called “pill mills” that made the drugs widely available.

But in response to these interventions, many painkiller abusers appear to have switched to illicit street drugs. As prescription painkiller deaths started to fall, heroin overdoses increased dramatically. The latest development has been the emergence of powerful synthetic opiates like fentanyl, which are sometimes mixed with heroin with fatal consequences for unsuspecting users.

In his inaugural address, President Donald Trump cited “drugs that have stolen too many lives and robbed our country of so much unrealized potential,” vowing that “this American carnage stops right here and stops right now.” Trump established the opioid commission to study the issue in March, with a mandate to “study ways to combat and treat the scourge of drug abuse, addiction, and the opioid crisis.”

In addition to declaring a national emergency, the commission’s first report includes a number of recommendations that public health experts and drug policy reformers have been advocating for years.

They include:

--Expanding capacity for drug treatment under Medicaid;

--Increasing the use of medication-assisted treatments, like buprenorphine and suboxone, for opioid disorders;

--Encouraging the development of new non-opioid pain relievers;

--Mandating that every local law enforcement officer in the nation carry naloxone, the drug that rapidly reverses opiate overdose;

--Broadening “good samaritan” laws that shield individuals from prosecution when they report a drug overdose to first responders or law enforcement officials.

Notably absent from the report are a number of tough-on-crime measures that the President and his Attorney General, Jeff Sessions, have repeatedly help up as solutions to the opioid crisis, including building a wall on the Mexican border, expanding the use of mandatory minimum sentencing for drug crimes, and seizing more cash and property from individuals suspected of drug crimes.

#drug oversoses #opiod crisis

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addictionfreedom · 6 years

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whichchick · 7 years

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Today I have a missive from my younger brother, who does not tumblr. It’s below the cut.

From brother-the-younger.....

My day started out with the morning newspaper. For our house, that's the Dispatch, and there was another obituary today pleading for people reading the obituary to confront heroin/opiate addictions in their families before their loved ones die, too.

Then I came to work. I am a private criminal defense lawyer, and I see a lot of heroin issues on a daily basis. Today was no different.

I had yet another heartbreaking conversation today with a parent whose (adult) child was in prison on a charge related to heroin addiction. There was little that I could do to help with the criminal defense side of things, so I didn't take the case. The defendant already has a wonderful public defender who will do the same things I can in this case. The only cold comfort I could provide is not something I was taught to advise concerned parents in law school, but it is something I find myself saying more and more:

"Your [loved one] is in jail, so at least you know s/he won't overdose tonight."

Read that again to appreciate just how horrible that is.

Drug overdose deaths were up tremendously in Pennsylvania last year -- I've posted those stats before, so I won't belabor them. The nutshell version is that there were more overdose deaths in Pennsylvania last year than there were deaths from murders and car accidents combined. The overdose deaths also continue to grow at significant double-digit rates while the other two plateaued years ago and are slowly declining over time.

It's not hopeless. Lots of well-meaning and smart people have come up with options to mitigate the death toll. Drug treatment courts help. Naloxone helps. Suboxone and methadone help. Vivitrol helps. Pennsylvania's State IP program helps. More stringent standards for writing pain relief prescriptions helps.

The overdose deaths would be higher without all of those things. That's the last good news. The bad news is that the ameliorative effects of these combined efforts has not significantly slowed the growth of overdose deaths.

There were over 50,000 overdose deaths in the U.S. last year, according to the Chicago Tribune. That's close to a "Vietnam War" worth of deaths (58,220) every year. The New York Times reported in June that US overdose deaths rose at a rate of 25% last year. As bad as things are now, we haven't even reached a plateau. The number of deaths is still skyrocketing despite existing programming.

To put the size of the problem into further perspective, in 2013, there were 33,636 total deaths of all kinds from guns in the US. Of those, 21,175 were gun suicides. There were 11,208 gun homicides. The balance were negligent discharges or "undetermined".

The gun death problem, whether you include or exclude suicides, is far smaller in scope than the overdose death issue at this point. It is also relatively stable and has declined significantly over the last twenty years with modest year-to-year variability.

The heroin body count is an imperfect measure of the toll it takes on our society because it ignores additional casualties. Our spouses, sons, daughters, and parents who die of overdoses leave behind shattered networks and communities. Those deaths and damaged lives prior to death, cause damage to children, spouses, parents, and neighborhoods. A body count approach ignores all of that.

