#simon de joinville

[schoje]

O Centro de Ciências da Saúde e do Esporte (Cefid), da Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina (Udesc), terá uma sessão de treinamento de basquete com a equipe e a comissão técnica da Lady Chaparrals Basketball, da Universidade Cristã Lubbock, dos Estados Unidos, na próxima segunda-feira, 12, das 18h às 20h, no Ginásio 2, no Bairro Coqueiros, em Florianópolis. A iniciativa será realizada pelo programa de extensão Basquetebol para Todos, da Udesc Cefid, com seu parceiro, o Instituto Baby Basquetebol Cidadania (IBBC), que é coordenado pelo professor Gilberto Vaz e tem contatos em diversos países. “Será uma oportunidade interessante de intercâmbio de conhecimentos, experiências e culturas para toda a comunidade acadêmica da Udesc”, destaca o coordenador do Basquetebol para Todos, professor Osvaldo André Furlaneto Rodrigues. De acordo com o docente, a Lady Chaparrals Basketball fica no estado do Texas, participa da National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), tradicional liga de basquete universitário dos EUA, e veio ao Brasil também para disputar o 1º Torneio Internacional de Basquete Feminino 2024, que é promovido pela Federação Catarinense de Basketball (FCB) e começou nesta quinta-feira, 8, no Ginásio Nedir Macedo, em São José. Essa é a primeira competição internacional na história da Lady Chaps, que derrotou o Basket São José por 95 a 53 na estreia e ainda enfrentará o AJBF/Sesporte, de Joinville, e o S.R. Mampituba/Satc/FME Criciúma ADF. Todas as partidas estão sendo transmitidas pelo canal da FCB no YouTube. Assistente catarinense Dentre os integrantes da comissão técnica da Lady Chaps, está o técnico principal Steve Gomez (técnico da seleção norte-americana de basquete feminino de base) e o assistente Júlio César Pacheco Filho, que é catarinense e estudioso do basquete. “O professor Júlio Pacheco já desenvolveu trabalhos com o Programa Basquetebol para Todos há alguns anos, antes de ele se estabelecer nos EUA, por intermédio de parceria com a Fundação Municipal de Esportes de Florianópolis e a ação de extensão Programa de Iniciação Esportiva (Piesp), que compõe nosso programa maior”, ressalta o professor Osvaldo André. Basquete para diversos públicos O programa de extensão Basquetebol para Todos oferece gratuitamente à comunidade projetos de iniciação esportiva em basquete, formação de atletas da modalidade e treinamento de esporte adaptado (basquete sobre rodas), tendo o desenvolvimento cognitivo, motor e social dos participantes como objetivo. As aulas oferecidas pela Udesc são adequadas à idade e à categoria do participantes (pessoa com deficiência ou não) e ocorrem em diversos locais de Florianópolis e de São José. Mais informações podem ser obtidas na página do programa e pelo e-mail osvaldo.andre@udesc.br. Serviço O quê: Sessão de treinamento com a equipe e a comissão técnica da Lady Chaparrals Basketball, da Universidade Cristã Lubbock, dos Estados Unidos.Quando: Segunda-feira, 12, das 18h às 20h.Onde: Ginásio 2 da Udesc Cefid, Rua Pascoal Simone, nº 358, Bairros Coqueiros, Florianópolis. Assessoria de Comunicação da Udesc CefidJornalista Rodrigo Brüning SchmittE-mail: comunicacao.cefid@udesc.brWhatsApp: (48) 98801-7729Telefone: (48) 3664-8637 Fonte: Governo SC

[atletasudando]

Timbó recibió los Juegos de Santa Catarina

Fuente: Comité Organizador Entre el 10 y 12 de noviembre se realizaron en Timbó las pruebas de atletismo de la 62ª edición de los Juegos Abiertos de Santa Catarina.  En la carrera femenina, la juvenil Lays Cristina Rodrigues Silva, de Joinville, estableció el nuevo récord  de los Juegos en los 100 metros con vallas, con un tiempo de 14 segundos y 13 segundos.  Tras el nuevo récord, declaró: “Estoy muy feliz de ser medallista de los Juegos Abiertos y lograr este récord. Aunque soy más joven, intento competir en igualdad de condiciones. Gracias a Dios logré recuperarme de una lesión que tuve a principios de año y tuve un año muy bueno”.  El otro récord de los Juegos lo batió la atleta de Jaraguá do Sul, Simone Pontes Ferraz, en los 3.000 metros con obstáculos, con 10min08seg78. Simone también ganó el oro en los 5.000 metros lisos, con un tiempo de 16:52:19 y el 4º puesto en el relevo de 4 x 400 metros. Fue elegida mejor deportista de la competición femenina.  Una de las destacdaas fue Milena Jaqueline Sens, natural de Atalanta, que representa a Rio do Sul, la atleta fue cuatro campeona consecutiva en la prueba de lanzamiento de peso, con 15m03.  En la categoría masculina, Guilherme Kurtz, de São José, logró dos récords, en los 800 metros planos con tiempo de 1min48seg84; y en los 1.500 metros lisos, con 3min45seg09.Para Kurtz, “romper dos récords JASC es increíble. Las JASC son de Brasil, los atletas se preparan mucho para estar aquí”.  En el salto en alto la competencia fue muy reñida y hay dos poseedores de récords en este evento. Talles Frederico Souza Silva, del Balneário Camboriú, y Ricardo Konell, de Pomerode, saltaron 2m13 y son los poseedores de la nueva marca.  En el lanzamiento del disco, el nuevo récord lo fijó Wellinton Fernandes da Cruz Filho, de São José, con tiempo de 58m42.  En los 110 metros con vallas, el recordman sudamericano Rafael Henrique Campos Pereira, de Blumenau, registró tiempo de 14.03 y  En marcha, en los 10.000 metros,, venció Matheus Gabriel de Liz Correa, de Blumenau, con tiempo de 39min22seg44.  Una de las atracciones fue el atleta olímpico Darlan Romani, de Concordia. Al regresar del Panamericano con oro, confirmó su favoritismo y volvió a conquistar la medalla de oro, en lanzamiento de bala con 20.55.  Otra presencia ilustre fue la del presidente de la Confederación Brasileña de Atletismo, Wlamir Motta Campos. El dirigente elogió el atletismo catarinense en el escenario nacional. “Estoy aquí para homenajear esta competición fantástica, de altísimo nivel, que es Jasc. El atletismo de Santa Catarina es uno de los más fuertes de Brasil y siempre me propongo apoyarlo”.   Wlamir Costa felicitó al gobierno estatal, a Fesporte por la competencia y al municipio de Rio do Sul. “Felicito al gobierno estatal y a Fesporte por esta iniciativa y felicito a Rio do Sul por albergar la Jasc este año. Estoy seguro de que será un evento lleno de júbilo, una competición histórica. Es un honor estar aquí en este momento”.  Read the full article

[histoireettralala]

The Life Course of Women- Aristocratic Women of Champagne and Marriage.

It is difficult to determine when most well-born girls left the parental household. A few marriage contracts of girls betrothed at very young ages required them to he raised in the households of their prospective husbands in anticipation of marriage. Alix of Grandpré was about two when placed in the Joinville household, where she spent ten years before marrying fifteen-year-old Jean of Joinville in 1240. Jeanne of Champagne was the same age when betrothed to one of Philip III's sons and deposited at the royal court until, nine years later, she married the future Philip IV, then fifteen. Both couples were raised virtually as brother and sister, both appeared to have delayed cohabitation after marriage until the wives reached their late teens, and both had very close marriages. Jean of Joinville remembered Alix* after their twenty-seven-year marriage as " my dear companion Alix " and endowed eternally burning candles next to her tomb. Philip IV, similarly affected byJeanne 's death after twenty-one years of marriage, commemorated her in numerous benefactions.

The surrender of young girls in anticipation of marriage was known to carry risk. Alix of Grandpré's mother tried to protect her by inserting a clause in the marriage contract requiring Alix 's return to her or her brother if the marriage did not occur. Thibaut IV refused to hand over his two-year old daugther Blanche until her prospective husband, the son of Odo II of Burgundy, turned fourteen and was capable of giving a canonically valid consent to marriage; at that time, said the count, he would deliver his daughter. The count's caution was justified, for the young man later refused his consent. Thibaut had contracted to deliver his daughter for a certain marriage, not a possible one, and so young Blanche remained at home until, at twelve, she married Jean, the future count of Brittany (1239-1305). Even then, Thibaut took the precaution of depositing with the monks at Preuilly the two key documents pertaining to Blanche's marriage: the papal bull of dispensation for consanguinity, and the dower letter sealed by the groom's father. Margaret of Dampierre, too, refused to hand over her daughter for marriage until a dower had been assigned, in effect, until her daughter had been made a legitimate wife by dower. The absence of clauses in marriage contracts specifying the early delivery of betrothed girls suggests that most well-born girls remained with their natal families until marriage or entry into a convent. That is why so many daughters appear with their parents in the records of property transactions, first as silent witnesses, then as formal consenters to the acts of their parents.