There are huge financial costs. The people pouring into our criminal court system and our county jails and state prisons? Heroin. If you ask me what causes a burglary, I'll tell you without hesitation: Heroin. Car break-ins? Heroin. Retail theft rings? Heroin. Low-level drug dealing to support habits? Heroin.

We're buried in Pennsylvania beneath huge costs related to incarcerating people for crimes driven by heroin addiction. It impacts our state pension crisis. Less heroin means fewer state prison guards and state police. Less heroin means less overtime which means fewer spiked pensions. The same issues translate to municipal police, municipal budgets, and county jails and court systems.

Our healthcare system is being buried under heroin costs: treatment, overdoses, ambulance calls are obvious direct costs. Indirect costs include the cost of treating chronic diseases transmitted among IV drug users like AIDS and hepatitis even if the addiction itself is overcome. I haven't even mentioned lost productivity of those suffering from addiction or from their family members who have to care for them or suffer personally impairing stress or time away from work or other activities because of time and resources spent privately dealing with the addiction of a loved one.

On days like today, I get frustrated because there appears to be little that any of us can do for the current generation of addicts other than to manage them. We don't seem to be able to cure them reliably or slow the death toll.

It feels like an overwhelming and uphill battle, and it's not just a "criminal defense lawyer" problem. I feel it, sure, but so do police. We talk about it sometimes. Prosecutors, judges, and probation officers -- they're all in the same place. We're frustrated and we can't do much more than put band-aids on the problem and manage it case by case.

Naloxone "saves" turn into a frustrating process of "catch and release" for police who see the same blue body 5, 10 times before they get there too late the 11th time. Defendants roll through criminal court, sometimes time and time again, and they too often don't stop falling back into addiction even after they get locked up. Some of them, God bless them, do turn things around, but the exceptions just show how hard it is.

I've yet to find anyone with a silver bullet, but we should avoid things that are counter-productive. Ignoring heroin addiction did not work. Letting people die does not work. Demonizing a fellow member of your family or community for falling prey to addiction is not helpful. Jail is not an answer. We don't have enough prisons or money to arrest and incarcerate our way out of the problem.

Layer onto that the realization that what we are doing right now is either (1) not working or (2) not working well enough to stop the bleeding from getting worse, and we're starting to move into uncharted waters. At this stage, if it would mean someday that I do not have to have more conversations tomorrow like I did today, I would be willing to entertain almost any option.

The response I have long hoped for from our public officials in Harrisburg and Washington is to focus on this issue like it's needlessly killing 50,000 people a year, because it is. For instance, if we had 50,000 deaths a year from terrorism, it would be the national emergency of all time. You can bet there would be somewhat more urgency than we've see around the heroin issue.

Learn about the issue. Ask your elected officials what they are doing about it. Be open-minded with them and willing to let them experiment with new ideas.

As a reminder, the status quo is this: deaths growing at 25% annually on a base of 50,000 a year. If that's the option we choose, keep in mind that we have no idea what the upper limit is on the growth of the annual body count. Efforts to stop this crisis based on doing only things that we don't fear today means we are condemning thousands of people to death without knowing how many graves we need to dig.

Innovation is the only way out of that death trap. The only good thing that occurs to me about the heroin problem is that almost no innovation or new approach could lead to worse results than staying with the status quo. That means that we have to be willing to take calculated risks.

In the meantime, show compassion to families and addicts. Be realistic, but be available to support them and help when and where you can. If you, or a loved one is suffering, reach out for help. Advocate for yourself and your family. Don't wait till you are writing an obituary to speak up. And don't give up hope.

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dee888551558-blog · 6 years

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Copers Cope Place Homeowners’ Association.

The Giornate del Cinema Muto honours the half a century existence of The Ceremony's Passed. English movie historian Kevin Brownlow's timeless narrative history survey was 1st posted in 1968. Our next walk is actually a Neighborhood Rail Stroll on Tuesday, September fourth - a 6 kilometers easy walk starting from Rishton Terminal and finishing at Whalley. After introducing medically assisted treatment in 2013, Seppala saw Hazelden's failure price for opiate abusers in the brand new overhauled plan drop greatly. A strike on Northern Trains is actually thought about Saturday, April 8th - the day of our next Rail Rambler so watch this room for additional information in order to whether our walks are actually cancelled. For detoxing abusers without access to Suboxone, Droege Home gives the Big Manual as well as numerous NA or Double A appointments daily in its own tiny lobby.

In the most ideal feasible feeling, "The Blog post" would certainly be at residence along with a handful of films from the 1970s, as well as not just given that it appears like "All the President's Men." Hardly ever performs a film concerning a process - in this situation, http://beautybody-web.info/forebyggande-avgift-30-stay-well-keys-off-individuella-som-aldrig-blir-sjuk The Washington Blog post's process in posting the identified Pentagon Documents - experience this active. I mentioned, 'Quenton, you do not have to go property.' He pointed out, 'Zero, Mama, it is actually opportunity to start my lifestyle.'" Two times after he left the plan, in April 2013, Ann located her child lifeless coming from an overdose in his Cincinnati bed room. Community Rail Walk - Wednesday, April 1st coming from Entwistle to Bromley Cross.

This permits you to readjust all the panel alternatives (placement, dimension, width, textures, hots etc.) as you will like all of them to look in a full raid so you perform certainly not have to perform this in the middle of the run, between the pulls. It is actually impressive to discover so many people still living listed here that bear in mind the "really good outdated days" in Orlando. The new Olympus OM-D E-M1 Mark II is an ambitious electronic camera on specifications, outperforming the initial E-M1 by fairly a significantly frame in every components as well as likewise resolved it's several drawbacks. The 12-100mm F4 PRO lens was actually made to function ideally on the E-M1 Smudge II, so I delivered all of them out for some slow shutter rate torturing.

The constructed in camera 5-Axis Image Stablizing body is actually likewise boosted, permitting 5.5 shutter velocity measures of payment with any kind of lense affixed on the E-M1 Spot II. You can easily obtain up to 6.5 actions of shutter speed settlement if you make use of the new Olympus M.Zuiko 12-100mm F4 PRO lense.Pedestrian mentioned he presumes his UK analysis team should feature all abusers that enter into Healing Kentucky. Twenty 4 people joined our Rail Rambler to Piel Island yesterday but, unfortunately, failed to reach it as the ferryboat had not been operating as a result of the solid wind.All of a sudden there was the M.Zuiko 12-100mm F4 IS PRO lens, which likewise possesses the 5-Axis Sync Is Actually (lens 2-Axis Is Actually working in sync along with the 5-Axis IS device in the body to much better stabilize the electronic camera) and ought to compensate to about 6.5 steps of shutter rate.Your intended bar is certainly not filteringed system by nonpayment and is revealed alongside your focus and also personal tanks in private tanks door. Meenakshi Sheshadri, in a role of a life time, simulates certainly never in the past.

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therecoversite · 6 years

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Five WV Doctors Facing Charges for Writing Illegal Suboxone Prescriptions

New Post has been published on https://www.therecover.com/five-wv-doctors-facing-charges-for-writing-illegal-suboxone-prescriptions/

Five WV Doctors Facing Charges for Writing Illegal Suboxone Prescriptions

More and more healthcare professionals are being held accountable for their part in the opioid epidemic surging through the United States. Prescription rates are at an all time high, with enough prescription opioids in the country for every adult to have their own bottle of pills. According to a 2014 survey of people in treatment for opioid addiction, 94% of those people said they chose to use heroin due to the high cost of prescription opioids that were “far more expensive and harder to obtain.” Now five more doctors in West Virginia are being indicted on charges for writing illegal prescriptions for the powerful drug addiction treatment drug Suboxone.

The five doctors who all worked for Redirections Treatment Advocates, LLC, included Dr. Krishan Kumar Aggarwal, 73, of Moon Township, who worked in Weirton, West Virginia; Dr. Madhu Aggarwal, 68, also of Moon Township, who worked in Bridgeville; Dr. Parth Bharill, 69, of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania who worked in Morgantown, W. Va.; Dr. Cherian John, 65, of Coraopolis, Pennsylvania who also worked in Weirton; and Dr. Michael Bummer, 38, of Sewickley, PA who worked in Washington, PA.