It is not known how many girls entered convents or at what ages, although it appears that they generally did so in their teens, at about the age of marriage. For girls to be married, marriage contracts often tied the date of marriage to their nubility, without however explaining whether nubility was defined as a physical state or as the age of a canonically valid marriage. Gislebert of Mons reports that the proposed marriage between Henry I's daughter Marie and the young Baldwin of Hainaut would occur when both reached "a marriageable age" (ad annos nubile), without further explanation. Other contracts speak of etas in the sense of either physical state or chronological age. Jeanne of Champagne's marriage contract with the future Philippe IV uses etas in both senses: the couple will give their consent "when they reach the minimum age (in etate sufficienti) for contracting a betrothal" and will marry "when Jeanne attains a marriageable state (ad nubilem etatem)". Whether Jeanne was nubile when she married nine years later, in the middle of her eleventh year, is uncertain, for she had her first child five years later at sixteen. Ultimately, the date of her marriage had less to do with her physical state than with Philippe III's need for his son's marriage as soon as possible.

Of the seven countesses of Champagne who married between 1164 and 1270, one married at thirteen, two at fifteen or sixteen, two at eighteen or nineteen, and two at twenty, for a median age of about eighteen at first marriage. The best documented cases of aristocratic women yield a similar pattern: a few married as early as twelve, but most married in their mid-teens. Marie of Montmirail, Emeline of Broyes, Jeanne of Dampierre, and Alix of Grandpré were married by fourteen or fifteen. Simon of Joinville's eldest daughter Elisabeth married in her late teens, while Agnès of Choiseul and Agnès of Bar-le-Duc married in their early twenties. Even desirable heiresses were not necessarily married off at the minimum age. Petronilla of Bar-sur-Seine was eighteen when her guardian uncle married her to Hugh of Le Puiset and surrendered custody of her inheritance. Agathe of Pierrefonds, heiress after her brother's death, married Conon, count of Soissons, at about nineteen while still under her mother's custody. That was the same age that Marie of France married Henry the Liberal, after spending ten years in the Benedictine convent of Avenay being educated and acculturated under the tutelage of a magistra, Alix of Mareuil. Henry, at thirty-seven, had waited more than twelve years after betrothing Marie. These examples suggest that it was not the minimum canonical age of marriage that determined when a well-born woman first married but rather her family's sense of her readiness for marriage and the availability of a suitable husband.

Indirect evidence suggests that the girls who married at a very young age often delayed cohabitation after marriage. The butler Anselm II of Traînel apparently left his bride in her father's custody out of respect for her tender age, a deferral that cost him both his wife and her dowry. Alix of Grandpré, who was betrothed as an infant and spent ten years in the Joinville household before marrying Jean of Joinville at about twelve, apparently did not begin to cohabit with him until she was seventeen, after five years of marriage; that was the year that Jean turned twenty-one and was knighted, and his widowed mother Béatrice left Joinville castle. Alix had her first child two years later at about nineteen and her second at twenty. Even Countess Jeanne seems to have delayed cohabiting with Philip IV after their marriage in 1284; she had resided at the royal court since infancy, married at eleven, but had her first child at sixteen.

Theodore Evergates- The Aristocracy in the County of Champagne, 1100-1300

* I think Joinville said "my dear companion Alix" about his second wife Alix de Reynel, as reported by Evergates earlier in the book.

(Seal of Jeanne de Navarre, Countess of Champagne and of Brie, Queen of Navarre, and Queen consort of France.)

[adrianoantoine]

Brazilian Days (029): January 29

Brazilian Days (029): January 29

Brazilian Days 029  January 29 . DAY OF: Dia da Loteria (Lottery). Dia da Hospitalidade (Hospitality). Dia do Jornalista (Católico) ((Catholic) journalist). BRAZILIAN HISTORY: 1890 Recognition of the Brazilian Republic by the United States of America. 1905 Death of abolitionist José do Patrocínio. 1911 Inauguration of the first tram service in Joinville (SC).    1940 Death of Pedro de…

[dwellordream]

“…If the crusades were primarily military expeditions, and women were not expected to fight, we might first ask why they were present in significant numbers. What motivated their involvement? The answer to this question is not easily discernable since there were women from all classes of society present on crusade. Moreover, historians have no way of knowing for sure how many women and other non-combatants actually left with the crusading armies. The sheer length and size of many campaigns meant that for any medieval army to function effectively, it required many non-combatants – engineers, bakers, artisans, tailors, squires, prostitutes and so on – in addition to the presence of fighting men and their commanders.

Numerous women formed a part of this retinue; however, the vast majority of women were poor and, in comparison to the knights, foot soldiers and other male warriors who set out alongside them, militarily unsuited to the task of conquering the Holy Land. Many of these women came alone or unmarried, while others had left their homes to come on crusade with their whole family in search of a better life, no doubt influenced to some extent by the enthusiasm and excitement which greeted the whole concept of a holy war. Other factors probably also influenced their decisions to leave for with the crusade army. The fact that certain celestial phenomenon such as aurora and comet sightings around the time that the First Crusade was being preached auspiciously coincided with the end of a long French drought in 1096 may have prompted some women to leave with the crusade army, although it is hard to know for certain.

Moreover, there is also the possibility that, for those who wished to make the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, the prospect of travelling with an armed force who could protect them all the way appealed to unarmed female (and male) pilgrims. One eyewitness to the preparations for the First Crusade, Bernold of Constance, even recorded that ‘innumerable’ numbers of women disguised themselves in men’s clothing, possibly because they wished to actually take up arms against the enemy. This suggestion is supported by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which asserted that ‘women and children’ were amongst those who ‘wanted to war against heathen nations’. Furthermore, we cannot discount the spiritual incentive of simply going to the Holy Land, which undoubtedly would have also helped motivate the masses of men and women to leave on crusade.

In some cases noblewomen also left on crusade, usually in the company of their husbands or other male relatives. Eleanor of Aquitaine, Marie of Champagne, Marguerite of Provence and Eleanor of Castile are all well-known examples of women who followed their husbands on crusade to the Holy Land. Once again though, the motivations for noblewomen who went on crusade are not easily ascertained, although the length of the crusade expeditions (which could last for years) probably had something to do with it, especially for couples who wanted to stay together. Other women appear to have acted fairly independently: around the time of the First Crusade, Emerias of Altejas took the cross by herself, but was persuaded by the bishop of Toulouse to endow a monastery instead of leaving for Jerusalem.

Alice, countess of Brittany, took a crusade vow in the 1260s, and, after her husband died in 1279 without fulfilling his vows, left for the East – specifically the city of Acre – in the late 1280s. On a broader scale, Kedar has drawn attention to an extant passenger list of a crusader ship in the mid-thirteenth century that had 453 passengers on board, forty-two of which were women, and of these women twenty- two were travelling with no male companion. Whatever their motivation, the fact that certain lords and their wives had to consider such decisions at all helped differentiate the crusades from other, more localised military escapades fought on a smaller scale that did not involve the same prospect of spiritual reward or the same possibility for material gain (at least early on) in the form of land.

Clearly, then, there were women from a range of different backgrounds present on crusade, for a variety of different reasons. The support which they rendered to the fighting men, however, was primarily indirect and auxiliary regardless of their social rank, and included such tasks as washing, cleaning clothes, cooking, gathering supplies – even picking lice and fleas off the men’s bodies. They might also provide comfort to the men (through prostitution), or when new territory was conquered they could assist with and become a part of settlement plans within that territory. In another sense, however, women could provide spiritual support for the men, encouraging them whilst they fought and praying for God’s favour.

The medieval poet Baldric of Dol, for instance, in his account of the First Crusade, noted that women and other non-combatants were an integral part of the spiritual side of the crusade and prayed for the men whilst they were fighting. Although this may not sound like a particularly useful form of ‘support’ to those living in the twenty-first century, spiritual supplication was still important since the crusades were a holy war and it was believed that God was on their side. Prayer thus helped ensure God’s favour and consequently the likelihood of military success.