The charges came as part of the Opioid Fraud and Abuse Detection Unit formed by Attorney General Jeff Sessions in 2017. The unit — a part of the Department of Justice — uses data to target opioid-related health care fraud. The investigation was conducted with the cooperation of multiple government agencies, including the FBI, U.S. Health and Human Services-Office of Inspector General, Drug Enforcement Administration, Internal Revenue Service- Criminal Investigations, Pennsylvania Office of Attorney General-Medicaid Fraud Control Unit, U.S. Postal Inspection Service, U.S. Attorney’s Office-Criminal Division, Civil Division and Asset Forfeiture Unit, Department of Veterans Affairs-Office of Inspector General, Food and Drug Administration-Office of Criminal Investigations, and the Pennsylvania Bureau of Licensing.

“Today we are facing the worst drug crisis in American history, with one American dying of a drug overdose every nine minutes,” Sessions said in a statement. “It’s incredible but true that some of our trusted medical professionals have chosen to violate their oaths and exploit this crisis for profit.”

All defendants in Thursday’s indictment are charged with creating and distributing unlawful prescriptions for buprenorphine, (the generic name for Suboxone), conspiracy to unlawfully distribute buprenorphine, and health care fraud. The fraud charge is a result of alleged fraudulent claims submitted to Medicare or Medicaid for payments to cover the costs of the prescribed buprenorphine.

Buprenorphine is a key component of Subutex and Suboxone, which is used to treat opioid addiction. Buprenorphine is used to stave off painful symptoms of opioid withdrawal and lessen cravings. It is a Schedule III controlled substance. According to the National Alliance of Advocates for Buprenorphine Treatment, the substance has a lower potential for misuse. For that reason, it is prescribed in a pill form that does not require the patient to take the medication in a secured medical setting, but in the comfort of their own home. Unlike the alternative withdrawal medication Methadone, which is dispensed at clinics under the supervision of trained medical professionals under a doctor’s prescription.

Each of the five doctors could each face a maximum of 30 years in prison if found guilty of all three charges. Maximum fines imposed could be up to $1.5 million dollars.

Last March, Christopher Handa, the Manager of RTA, was indicted on four counts of unlawfully dispensing controlled substances and health insurance fraud. He is facing up to 40 years in prison if convicted.