The provision of supplies to the fighting men, most notably water, was another basic but essential form of support women rendered to men on crusade. Describing the female presence at the battle of Dorylaeum, one anonymous chronicler at the scene notes how ‘[t]he women in our camp were a great help to us that day, for they brought up water for the fighting men to drink, and gallantly encouraged those who were fighting and defending them’. Likewise Margaret of Beverly, whose brother recorded her experiences in the Holy Land around the time of the Third Crusade, recounted how she put a pot on her head for protection and brought water to the men on the walls during Saladin’s siege of Jerusalem, being injured in the process by an enemy projectile.

Oliver of Paderborn, whose account of the Fifth Crusade is one of the most detailed and important sources available, also recalled a similar form of female support during the crusaders’ attack on Damietta in Egypt, when he mentions that ‘the women fearlessly brought water and stones, wine and bread to the warriors’. Not long afterwards, during a skirmish between crusaders and Saracens at a castle south of Damietta, he mentions women carrying and distributing water to clerics and foot-soldiers.

The Fifth Crusade also offers examples of how women might assist an army with other supplies besides water. Powell has documented how women were said to have helped grind corn for the Christian army whilst it was besieging Damietta, how they were in charge of the markets selling fish and vegetables to the crusaders, and how they helped attend to the sick and needy. Most notably, Powell notes that women even acted as guards in the crusade camp and were assigned with weapons to prevent desertions and maintain order while the army prepared for a fresh attack against the city.

Joinville too, in his chronicle of the Seventh Crusade, described women who ‘sold provisions’ raising a cry of alarm when the Count of Poitiers was captured at the battle of Mansourah (February 1250). These examples suggest that women could be of definite help on a military expedition, and whilst we should not generalise and assume that women fulfilled the same logistical roles in every crusade or medieval military campaign, it is important to be aware of the different ways they might have rendered basic support and provisions to armies on campaign.

At the same time, however, women sometimes did become much more involved with military actions and appear to have actually used weapons themselves on the enemy, though not specifically in hand-to-hand combat. During the second siege of Toulouse in 1218, for instance, women from within the city supposedly operated the mangonel or perrière (a stone-throwing device) that killed Simon de Montfort, leader of the Albigensian Crusade, just as a Frankish woman ‘shooting from the citadel’ with a mangonel was said to have destroyed the Muslims’ mangonel at Saladin’s siege of Burzay in 1188.

Acting in a similarly defensive manner were the women who helped repel the French attack during the siege of Hennebont in 1342 by throwing stones and pots of chalk from the walls onto the enemy at the urging of Jeanne de Montfort. Likewise, in 1358 women also played an important role in defending the French township of Senlis from an attack by French nobles during the short-lived but violent peasant uprising known as the ‘Jacquerie’. In this case, the townsfolk were forewarned of the attack and had their women stationed at windows ‘to pour great quantities of boiling water down upon the enemy’ while their men-folk fought off the attackers.

…Nevertheless, there are accounts of women who dressed in armour and who may have physically fought the enemy. In studying the evidence available, though, we must be very careful in accounting for possible bias in the sources, particularly in accounts where the author’s ulterior motive may have been to portray the enemy in an unfavourable light and especially when it comes to descriptions of actual female combatants. Hence we must treat as suspicious a passage by the Byzantine chronicler, Niketas Choniatēs, about mounted women bearing ‘lances and weapons’ and dressed in ‘masculine garb...more mannish than the Amazons’ on the Second Crusade. According to the modern translator, this passage was assumed by Steven Runciman to refer to Eleanor of Aquitaine and her retinue, despite the fact that her name was not specifically mentioned. While Eleanor was indeed present on this crusade, the passage makes more sense, however, if it is understood as an attempt to criticise the Franks as uncivilised and even barbaric compared to the Greeks, because they allowed their women to don armour and unnaturally fight as warriors.

In the same way, Muslim chroniclers’ descriptions of Frankish women who supposedly dressed up and rode into battle at the siege of Acre ‘as brave men though they were but tender women’, and who were subsequently ‘not recognised as women until they had been stripped of their arms’ – as well as another Muslim account of a Frankish noblewoman who allegedly fought at Acre alongside 500 of her own knights – must be treated with caution. As Nicholson has noted, for both Christians and Muslims ‘it was expected that good, virtuous women would not normally fight...in a civilised, godly society’. By depicting Frankish women as warriors, therefore, the Muslim chroniclers could illustrate the barbarous and heathen nature of Christian society and contrast it with the properly ordered Muslim society where women knew their place. Thus, while we cannot rule out the possibility that some women at Acre may have actually dressed up and fought, the Muslim accounts are certainly questionable.

Likewise, other accounts of female combatants and women in armour that do not appear to be influenced directly by religious bias must still be carefully evaluated. In France, Orderic Vitalis recorded how Isabel of Conches rode ‘armed as a knight among the knights’ during a conflict in 1090 between her husband, Ralph of Conches, and Count William of Évreux. Although Orderic remarked on her courage among the knights, he says nothing about her subsequent actions, and thus we have no way of knowing if she actually fought. In a similar vein, the English chronicler Jordan Fantosme, writing primarily of the rebellion against Henry II by his son Henry ‘the Young King’ in 1173-1174, asserted that the earl of Leicester had his wife, Petronella, countess of Leicester, dressed up in armour and given a shield and lance before the battle of Fornham in October 1173.

According to Fantosme, Petronella encouraged the earl to fight the English, but fled from the battle while it was in progress and then fell into a ditch where she nearly drowned. Fantosme, however, was the only chronicler to describe Petronella’s martial deeds, and Johns has argued that he was clearly trying to portray Petronella in an unsympathetic way in order to emphasise that women should not be involved in military affairs. Fantosme wrote to entertain, but also to instruct moral lessons and highlight divine law; Petronella thus served as an example against women’s involvement in war and the follies of accepting female advice. Nevertheless, Petronella must have been present or involved in some way since other sources do mention that she was captured after the battle along with the earl and that she was present with him on campaign in England.

Further afield, in the Holy Land, William of Tyre contended that in the first crusade army’s excitement at the imminent capture of Jerusalem ‘even women, regardless of their sex and natural weakness, dared to assume arms and fought manfully far beyond their strength’. His account, however, cannot be verified as no eyewitness accounts of this siege actually describe women acting in such a manner. Likewise, although the memoirs of the twelfth century Muslim nobleman Usāmah Ibn-Munqidh mention several female combatants – a female Muslim slave who rushed into battle ‘sword in hand’; a Frankish women who used a jar to try and help fend off an attack on Frankish pilgrims; a Muslim woman in Shayzar who captured and had killed three Frankish men – it is important to be aware that Usāmah was recalling these anecdotes sixty years after they supposedly took place.

…It is because of this need for more defenders that other accounts of female combatants may be considered more reliable. For, even though Muslim writers are our source for the story of a female archer at Acre who, in defending the city, ‘wounded many Muslims before she was overcome and killed’, it is quite possible that in the heat of battle, when manpower was necessary to fight off attackers, this woman was forced to draw a bow. Equally plausible are these same Muslim writers’ astonishment at finding women amongst the dead on the battlefield after a failed Christian attack on Saladin’s camp, though this revelation does not tell us that these women actually fought.

Then there is the case of Christian women who executed the crew of a captured Turkish ship at Acre. According to the Itinerarium Peregrinorum, ‘the women’s physical weakness prolonged the pain of death, because they cut their heads off with knives instead of swords’. Again, although the women were not actually fighting in battle, it is quite possible that this event did occur given that the men had been defeated already and the women were perhaps motivated by thoughts of revenge. As Evans points out, the passage still displays ‘a gendered approach to weaponry’ in that the Muslims’ death at the hands of women is emphasised as ‘humiliating’ and reference made to women’s weakness – implying that the women were acting in an unnatural way.”