Source: The Newsroom

#Featured

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willyg43 · 8 years

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Life story

I was born in Syracuse, NY on July 23,1993. My first memories are with my family at get togethers or birthday parties. My childhood was good Id say. The first real influential events that happened to me were breaking my femur playing football and my parents getting divorced. Both happened around the same time. I broke my leg and was given Vicodin to come home with. I wouldn't take them more than prescribed but I remember really liking when it was time to take them. Then I healed from my injury and continued playing sports which gave me friends that were popular. I didn't ever feel like I had much else in common with these popular kids besides Im good at sports. In 9th grade I went to a party with girls (big deal) and I was offered marijuana for the first time. I said yes I would like to and that was the first drug I tried. I had been shown some very high quality weed in computer class which was 9th-12th grade. After smoking it for the first time I immediately fell in love with it. I bought some myself. It was nothing like what I was shown by the senior who sat next to me. But the saying was “Dirty town dirty brown” in reference to scummy people who sold people dirt weed. But none the less I started regularly smoking marijuana, listened to grateful dead and grew my hair long. I had a fairly serious girlfriend at the time who hated when i smoked weed and I became seriously depressed, put on anti depressants and took about 25 Codeine/Tylenol pills that were my mothers, then about 10 tylenol pms and advil. I was taken to the hospital with an overdose. I had a psychiatric evaluation and they said I needed to go to the Psych Hospital across the street. They strapped me to a stretcher and took me to where would be my home for the next 42 days. I recovered physically after a day or two but was still severely depressed because of the lack of communication with my girlfriend and seemingly imminent break up following. This was my first treatment environment. I made friends and had a fun break from school while playing videos games, gin rummy, and basketball (no one would play with me which made me look like i was “Improving” to the staff which I knew were writing notes on all of us.) I was discharged and went back to school. Tried to keep up on work and play lacrosse (my favorite sport) again. In December of that year I smoked weed again with my friend and had two or three beers and played mario kart. His dad got mad at him because he didn't want me to go crazy and kill myself. I wasn't as depressed but became verbally and physically abusive to my dad and there were incidences where police had to intervene and I was trying to run away weekly. At the end of the school year I was smoking as much weed as before the suicide attempt. I asked my friend if I could sleep over and smoke weed with him and he said my mom called his mom and said i couldn't stay over which seemed really strange. I awoke at 3 am with two large men and my mom and dad in the same room (something i hadn't seen in 3 or 4 years) and they said to come with them. The drove me to the airport and we flew to washington dc. then las vegas, then we drove to Kanab Utah and they gave me clothes and a backpack and let me out on the trail with a bunch of other kids with wilderness hats and clothes and giant backpacks. I felt like I was in the movie Holes. I started hiking with them and kind of liked the freedom. But I was having severe hallucinations (some as bad as seeing the devil in the middle of the night) and couldn't control my bowel movements. I was in the desert for 70 days when my dad picked me up and it was great to see him, my family had visited me for a day and it was a beautiful experience for us I think. We had a long drive and a long talk on the way to Discovery Ranch, a place for troubled boys and girls mostly coming out of wilderness. Here I went to school, raises calfs. Did lots of cleaning and chores and played basketball on saturday. I was here for almost a year and when I turned 18 it was time to move to the next place. This one being in Idaho. Here I graduated high school and volunteered at thrift stores and ate organic food and started smoking cigarettes. I got to go home Dec 12, 2012. When I got home I was walking to the store for cigarettes when I saw an old friend and he invited me to a party. I went and had a few beers and smoked weed. My parents bought me an apartment to live in by myself. This summer I went to a lot of parties one which got broken up by the cops and i almost got arrested. Then I asked my friend if he could get me heroin, which he did and that was the first time I tried heroin. I was 20. Then in the fall I went to college and smoked a lot of weed and got hammered and did minimal school work. It was an unsuccesful attempt to lead a normal life. That summer my friend came home from school and we decided we were going to do heroin again. So thats what we did and we had a connect and a dealer and I used heroin almost daily and at this point i was still snorting it which i was ridiculed about. Him and I delved into heroin as deep as we could go and did hopeless desperate things to get heroin. I asked him to shoot me up and he did, it was december and I could see the Christmas tree in the park in Syracuse just a block or two from where I was born, and the pysch hospital. Him and I continued to shoot up almost daily and I met another friend who could get me cocaine as well as heroin and knew the ins and outs of the life. Something that i felt i was above, directly buying it, going into homes. I never did that, I drove where they said to go and gave people rides for free heroin. In Febuary I went to inpatient rehab for the first time. I threw up 7 times before they decided I needed suboxone. I did the full 30 days and was sober now for the first time since coming back (3 years). I was landscaping making a fair amount of money when I relapsed. I quit my job and started shooting heroin again. I had a dishwashing job once a week where i made 80-100 dollars one night a week which was enough at first with the money from landscaping and scamming and giving people rides. I was in very rough shape when I went back to rehab. I did 12 days and came up to New Hampshire where I was in an intensive sober house where i could re enter society safely. I went to meetings, got a sponsor and did all 12 steps. I worked hard at my minimum wage jobs and I gained my love for life back. I felt better than I had since I was playing sports with my friends in middle school. I got a girlfriend and hung out with her as much as possible after I got out of the house. I deliver pizza now in the town I went to the sober house in and I am very happy with my life. I have two sponsees, my family back, a girlfriend whom I want to grow old with and close to two years sober from EVERYTHING. If this isn't a testement to the twelve steps I dont think anything could convince anyone to seek help. I am very eager and excited to see where life takes me in the future and I love my life today. THANKS FOR READING.

#recovery #hope #drug addiction #sober #lifestory

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detoxnearme · 7 years

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What Can Make You Fail A Drug Test For Opiates

Contents

Too much whole

Reference guide dosing for

Truly awesome way how

Reasonably than heroin and feb 15

Mouth Swab Drug Test—what is it and how do you pass it? Could A Saliva Test Detect Cannabis? Yes. Cannabis can be detected by the use of a saliva drug test …

What Is A False Positive Drug Test? You Can Easily Fail Your Drug Test And Not Be Guilty. The False Positive Drug Test Is The Dirty Little Secret Of Drug Testing.

Aside from pre-employment, a saliva drug test can also be done to confirm any reasonable suspicion, a form of post-accident evaluation, return-to …

too much whole poppy seed, left, and ground poppy seed in your system can result in a failed drug test. (Deb Lindsey for The Washington Post)

Tramadol affects everyone differently just like any other drug but it can make you very tired or groggy as some put it. I never found it to be much help but it does ...

Well first of all, you don't say if you have a prescription for it? If you do there is no problem with it.