- James Michael Illston, ‘An Entirely Masculine Activity’? Women and War in the High and Late Middle Ages Reconsidered

[goalhofer]

2020 Olympics Brazil Roster

Athletics

Caio Bonfim (Sobradinho)

Gabriel Constantino (São Gonçalo)

Aldemir Junior (Rio De Janeiro)

Eduardo Junior (Araçatuba)

Paulo De Oliveira (Vila Velha)

Al Dos Santos (São Joaquim Da Barra)

Márcio Teles (Paracambi)

Thiago Braz-Da Silva (Marília)

Almir Dos Santos (Matupá)

Augusto Da Silva-De Oliveira (Marília)

Alexsandro De Melo (Rio De Janeiro)

Darlan Romani (Concórdia)

Felipe Dos Santos (São Paulo)

Rodrigo Do Nascimento (Itajaí)

Jorge Da Costa-Vides (Rio De Janeiro)

Lucas Vilar (Limeira)

Lucas Da Costa-Carvalho (Santo André)

Thiago André (Belford Roxo)

Rafael Pereira (Contagem)

Altobeli Santos-Da Silva (Catanduva)

Derick De Souza-Da Silva (Rio De Janeiro)

Daniel Chaves-Da Silva (Petrópolis)

Daniel Ferreira-Do Nascimento (Paraguaçu Paulisto)

Paulo De Almeida-Paula (Pacaembu)

Metheus Correa (Blumenau)

Lucas Mazzo (Belém)

João Cabral (Rio De Janeiro)

Pedro Burmann-De Oliveira (Porto Alegre)

Anderson Freitas-Henriques (Porto Alegre)

Samory Fraga (Porto Alegre)

Mateus Adão-De Sá (Dracena)

Almir Cunha-Dos Santos (Porto Alegre)

Fernando Carvalho-Ferreira (Ribeirão Preto)

Thiago Moura (São Paulo)

Felipe Dos Santos (São Paulo)

Érica De Sena (Camaragibe)

Vitória Rosa (Rio De Janeiro)

Andressa De Morais (João Pessoa)

Rosângela Oliveira-Santos (Rio De Janeiro)

Ana Azevedo (São Roque)

Tiffani Do Nascimento-Marinho (Campinas)

Ketiley Batista (Pindamonhangaba)

Chayenne Pereira-Da Silva (Nova Iguaçu)

Tatiane Da Silva (Londrina)

Simone Ponte-Ferraz (Ponte Serrada)

Bruna Oliveira-Farias (Maceió)

Ana Lemos-Silva (Jaguaretama)

Lorraine Barbosa-Martins (São Paulo)

Tábata De Carvalho (Maringá)

Geisa Coutinho (Araruama)

Elaina Martins (Joinville)

Núbia Soares (Lagoa De Prata)

Geisa Arcanjo (São Roque)

Izabela Rodrigues-Da Silva (Adamantina)

Fernanda Borges-Martins (Santa Cruz-Do Sul)

Laila Silva (Pacatuba)

Jucilene Sales-De Lima (Taperoá)

Canoeing

Pedro Gonçalves (Foz Du Iguaçu)

Isaquias Queiroz (Ubaitaba)

Vagner Souta (Guarantã Do Norte)

Jacky Nascimento-Godmann (Itacaré)

Ana Sátila-Vargas (Iturama)

Fencing

Guilherme Toldo (Porto Alegre)

Nathalie Moellhausen (Paris, France)

Gymnastics

Francisco Barretto; Jr. (Ribeirão Preto)

Arthur Mariano (São Paulo)

Diogo Soares (Piracicaba)

Caio Campos-Souza (Volta Redonda)

Arthur Zanetti (São Caetano Do Sul)

Flávia Saraiva (Rio De Janeiro)

Rebeca De Andrade (Guarulhos)

Maria Arakaki (Maceió)

Bea Linhares (Aracaju)

Déborah Barbosa (Serra)

Nicole Duarte (Piracicabo)

Geovanna Da Silva (Aracaju)

Pentathlon

Maria Guimarães (Rio De Janeiro)

Sailing

Robert Scheidt (São Paulo)

Jorge Zarif (São Paulo)

Bruno De Amorim (Rio De Janeiro)

Henrique Haddad (Rio De Janeiro)

Gabriel Borges (Niterói)

Marco Grael (Niterói)

Samuel Albrecht (São Leopoldo)

Gabriela De Sá (Rio De Janeiro)

Patrícia Freitas (Rio De Janeiro)

Ana Barbachan (Porto Alegre)

Fernanda Oliveira (Rio De Janeiro)

Martine Grael (Niterói)

Kahena Kunze (São Paulo)

Shooting

Felipe Wu (São Paulo)

Surfing

Ítalo Ferreira (Baía Formosa)

Gabriel Medina (Maresias)

Silvana Lima (Paracuru)

Tatiana Weston-Webb (Kauai, Hawaii)

Swimming

Murilo Sartori (Americana)

Fernando Scheffer (Belo Horizonte)

Breno Correia (Salvador)

Guilherme Da Costa (Rio De Janeiro)

Felipe Lima (Cuiabá)

Guilherme Basseto (Rio De Janeiro)

Guilherme Guido (Limeira)

Luiz Melo (Boa Vista)

Bruno Fratus (Macaé)

Gabriel Santos (Guarulhos)

Pedro Spajari (Amparo)

Caio Pumputis (São Paulo)

Matheus Gonche (Resende)

Vinicius Lanza (Belo Horizonte)

Leonardo De Deus (Campo Grande)

Marcelo Chierighini (Itu)

Ana Da Cunha (Salvador)

Etiene De Medeiros (Recife)

Larissa De Oliveira (Juiz De Fora)

Viviane Jungblut (Porto Alegre)

Beatriz Dizotti (São Paulo)

Ana Vieira (São Paulo)

Stephanie Balduccini (São Paulo)

Aline Rodrigues (Rio De Janeiro)

Nathalia Almeida (Rio De Janeiro)

Gabrielle Roncatto (São Paulo)

Giovanna Diamante (São Paulo)

Table Tennis

Hugo Calderano (Rio De Janeiro)

Gustavo Tsuboi (São Paulo)

Vitor Ishiy (São Paulo)

Bruna Takahashi (São Bernardo Do Campo)

Jessica Yamada (São Paulo)

Caroline Kumahara (São Paulo)

Taekwondo

Edival Pontes (Campina Grande)

Ícaro Soares (Belo Horizonte)

Milena Titoneli (São Paulo)

Tennis

João De Menezes (Uberaba)

Thiago Monteiro (Buenos Aires, Argentina)

Marcelo Demoliner (Rio De Janeiro)

Marcelo De Melo (Belo Horizonte)

Laura Hermann-De Andrade (Barcelona, Spain)

Luisa Stefani (Pasco County, Florida)

Wrestling

Eduard Soghomonyan (Rio De Janeiro)

Laís Nunes (Barro Alto)

Aline Ferreira (São Paulo)

Archery

Marcus D’Almeida (Rio De Janeiro)

Ane Dos Santos (Maricá)

Badminton

Ygor De Oliveira (Rio De Janeiro)

Fabiana Da Silva (Campinas)

Boxing

Wanderson De Oliveira (Rio De Janeiro)

Hebert Souza (Salvador)

Keno Machado (Sapeaçu)

Abner Da Silva; Jr. (Osasco)

Graziele De Sousa (Mogi Das Cruzes)

Jucielen Romeu (Rio Claro)

Beatriz Ferreira (Salvador)

Cycling

Henrique Avancini (Petrópolis)

Luiz Cocuzzi (São Paulo)

Renato Rezende (Poços De Caldas)

Jacqueline Mourão (Belo Horizonte)

Priscilla Carnaval (Sorocaba)

Diving

Kawan Pereira (Parnaíba)

Isaac Filho (Rio De Janeiro)

Luana Lira (Brasilia)

Ingrid De Oliveira (Rio De Janeiro)

Equestrian

João Oliva (São Paulo)

Rafael Losano (Rio Claro)

Carlos Paro (Colina)

Marcelo Tosi (Piracicaba)

Márcio Cheuiche (Campos Do Jordão)

Yuri Mansur (São Paulo)

Rodrigo Pessoa (Paris, France)

Marlon Zanotelli (Imperatriz)

Pedro Veniss (Barcelona, Spain)

Soccer

Aderbar Neto (Campina Grande)

Gabriel Menino (Morungaba)

Diego Silva (Barra Bonita)

Ricardo Graça (Rio De Janeiro)

Douglas De Paulo (Rio De Janeiro)

Guilherme Lopes (São Paulo)

Paulo Filho (Rio De Janeiro)

Bruno Moura (Rio De Janeiro)

Matheus Da Cunha (João Pessoa)

Richarlison De Andrade (Nova Venécia)

Antony Dos Santos (Osasco)

Brenno Costa (Sorocaba)

Dan Da Silva (Juazeiro)

Bruno Fuchs (Ponta Grossa)

Marcilio Filho (Recife)

Abner Santos (Presidente Prudente)

Malcom De Oliveira (São Paulo)

Matheus De Souza (São Paulo)