Claim: The consumption of poppy seeds used on bagels and muffins can produce positive results on drug screening tests.

Suboxone and any other opiate or synthetic opiate.

Let’s not beat around the bush. The answer to your question is yes — eating a couple of poppy seed rolls, bagels, etc., can cause you to fail a routine drug test.

How To Make Methamphetamine Without Pseudoephedrine Contents Methamphetamine hydrochloride reference guide dosing for sudafed Frequency-based adverse effects Too has similar serious treatment oxycontin Week diseases and Drain cleaner. Acetone. Fertilizer. Go on a shopping spree for the Meth ingredients. Then experiment with them to see which ones blow up or emit toxic gas. Overview Methamphetamine (also known as speed, meth, crystal, How Much Does It Cost For Methadone Treatment Contents Medical licensing bodies Opioid use disorder per the fifth Residential treatment programs. the The same medicines web app that Get the whole why people crush truly awesome way how In Canada, as in many other countries, there is a national level regulatory framework for methadone prescription. The Office of Controlled Substances, Health Canada, works How To Smoke Oxycodone 15mg Contents The same medicines Web app that will work off Don’t get the whole Why people crush them Contents truly awesome Contents too has similar serious treatment Oxycontin vs Oxycodone. A number of people wonder if there is a difference between oxycontin and oxycodone. Are they the same medicines? Is oxycodone just a generic name Can Methadone Help With Opiate Withdrawal Contents Truly awesome way how reasonably than heroin and feb 15 Offering advice. last week diseases and Site for help with opioid dependence Read our article and learn more on MedlinePlus: Opiate and opioid withdrawal When people think of someone going through withdrawal, most people are picturing either opiate or alcohol withdrawal. These are the Is Fentanyl A Narcotic Contents Advice. last week diseases and Announcements about suboxone And the dogs slept reasonably Than heroin and Feb 15, 2018 · A paramedic in Indiana was recently arrested after admitting to stealing vials of fentanyl from ambulance supplies while treating victims at accident … Fentanyl is one of the strongest opiate drugs on the market. It

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dinafbrownil · 5 years

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Must-Reads Of The Week From Brianna Labuskes

The Friday Breeze

Newsletter editor Brianna Labuskes, who reads everything on health care to compile our daily Morning Briefing, offers the best and most provocative stories for the weekend.

Happy Friday! Where this year’s unsubstantiated and yet viral Halloween candy scare — that people are giving children THC-laced edibles — is a good reminder to get your best spooky haiku into us for our fabulous competition before the winner is picked. The deadline is approaching!

Since KHN was closed for most of the week, this is going to be a particularly breezy Breeze, but I still have some good highlights for you!

For the second consecutive year, premiums for the health law’s most popular plan dipped slightly. Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar — while making sure to get a dig in about how the health law is “still unaffordable for far too many” — attributed the price decrease to actions taken by President Donald Trump. That’s not quite the picture health experts paint: They say the drop is the marketplace correcting itself after the tumultuous first few years.

The New York Times: Obamacare Premiums To Fall And Number Of Insurers To Rise Next Year

Meanwhile, Seema Verma, the head of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, dodged sharp questions from Democrats on the House Energy and Commerce Committee about the administration’s contingency plan if the health law is ruled unconstitutional. The title of the hearing where she was grilled — “Sabotage: The Trump Administration’s Attack on Health Care” — really set the tone of the day. The lawmakers touched on topics from “junk” insurance plans to Medicaid work requirements to coverage for preexisting conditions, only to be left frustrated with Verma’s answers.

Modern Healthcare: Verma To Democrats: Some Insurance ‘Better Than No Insurance At All’

The Friday Breeze

Want a roundup of the must-read stories this week chosen by KHN Newsletter Editor Brianna Labuskes? Sign up for The Friday Breeze today.

Please confirm your email address below:

If a tax on the middle class is really the third rail of left-leaning politics, what are the other options for paying for “Medicare for All”? Experts say that some of the more appealing options are raising payroll taxes (since employers will be saving a ton of money on workers’ benefits) or slashing military spending (but that in itself is a third-rail for many lawmakers).

Politico: How Warren Could Pay For ‘Medicare For All’

From December 2017 to June 2019, more than a million children have fallen off Medicaid rolls. The administration said this is a success story, because in theory it could signal a stronger economy (with the parents moving off government aid to employer plans). But a look at the numbers suggests that, really, kids are just going without insurance after years of progress made toward universal coverage.