Reinier Carvalho (Brasília)

Cláudio Leonel (São Paulo)

Gabriel Silva (Guarulhos)

Lucas De Azevedo (Barra Mansa)

Bárbara Barbosa (Recife)

Poliana Medeiros (Ituiutaba)

Érika Dos Santos (São Paulo)

Rafaelle De Souza (Cipó)

Julia Bianchi (Xanxerê)

Tamires Gomes (Caeté)

Maria Da Silva (Pernambuco)

Miraildes Mata (Salvador)

Débora De Oliveira (Brasópolis)

Marta Da Silva (Dois Riachos)

Angelina Costantino (Jersey City, New Jersey)

Ludmila Da Silva (Guarulhos)

Bruna Soares (Cuiabá)

Jucinara Paz (Porto Alegre)

Geyse Ferreira (Maragogi)

Beatriz João (Araraquara)

Andressa Machry (Roque Gonzales)

Letícia Da Silva (Oswaldo Cruz)

Letícia De Oliveira (Atibaia)

Giovana Costa (São Paulo)

Andressa Da Silva (São Paulo)

Aline Reis (Aguaí)

Handball

Henrique Teixeira (Maringá)

João Da Silva (Nova Iguaçu)

Guilherme Torriani (Arujá)

José De Toledo (São Paulo)

Rogério Ferreira (Abaetetuba)

Thiagus Dos Santos (Juiz De Fora)

Rangel De Rosa (Seara)

Felipe Ribeiro (São Bernardo Do Campo)

Fábio Chiuffa (Promissão)

Vinícius Teixeira (Linhares)

Leonardo Dutra (Plock, Poland)

Thiago Ponciano (Foz Do Iguaçu)

Haniel Langaro (Umuarama)

Leonardo Terçariol (São Bernardo Do Campo)

Rudolph Hackbarh (Blumenau)

Gustavo Rodrigues (São Paulo)

Bruna De Paula (Campestre)

Alexandra Do Nascimento (Limeira)

Tamires De Araújo (Rio De Janeiro)

Ana-Paula Belo (São Luís)

Bárbara Arenhart (Novo Hamburgo)

Eduarda Taleska (Blumenau)

Larissa Araújo (Curitiba)

Adriana De Castro (Fortaleza)

Samara Vieira (Natal)

Giulia Guariero (São Paulo)

Gabriela Bitolo (São Paulo)

Patrícia Machado (Rio De Janeiro)

Dayane Da Rocha (Santa Cruz De Tenerife, Spain)

Renata De Arruda (Recife)

Lívia Ventura (São Paulo)

Judo

Eric Takabatake (São Bernardo Do Campo)

Daniel Cargnin (Porto Alegre)

Eduardo Barbosa (Registro)

Eduardo Santos (São Paulo)

Rafael Macedo (São Paulo)

Rafael Buzacarini (Barra Bonita)

Rafael Da Silva (Campo Grande)

Gabriela Chibana (São Paulo)

Larissa Pimenta (São Vicente)

Ketleyn Quadros (Ceilândia)

Maria Portela (Júlio De Castilhos)

Mayra Da Silva (Porto Alegre)

Maria Atheman (São Paulo)

Rowing

Lucas Ferreira (Rio De Janeiro)

Rugby

Luiza Campos (Porto Alegre)

Isadora Cerullo (São Paulo)

Thalia Costa (São Luís)

Thalita Costa (São Luís)

Marina Fioravanti (Brasília)

Aline Furtado (São Paulo)

Raquel Kochhann (Suadades)

Mariana Nicolau (São José Dos Campos)

Haline Scatrut (São Paulo)

Bianca Silva (Paraisópolis)

Leila Silva (São Paulo)

Rafaela Zanellato (Curitiba)

Skateboarding

Pedro Barros (Florianópolis)

Luiz Francisco (São Paulo)

Padro Quintas (São Paulo)

Felipe Gustavo (Brasília)

Kelvin Hoefler (Guarujá)

Giovanni Vianna (Santo Andre)

Yndiara Asp (Florianópolis)

Isadora Pacheco (Florianópolis)

Dora Varella (São Paulo)

Letícia Silva (São Paulo)

Jhulia Leal (Imperatriz)

Pamela Rosa (São José Dos Campo)

Triathlon

Manoel Messias (Fortaleza)

Luisa Baptista (Araras)

Vittória Lopes (Fortaleza)

Volleyball

Al Cerutti (Rio De Janeiro)

Álvaro Filho (João Pessoa)

Evandro De Oliveira; Jr. (Rio De Janeiro)

Bruno Schmidt (Vila Velha)

Bruno De Rezende (Rio De Janeiro)

Maurício Silva (Maceió)

Fernando Kreling (Caxias Do Sul)

Wallace De Sousa (São Paulo)

Yoandy Leal (Belo Horizonte)

Isac Santos (São Gonçalo)

Maurício De Souza (Iturama)

Douglas De Souza (Santa Bárbara d’Oeste)

Lucas Saatkamp (Colina)

Thales Hoss (São Leopoldo)

Ricardo De Souza (Contagem)

Alan De Souza (Rio De Janeiro)

Ágatha Bednarczuk (Curitiba)

Eduarda Lisboa (Aracaju)

Rebecca Silva (Fortaleza)

Ana Ramos (Fortaleza)

Carol Gattaz (São José Do Rio Preto)

Rosamaria Montibeller (Nova Trento)

Macris Carneiro (Santo André)

Roberta Ratzke (Curitiba)

Gabi Guimarães (Belo Horizonte)

Tandara Caixeta (Brasília)

Natália Pereira (Ponta Grossa)

Ana Da Silva (Belo Horizonte)

Fernanda Rodrigues (Porto Alegre)

Ana De Souza (Rio De Janeiro)

Camila Brait (Frutal)

Ana Correa (Sorocaba)

Weightlifting

Natasha Figueredo (Rio De Janeiro)

Jacqueline Ferreira (Rio De Janeiro)

[dcvitti]

DUAS AGENDAS IMPORTANTES Nesta terça e nesta quarta, acontecerão as maiores atividades deste #SegundoTurno. E nossa militância regional está convocada a construir este momento histórico. Na terça-feira #18deOutubro, às 19h, acontecerá plenária com Décio e Bia em #Itajaí, no Clube Tiradentes, localizado no Bairro São João, local onde nosso governador nasceu e cresceu. Na quarta-feira #19deOutubro, às 15h, o Presidente Lula estará em #Joinville, acompanhado por Simone Tebet. Será realizada uma caminhada de 2 km com saída de frente ao Centreventos Cau Hansen. Serão duas grandes agendas em menos de 12 horas e estamos cientes do desafio que é mobilizar a base militante no meio da semana. Mas contamos com a experiência de nossas e nossos dirigentes políticos e lideranças na organização e logística das caravanas. A coordenação regional de campanha está a disposição para auxiliar na logística e na mobilização da militância. Qualquer dúvida poderá ser enviada no privado e será respondida prontamente. Vamos à luta que a vitória é nossa! COORDENAÇÃO REGIONAL DE CAMPANHA #PTMicroItajaí É Santa Catarina mudando com #DecioGovernadorSC1️⃣3️⃣ e o Brasil com #LulaPresidente1⃣3⃣ 💚💛 (em Itajaí) https://www.instagram.com/p/Cj0bOy0Lju7/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

[funight]

Catholic Church in the Middle Ages

It is not necessary to enter on one of the most difficult problems in history to decide how far the development and organisation of the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages were worth the price that civilisation paid in moral, intellectual, and in material loss. Still less can we attempt to justify such Crusades as that which established the Latin kingdom in Constantinople, or the Crusade to crush the revolt of the Albigensian heretics, and all the enormous assumptions of Innocent in things temporal and things spiritual. But before we decide that in the thirteenth century civilisation would have been the gainer, if there had been no central Church at all, let us count up all the great brains of the time, with Aquinas and Dante at their head, all the great statesmen, St. Louis, Blanche of Castile, in France; Simon de Montfort and Edward i., in England, and Ferdinand HI., in Spain; Frederick n. and Rudolph of Hapsburg, in the Empire,—who might in affairs of state often oppose Churchmen, but who felt that society itself reposed on a well-ordered Church.

Temporary expedient

If the great attempt failed in the hands of Innocent III, surely one of the finest brains and noblest natures that Rome ever sent forth — and fail it did on the whole, except as a temporary expedient — it could not succeed with smaller men, when every generation made the conditions of success more hopeless. The superhuman pride of Gregory IX., the venerable pontiff who for fourteen years defied the whole strength of the Emperor Frederick IL, seems to us to-day sofia city tour, in spite of his lofty spirit, but to parody that of Hildebrand, of Alexander HI., and Innocent HI. And when we come to Innocent iv. (1243-1264), the disturber of the peace of the Empire, he is almost a forecast of Boniface. And Boniface himself (1294-1303), though his words were more haughty than those of the mightiest of his predecessors, though insatiable ambition and audacious intrigue gave him some moments of triumph, ended after nine years of desperate struggle in what the poet calls ‘the mockery, the vinegar, the gall of a new crucifixion of the Vicar of Christ.’ Read Dante, and see all that a great spirit in the Middle Ages could still hope from the Church and its chiefs — all that made such dreams a mockery and a delusion.

When Dante wrote, the Popes were already settled at Avignon and the Church had entered upon one of its worst eras. And as we follow his scathing indignation, in the nineteenth canto of the Inferno, or in the twenty-seventh of the Pamdiso, we feel how utterly the vision of Peter had failed to be realised on earth.

But for one hundred years before, all through the thirteenth century, the writing on the wall may now be read, in letters of fire. When Saladin forced the allied kings of Europe to abandon the conquest of the Holy Sepulchre, and Lion-hearted Richard turned back in despair (1192), the Crusades, as military movements, ended. The later Crusades of the thirteenth century were splendid acts of folly, of anachronism, even crime. They were ‘magnificent, but not war’ �� in any rational sense. It was Europe that had to be protected against the Moslem — not Asia or Africa that was to be conquered. All through the thirteenth century European civilisation was enjoying the vast material and intellectual results of the Crusades of the twelfth century. But to sail for Jerusalem, Egypt, or Tunis, had then become, as the wise Joinville told St. Louis, a cruel neglect of duty at home.

It was not merely in the exhaustion of the Crusading zeal that the waning of the Catholic fervour was shown. In the twelfth century there had been learned or ingenious heretics. But the mark of the thirteenth century is the rise of heretic sects, schismatic churches, religious reformations, spreading deep down amongst the roots of the people. We have the three distinct religious movements which began to sap the orthodox citadel, and which afterwards took such vast proportions — Puritanism, Mysticism, Scepticism. All of them take form in the thirteenth century — Waldenses, Albigenses, Petrobussians, Poor Men, Anti-Ritualists, Anti-Sacerdotalists, Manichaeans, Gospel Christians, Quietists, Flagellants, Pastoureaux, fanatics of all orders. All through the thirteenth century we have an intense ferment of the religious exaltation, culminating in the orthodox mysticism, the rivalries, the missions, the revivalism, of the new allies of the Church, the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Friars or Mendicant Orders.

[highslis]

Catholic Church in the Middle Ages

It is not necessary to enter on one of the most difficult problems in history to decide how far the development and organisation of the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages were worth the price that civilisation paid in moral, intellectual, and in material loss. Still less can we attempt to justify such Crusades as that which established the Latin kingdom in Constantinople, or the Crusade to crush the revolt of the Albigensian heretics, and all the enormous assumptions of Innocent in things temporal and things spiritual. But before we decide that in the thirteenth century civilisation would have been the gainer, if there had been no central Church at all, let us count up all the great brains of the time, with Aquinas and Dante at their head, all the great statesmen, St. Louis, Blanche of Castile, in France; Simon de Montfort and Edward i., in England, and Ferdinand HI., in Spain; Frederick n. and Rudolph of Hapsburg, in the Empire,—who might in affairs of state often oppose Churchmen, but who felt that society itself reposed on a well-ordered Church.

Temporary expedient

If the great attempt failed in the hands of Innocent III, surely one of the finest brains and noblest natures that Rome ever sent forth — and fail it did on the whole, except as a temporary expedient — it could not succeed with smaller men, when every generation made the conditions of success more hopeless. The superhuman pride of Gregory IX., the venerable pontiff who for fourteen years defied the whole strength of the Emperor Frederick IL, seems to us to-day sofia city tour, in spite of his lofty spirit, but to parody that of Hildebrand, of Alexander HI., and Innocent HI. And when we come to Innocent iv. (1243-1264), the disturber of the peace of the Empire, he is almost a forecast of Boniface. And Boniface himself (1294-1303), though his words were more haughty than those of the mightiest of his predecessors, though insatiable ambition and audacious intrigue gave him some moments of triumph, ended after nine years of desperate struggle in what the poet calls ‘the mockery, the vinegar, the gall of a new crucifixion of the Vicar of Christ.’ Read Dante, and see all that a great spirit in the Middle Ages could still hope from the Church and its chiefs — all that made such dreams a mockery and a delusion.

When Dante wrote, the Popes were already settled at Avignon and the Church had entered upon one of its worst eras. And as we follow his scathing indignation, in the nineteenth canto of the Inferno, or in the twenty-seventh of the Pamdiso, we feel how utterly the vision of Peter had failed to be realised on earth.

But for one hundred years before, all through the thirteenth century, the writing on the wall may now be read, in letters of fire. When Saladin forced the allied kings of Europe to abandon the conquest of the Holy Sepulchre, and Lion-hearted Richard turned back in despair (1192), the Crusades, as military movements, ended. The later Crusades of the thirteenth century were splendid acts of folly, of anachronism, even crime. They were ‘magnificent, but not war’ — in any rational sense. It was Europe that had to be protected against the Moslem — not Asia or Africa that was to be conquered. All through the thirteenth century European civilisation was enjoying the vast material and intellectual results of the Crusades of the twelfth century. But to sail for Jerusalem, Egypt, or Tunis, had then become, as the wise Joinville told St. Louis, a cruel neglect of duty at home.

It was not merely in the exhaustion of the Crusading zeal that the waning of the Catholic fervour was shown. In the twelfth century there had been learned or ingenious heretics. But the mark of the thirteenth century is the rise of heretic sects, schismatic churches, religious reformations, spreading deep down amongst the roots of the people. We have the three distinct religious movements which began to sap the orthodox citadel, and which afterwards took such vast proportions — Puritanism, Mysticism, Scepticism. All of them take form in the thirteenth century — Waldenses, Albigenses, Petrobussians, Poor Men, Anti-Ritualists, Anti-Sacerdotalists, Manichaeans, Gospel Christians, Quietists, Flagellants, Pastoureaux, fanatics of all orders. All through the thirteenth century we have an intense ferment of the religious exaltation, culminating in the orthodox mysticism, the rivalries, the missions, the revivalism, of the new allies of the Church, the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Friars or Mendicant Orders.

[tturkishcoffe]

Catholic Church in the Middle Ages

It is not necessary to enter on one of the most difficult problems in history to decide how far the development and organisation of the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages were worth the price that civilisation paid in moral, intellectual, and in material loss. Still less can we attempt to justify such Crusades as that which established the Latin kingdom in Constantinople, or the Crusade to crush the revolt of the Albigensian heretics, and all the enormous assumptions of Innocent in things temporal and things spiritual. But before we decide that in the thirteenth century civilisation would have been the gainer, if there had been no central Church at all, let us count up all the great brains of the time, with Aquinas and Dante at their head, all the great statesmen, St. Louis, Blanche of Castile, in France; Simon de Montfort and Edward i., in England, and Ferdinand HI., in Spain; Frederick n. and Rudolph of Hapsburg, in the Empire,—who might in affairs of state often oppose Churchmen, but who felt that society itself reposed on a well-ordered Church.

Temporary expedient

If the great attempt failed in the hands of Innocent III, surely one of the finest brains and noblest natures that Rome ever sent forth — and fail it did on the whole, except as a temporary expedient — it could not succeed with smaller men, when every generation made the conditions of success more hopeless. The superhuman pride of Gregory IX., the venerable pontiff who for fourteen years defied the whole strength of the Emperor Frederick IL, seems to us to-day sofia city tour, in spite of his lofty spirit, but to parody that of Hildebrand, of Alexander HI., and Innocent HI. And when we come to Innocent iv. (1243-1264), the disturber of the peace of the Empire, he is almost a forecast of Boniface. And Boniface himself (1294-1303), though his words were more haughty than those of the mightiest of his predecessors, though insatiable ambition and audacious intrigue gave him some moments of triumph, ended after nine years of desperate struggle in what the poet calls ‘the mockery, the vinegar, the gall of a new crucifixion of the Vicar of Christ.’ Read Dante, and see all that a great spirit in the Middle Ages could still hope from the Church and its chiefs — all that made such dreams a mockery and a delusion.