The New York Times: Medicaid Covers A Million Fewer Children. Baby Elijah Was One Of Them

Suboxone — a medication meant to help treat addiction — is center stage in a major settlement made this week between two Ohio counties and drug companies accused of fueling the opioid epidemic. The companies have agreed to donate the drug to help fight the continuing crisis. But experts worry that might be a raw deal. The main barriers to treatment aren’t the cost of the drug, they said. And a one-size-fits-all approach really misses the mark on the actual pain points states have.

Stateline: In Opioid Settlements, Suboxone Plays A Leading Role

Biogen created lots of buzz and hype this week as it announced that it was resurrecting its Alzheimer’s drug that it says reduces the rate of a patient’s cognitive decline. But in a field where disappointment is the devastating norm rather than the exception, a lot of people are recommending the news be taken with the largest grain of salt possible.

Stat: Experts Parse Biogen’s Alzheimer’s Data: An Effective Drug Or A Mirage?

Could North Carolina — one of the few remaining holdouts for Medicaid expansion — really be one of the most innovative states to watch when it comes to health care? Arguably so. The reason? Not only is it prioritizing value-based care and eliminating social detriments to good health, it’s doing it in a uniquely broad, collaborative and fast-paced way. Our friend and frequent “What the Health” guest Joanne Kenen takes a deep dive into what’s going on in the state.

Politico: Why North Carolina Might Be The Most Innovative Health Care State In America

The startling geographical disparities when it comes to abortion have no clearer example than Illinois and Missouri. A new Planned Parenthood clinic in Illinois will be one of the largest abortion clinics in the Midwest — and it’s only about 15 miles away from the border with Missouri, a state where the last remaining clinic is in danger of closing. Advocates say that living under the credible threat to Roe v. Wade, this kind of thinking is crucial. People can no longer think in states, it’s time to go regional, they say.

The New York Times: New Illinois Abortion Clinic Anticipates Post-Roe World

In the miscellaneous file for the week:

• We tend to think of things like algorithms as being above the frequent racial bias we see in the rest of the health care landscape, but we would be wrong in this case. A new study finds that a widely used product that predicts which patients will benefit from extra medical care dramatically underestimates the health needs of the sickest black patients, favoring white patients’ needs over theirs.

The Washington Post: Scientists Detected Racial Bias In A Product Sold By Optum, But The Problem Likely Extends To Algorithms Used By Major Health Systems And Insurers

• Anyone who has kids in their lives knows very well that they are absolute sponges (especially when you slip and say a swear word!). This proves true with gender and racial norms too, of course. A new study found that by age 6, when asked to picture a “brilliant” person, many will name a white male.

Los Angeles Times: By Age 6, Kids Tend To See White Men As More ‘Brilliant’ Than White Women

• Wildfires aren’t a devastating anomaly. They happen frequently and every year now. So how are we going to adapt as humans in an environment that’s prone to burn? (The pictures on this story alone are worth checking it out!)

The New York Times: A Forecast For A Warming World: Learn To Live With Fire

Have a great weekend! LET’S GO NATS!

from Updates By Dina https://khn.org/news/must-reads-of-the-week-from-brianna-labuskes-27/

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addictionfreedom · 6 years

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Addiction Treatment Seattle Wa

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Lakeside Milam's Seattle, Washington rehab center has provided effective and affordable drug and alcohol addiction treatment since 1983. Experience shows that about 50% of persons suffering from alcoholism or addiction need inpatient treatment to get well. They are unable to achieve abstinence…

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He is an associate professor with the University of Washington School of Computer Science and Engineering in Seattle. "Given …

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Treatment at Cascade Behavioral Health Hospital for meth addiction. As one of the best treatment centers for meth abuse near Seattle, we work hard to provide every man and woman who walks through our doors with optimized mental health treatment.

King County residents looking for answers to the region’s homeless crisis favor long-term solutions — particularly more affor…

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Opal: Food+Body Wisdom in Seattle, WA is committed to helping those experiencing food and body concerns as well as eating disorders. As a unique component of our treatment, the Exercise + Sport program aims to increase clients' freedom regarding movement, exercise, and athletics.

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Alcohol and Drug Rehabilitation Center in Seattle, WA. Island Assessment and Counseling offers rehab, dual diagnosis treatment and addiction treatment …

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