When Dante wrote, the Popes were already settled at Avignon and the Church had entered upon one of its worst eras. And as we follow his scathing indignation, in the nineteenth canto of the Inferno, or in the twenty-seventh of the Pamdiso, we feel how utterly the vision of Peter had failed to be realised on earth.

But for one hundred years before, all through the thirteenth century, the writing on the wall may now be read, in letters of fire. When Saladin forced the allied kings of Europe to abandon the conquest of the Holy Sepulchre, and Lion-hearted Richard turned back in despair (1192), the Crusades, as military movements, ended. The later Crusades of the thirteenth century were splendid acts of folly, of anachronism, even crime. They were ‘magnificent, but not war’ — in any rational sense. It was Europe that had to be protected against the Moslem — not Asia or Africa that was to be conquered. All through the thirteenth century European civilisation was enjoying the vast material and intellectual results of the Crusades of the twelfth century. But to sail for Jerusalem, Egypt, or Tunis, had then become, as the wise Joinville told St. Louis, a cruel neglect of duty at home.

It was not merely in the exhaustion of the Crusading zeal that the waning of the Catholic fervour was shown. In the twelfth century there had been learned or ingenious heretics. But the mark of the thirteenth century is the rise of heretic sects, schismatic churches, religious reformations, spreading deep down amongst the roots of the people. We have the three distinct religious movements which began to sap the orthodox citadel, and which afterwards took such vast proportions — Puritanism, Mysticism, Scepticism. All of them take form in the thirteenth century — Waldenses, Albigenses, Petrobussians, Poor Men, Anti-Ritualists, Anti-Sacerdotalists, Manichaeans, Gospel Christians, Quietists, Flagellants, Pastoureaux, fanatics of all orders. All through the thirteenth century we have an intense ferment of the religious exaltation, culminating in the orthodox mysticism, the rivalries, the missions, the revivalism, of the new allies of the Church, the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Friars or Mendicant Orders.

[schoje]

A equipe de tênis Mampituba/FME Criciúma esteve representada na primeira etapa do Torneio Estadual de Classes e obteve ótimos resultados. Trinta tenistas do clube participaram da competição e três do projeto de rendimento foram finalistas em suas categorias. O evento esportivo ocorreu nesse fim de semana, em Joinville, e foi realizado pela Federação Catarinense de Tênis (FCT). O atleta Luiz Filipe Daros Espíndola foi vice-campeão na categoria 5M1. Já as tenistas Laura Pedrotti e Ana Flávia Daros Espíndola disputaram a final da categoria 3F1, sendo que Ana Flávia foi campeã e Laura, vice. Os três fazem parte da equipe Mampituba/FME Criciúma. O treinador de tênis do clube, Fernando Alves, também participou do torneio e foi campeão na categoria VIP. A primeira etapa do Torneio Estadual de Classes contou com a participação de 249 tenistas divididos em 23 categorias, entre masculino e feminino. O técnico do projeto de tênis do Mampituba, Rodrigo Canuto, comenta sobre os desafios de treinar em plena pandemia. “Ficamos muito tempo sem ter competições de nível estadual e o grande desafio nessa pandemia foi manter o pessoal motivado a treinar, mesmo sem competições em vista”, lembra Canuto. No entanto, ele destaca que, agora, o cenário está mudando. “Tivemos a etapa do Estadual de Classes, cuja avaliação é muito boa, e estamos em preparação para outra competição no próximo fim de semana, que é o Estadual Infantojuvenil, em Blumenau. Nossas expectativas são bastante positivas, teremos a Laura e a Ana Flávia competindo novamente e outros tenistas do clube também com boas chances de fazer as semifinais e finais da competição”, salienta o técnico. Família de tenistas Luiz Filipe e Ana Flávia são filhos de Simone Daros Espíndola, que também competiu na primeira etapa do Torneio Estadual de Classes. Inclusive, foi dessa forma que Simone celebrou o Dia das Mães: competindo ao lado dos filhos, do marido e sendo vice-campeã em sua categoria, a 3F2. “Entrei no tênis movida pelo amor deles por esse esporte e acredito que o melhor presente que uma mãe pode ter é a oportunidade de estar junto dos filhos, seja dentro ou fora das quadras. Estou no tênis para estar junto deles e influenciá-los positivamente. Eles acham o máximo quando eu vou porque a gente se diverte, tento fazer as coisas que eles gostam, é uma motivação a mais. Além disso, esporte é saúde, é vida, então é muito bom fazermos parte disso juntos”, afirma Simone. A Fundação Municipal de Esportes (FME) de Criciúma é parceira da equipe de tênis do Mampituba, a qual é integrante do projeto de formação de atletas que o clube mantém por meio de convênio, através de editais, com o Comitê Brasileiro de Clubes (CBC).Fonte: Prefeitura de Criciúma

[lifestival]

Catholic Church in the Middle Ages

It is not necessary to enter on one of the most difficult problems in history to decide how far the development and organisation of the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages were worth the price that civilisation paid in moral, intellectual, and in material loss. Still less can we attempt to justify such Crusades as that which established the Latin kingdom in Constantinople, or the Crusade to crush the revolt of the Albigensian heretics, and all the enormous assumptions of Innocent in things temporal and things spiritual. But before we decide that in the thirteenth century civilisation would have been the gainer, if there had been no central Church at all, let us count up all the great brains of the time, with Aquinas and Dante at their head, all the great statesmen, St. Louis, Blanche of Castile, in France; Simon de Montfort and Edward i., in England, and Ferdinand HI., in Spain; Frederick n. and Rudolph of Hapsburg, in the Empire,—who might in affairs of state often oppose Churchmen, but who felt that society itself reposed on a well-ordered Church.

Temporary expedient

If the great attempt failed in the hands of Innocent III, surely one of the finest brains and noblest natures that Rome ever sent forth — and fail it did on the whole, except as a temporary expedient — it could not succeed with smaller men, when every generation made the conditions of success more hopeless. The superhuman pride of Gregory IX., the venerable pontiff who for fourteen years defied the whole strength of the Emperor Frederick IL, seems to us to-day sofia city tour, in spite of his lofty spirit, but to parody that of Hildebrand, of Alexander HI., and Innocent HI. And when we come to Innocent iv. (1243-1264), the disturber of the peace of the Empire, he is almost a forecast of Boniface. And Boniface himself (1294-1303), though his words were more haughty than those of the mightiest of his predecessors, though insatiable ambition and audacious intrigue gave him some moments of triumph, ended after nine years of desperate struggle in what the poet calls ‘the mockery, the vinegar, the gall of a new crucifixion of the Vicar of Christ.’ Read Dante, and see all that a great spirit in the Middle Ages could still hope from the Church and its chiefs — all that made such dreams a mockery and a delusion.

When Dante wrote, the Popes were already settled at Avignon and the Church had entered upon one of its worst eras. And as we follow his scathing indignation, in the nineteenth canto of the Inferno, or in the twenty-seventh of the Pamdiso, we feel how utterly the vision of Peter had failed to be realised on earth.

But for one hundred years before, all through the thirteenth century, the writing on the wall may now be read, in letters of fire. When Saladin forced the allied kings of Europe to abandon the conquest of the Holy Sepulchre, and Lion-hearted Richard turned back in despair (1192), the Crusades, as military movements, ended. The later Crusades of the thirteenth century were splendid acts of folly, of anachronism, even crime. They were ‘magnificent, but not war’ — in any rational sense. It was Europe that had to be protected against the Moslem — not Asia or Africa that was to be conquered. All through the thirteenth century European civilisation was enjoying the vast material and intellectual results of the Crusades of the twelfth century. But to sail for Jerusalem, Egypt, or Tunis, had then become, as the wise Joinville told St. Louis, a cruel neglect of duty at home.

It was not merely in the exhaustion of the Crusading zeal that the waning of the Catholic fervour was shown. In the twelfth century there had been learned or ingenious heretics. But the mark of the thirteenth century is the rise of heretic sects, schismatic churches, religious reformations, spreading deep down amongst the roots of the people. We have the three distinct religious movements which began to sap the orthodox citadel, and which afterwards took such vast proportions — Puritanism, Mysticism, Scepticism. All of them take form in the thirteenth century — Waldenses, Albigenses, Petrobussians, Poor Men, Anti-Ritualists, Anti-Sacerdotalists, Manichaeans, Gospel Christians, Quietists, Flagellants, Pastoureaux, fanatics of all orders. All through the thirteenth century we have an intense ferment of the religious exaltation, culminating in the orthodox mysticism, the rivalries, the missions, the revivalism, of the new allies of the Church, the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Friars or Mendicant Orders.

[dreamfoodbg]

Catholic Church in the Middle Ages

It is not necessary to enter on one of the most difficult problems in history to decide how far the development and organisation of the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages were worth the price that civilisation paid in moral, intellectual, and in material loss. Still less can we attempt to justify such Crusades as that which established the Latin kingdom in Constantinople, or the Crusade to crush the revolt of the Albigensian heretics, and all the enormous assumptions of Innocent in things temporal and things spiritual. But before we decide that in the thirteenth century civilisation would have been the gainer, if there had been no central Church at all, let us count up all the great brains of the time, with Aquinas and Dante at their head, all the great statesmen, St. Louis, Blanche of Castile, in France; Simon de Montfort and Edward i., in England, and Ferdinand HI., in Spain; Frederick n. and Rudolph of Hapsburg, in the Empire,—who might in affairs of state often oppose Churchmen, but who felt that society itself reposed on a well-ordered Church.

Temporary expedient

If the great attempt failed in the hands of Innocent III, surely one of the finest brains and noblest natures that Rome ever sent forth — and fail it did on the whole, except as a temporary expedient — it could not succeed with smaller men, when every generation made the conditions of success more hopeless. The superhuman pride of Gregory IX., the venerable pontiff who for fourteen years defied the whole strength of the Emperor Frederick IL, seems to us to-day sofia city tour, in spite of his lofty spirit, but to parody that of Hildebrand, of Alexander HI., and Innocent HI. And when we come to Innocent iv. (1243-1264), the disturber of the peace of the Empire, he is almost a forecast of Boniface. And Boniface himself (1294-1303), though his words were more haughty than those of the mightiest of his predecessors, though insatiable ambition and audacious intrigue gave him some moments of triumph, ended after nine years of desperate struggle in what the poet calls ‘the mockery, the vinegar, the gall of a new crucifixion of the Vicar of Christ.’ Read Dante, and see all that a great spirit in the Middle Ages could still hope from the Church and its chiefs — all that made such dreams a mockery and a delusion.

When Dante wrote, the Popes were already settled at Avignon and the Church had entered upon one of its worst eras. And as we follow his scathing indignation, in the nineteenth canto of the Inferno, or in the twenty-seventh of the Pamdiso, we feel how utterly the vision of Peter had failed to be realised on earth.

But for one hundred years before, all through the thirteenth century, the writing on the wall may now be read, in letters of fire. When Saladin forced the allied kings of Europe to abandon the conquest of the Holy Sepulchre, and Lion-hearted Richard turned back in despair (1192), the Crusades, as military movements, ended. The later Crusades of the thirteenth century were splendid acts of folly, of anachronism, even crime. They were ‘magnificent, but not war’ — in any rational sense. It was Europe that had to be protected against the Moslem — not Asia or Africa that was to be conquered. All through the thirteenth century European civilisation was enjoying the vast material and intellectual results of the Crusades of the twelfth century. But to sail for Jerusalem, Egypt, or Tunis, had then become, as the wise Joinville told St. Louis, a cruel neglect of duty at home.

It was not merely in the exhaustion of the Crusading zeal that the waning of the Catholic fervour was shown. In the twelfth century there had been learned or ingenious heretics. But the mark of the thirteenth century is the rise of heretic sects, schismatic churches, religious reformations, spreading deep down amongst the roots of the people. We have the three distinct religious movements which began to sap the orthodox citadel, and which afterwards took such vast proportions — Puritanism, Mysticism, Scepticism. All of them take form in the thirteenth century — Waldenses, Albigenses, Petrobussians, Poor Men, Anti-Ritualists, Anti-Sacerdotalists, Manichaeans, Gospel Christians, Quietists, Flagellants, Pastoureaux, fanatics of all orders. All through the thirteenth century we have an intense ferment of the religious exaltation, culminating in the orthodox mysticism, the rivalries, the missions, the revivalism, of the new allies of the Church, the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Friars or Mendicant Orders.

[c4p]

Catholic Church in the Middle Ages

It is not necessary to enter on one of the most difficult problems in history to decide how far the development and organisation of the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages were worth the price that civilisation paid in moral, intellectual, and in material loss. Still less can we attempt to justify such Crusades as that which established the Latin kingdom in Constantinople, or the Crusade to crush the revolt of the Albigensian heretics, and all the enormous assumptions of Innocent in things temporal and things spiritual. But before we decide that in the thirteenth century civilisation would have been the gainer, if there had been no central Church at all, let us count up all the great brains of the time, with Aquinas and Dante at their head, all the great statesmen, St. Louis, Blanche of Castile, in France; Simon de Montfort and Edward i., in England, and Ferdinand HI., in Spain; Frederick n. and Rudolph of Hapsburg, in the Empire,—who might in affairs of state often oppose Churchmen, but who felt that society itself reposed on a well-ordered Church.

Temporary expedient

If the great attempt failed in the hands of Innocent III, surely one of the finest brains and noblest natures that Rome ever sent forth — and fail it did on the whole, except as a temporary expedient — it could not succeed with smaller men, when every generation made the conditions of success more hopeless. The superhuman pride of Gregory IX., the venerable pontiff who for fourteen years defied the whole strength of the Emperor Frederick IL, seems to us to-day sofia city tour, in spite of his lofty spirit, but to parody that of Hildebrand, of Alexander HI., and Innocent HI. And when we come to Innocent iv. (1243-1264), the disturber of the peace of the Empire, he is almost a forecast of Boniface. And Boniface himself (1294-1303), though his words were more haughty than those of the mightiest of his predecessors, though insatiable ambition and audacious intrigue gave him some moments of triumph, ended after nine years of desperate struggle in what the poet calls ‘the mockery, the vinegar, the gall of a new crucifixion of the Vicar of Christ.’ Read Dante, and see all that a great spirit in the Middle Ages could still hope from the Church and its chiefs — all that made such dreams a mockery and a delusion.

When Dante wrote, the Popes were already settled at Avignon and the Church had entered upon one of its worst eras. And as we follow his scathing indignation, in the nineteenth canto of the Inferno, or in the twenty-seventh of the Pamdiso, we feel how utterly the vision of Peter had failed to be realised on earth.

But for one hundred years before, all through the thirteenth century, the writing on the wall may now be read, in letters of fire. When Saladin forced the allied kings of Europe to abandon the conquest of the Holy Sepulchre, and Lion-hearted Richard turned back in despair (1192), the Crusades, as military movements, ended. The later Crusades of the thirteenth century were splendid acts of folly, of anachronism, even crime. They were ‘magnificent, but not war’ — in any rational sense. It was Europe that had to be protected against the Moslem — not Asia or Africa that was to be conquered. All through the thirteenth century European civilisation was enjoying the vast material and intellectual results of the Crusades of the twelfth century. But to sail for Jerusalem, Egypt, or Tunis, had then become, as the wise Joinville told St. Louis, a cruel neglect of duty at home.

It was not merely in the exhaustion of the Crusading zeal that the waning of the Catholic fervour was shown. In the twelfth century there had been learned or ingenious heretics. But the mark of the thirteenth century is the rise of heretic sects, schismatic churches, religious reformations, spreading deep down amongst the roots of the people. We have the three distinct religious movements which began to sap the orthodox citadel, and which afterwards took such vast proportions — Puritanism, Mysticism, Scepticism. All of them take form in the thirteenth century — Waldenses, Albigenses, Petrobussians, Poor Men, Anti-Ritualists, Anti-Sacerdotalists, Manichaeans, Gospel Christians, Quietists, Flagellants, Pastoureaux, fanatics of all orders. All through the thirteenth century we have an intense ferment of the religious exaltation, culminating in the orthodox mysticism, the rivalries, the missions, the revivalism, of the new allies of the Church, the Franciscans and Dominicans, the Friars or Mendicant Orders.

[adrianoantoine]

Brazilian Days (029): January 29

Brazilian Days (029): January 29

Brazilian Days 029  January 29 . DAY OF: Dia da Loteria (Lottery). Dia da Hospitalidade (Hospitality). Dia do Jornalista (Católico) ((Catholic) journalist). BRAZILIAN HISTORY: 1890 Recognition of the Brazilian Republic by the United States of America. 1905 Death of abolitionist José do Patrocínio. 1911 Inauguration of the first tram service in Joinville (SC).    1940 Death of Pedro de…