#religious Jamaat

[halidays]

Top 10 Famous Religious Places in Delhi

Delhi, the capital of India, is a city that reflects the diversity and harmony of different faiths and beliefs. It is a city that has many religious places that showcase the beauty and spirituality of various religions and sects. Delhi is a city that offers a glimpse of the sacred and the sublime through its temples, mosques, gurudwaras, churches, and other places of worship. Here are the top 10…

[sivavakkiyar]

For the first time in 37 years, Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned religious-political group, has reappeared in Jammu and Kashmir’s electoral scene. Last Sunday, the organisation held a major election rally, marking its first such event since the 1987 assembly elections. Such a high-level reemergence has generated a lot of interest and curiosity toward the likely effects of this change on the political systems within the region.

The rally in Bugam drew hundreds of people who came out to support a Jamaat-backed independent candidate. This was Jamaat-e-Islami’s first political rally since 1987, when it last contested elections under the Muslim United Front’s (MUF) banner. The streets were buzzing with energy as supporters rallied around their candidates, their excitement and enthusiasm filling the air.

Sayar Ahmad Reshi, one of the Jamaat-backed candidates, spoke at the rally, emphasisinh the need to fill a “vacuum created by the mainstream political parties.” The crowd’s fervor was visible, with videos circulating on social media capturing the excitement and slogans in favor of Reshi.

“We are here to say that the vacuum created by the regional political parties needs to be filled. The sea of people is our strength. Fingers will be raised against us and we will be criticised as well, but this is the reality,” Reshi said while speaking to local media.

Mir, during his speech at the rally, said, “We won’t support corruption and will work with transparency. We’ll focus on Kashmir and its people and represent their hopes in the Assembly.”

The elections in Jammu and Kashmir are unfolding amid dramatic developments. Children crying for their parents’ freedom and prominent politicians pleading for their dignity set the stage for a charged political environment. Against this backdrop, Jamaat-e-Islami’s decision to participate in the elections has added another layer of complexity

[beardedmrbean]

As an armed rebellion against Indian rule raged in Kashmir through the 1990s and 2000s, Jamaat-e-Islami, an influential socio-religious group, called for a boycott whenever an election was held, claiming the exercise was aimed at legitimising what it would describe as New Delhi’s occupation of the Himalayan region, which is also claimed in part or full by Pakistan and China.

But as Kashmir votes in the first regional election in a decade starting on Tuesday, the Jamaat has itself entered the political fray, backing at least 10 candidates in the election. It is a remarkable turnaround for a group that remains banned under India’s anti-terror laws and was once regarded as the mothership of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen.

After Narendra Modi’s government altered India’s constitution in 2019 to do away with the symbolic autonomy of the administrative region of Jammu and Kashmir, it cracked down hard on the separatist movement in the region, jailing thousands of people. The Jamaat, having long been at the vanguard of the movement, was a prime target. Schools associated with the group were ordered shut and the properties of many members were seized in an attempt to curtail its reach and operational capabilities.

As recently as February, the Indian government said that the Jamaat was “continuing to be involved in fomenting terrorism and anti-India propaganda for fuelling secessionism in Jammu and Kashmir, which is prejudicial to the sovereignty, security and integrity of India”.

This is what makes the Jamaat’s participation in the election perplexing, and even experts in the region are divided over what it means. Noor Baba, a renowned Kashmiri political scientist, says it could be a tactical move on the part of a minority within the movement – contesting the election as independents in the hope of “protection or rehabilitating themselves after the suffering they have endured”.

The decision to join the fray, he suggests, may not have involved the group’s jailed leadership. As a result of internal divisions in the past, Prof Baba says, the Jamaat has suffered at the hands of both the Indian authorities as well as the militants. Similar divisions may have cracked open again.

“There are many questions,” he tells The Independent. “Is the top leadership, which is in jail, on board with this or is it not?”

Another theory is that the decision stems from the Jamaat’s desire to have the anti-terror ban lifted. There have been reports about conversations between the Jamaat and intermediaries of the Indian government such as Altaf Bukhari, head of a local political party.

Ahead of this election, Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister of the former state, had urged the Narendra Modi government to lift the ban on the Jamaat to enable its participation in the assembly election. Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister and president of the People’s Democratic Party, said she would be “happy” to see the Jamaat return to the electoral arena.

Indian political analyst Apoorvanand Jha, however, sees a more sinister play at work. He says fielding independent candidates is part of a broader strategy of Modi’s BJP to weaken mainstream political parties such as the National Conference and the Congress and reap the dividend.

“The BJP’s aim is to install a government headed by a Hindu chief minister. That can be achieved by securing as many seats as possible in the Jammu region and fielding as many independents as possible in the valley [of Kashmir], making them win and then taking their support to form the government,” he tells The Independent.

The BJP is seeking to control Kashmir politically by creating chaos, he says. “To achieve that,” he adds, “the BJP can do anything. It can go to any extent, play any game, collaborate with the radicals, collaborate with separatists.”

The Independent has contacted the BJP for comment.

India has long held up Kashmir, its only majority Muslim territory, as a symbol of its secularism. But when the BJP government revoked its autonomy, Kashmiris accused the Hindu nationalist party of trying to change its religious demographic by settling Indians from elsewhere in the region.

Mr Jha says the BJP wants to win the election in order to show its core Hindu base that “see, this is a Muslim-populated area which we have now annexed”.

The candidates backed by the Jamaat maintain that their election participation is about local issues.

“Ideologies work in time and space. We have to be accommodative and flexible,” Talat Majeed, who is contesting the Pulwama constituency, told reporters recently.

Another candidate, Sayar Ahmad Reshi, says their participation in the election is necessary to fill a political vacuum created by regional parties such as the National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party.

The Jamaat’s participation seems to have enthused some pro-India factions in Kashmir. “This election is unique in recent times because the banned Jamaat-e-Islami is openly backing and campaigning for independent candidates owing allegiance to it,” Mr Abdullah said in an interview with the Hindustan Times. “This is a huge change from previous elections. Otherwise, ever since I have seen politics here from 1996 onwards, the Jamaat has been at the forefront of trying to stop people from voting.”

Ali Mohammad Watali, a former police chief of Kashmir, isn’t as enthused. The Jamaat was “pro-Pakistan and pro-terrorism”, he was quoted as saying by Frontline magazine. “Now they have changed their stance suddenly. It looks like this is being done by the agencies so that the BJP can form a government here with the help of new political fronts, including the Jamaat-e-Islami.”

“Agencies” is a catch-all term used in Kashmir for the intelligence, security and surveillance apparatus of the Indian state.

The Jamaat candidates have indicated their willingness to form alliances, before or after the election, with any party that works to “restore dignity to the people of Jammu and Kashmir”.

Prof Saddiq Wahid, a senior visiting fellow at the Centre for Policy Research think tank in New Delhi, tells The Independent the BJP’s actions in Jammu and Kashmir since the revocation of its autonomy have been aimed at creating confusion and chaos. “How is Jamaat suddenly into the picture?” he asks.

He fears that the political landscape of Kashmir is being manipulated to dilute local representation and prevent self-governance.

“They do not want the people of Jammu and Kashmir to have a government that will allow them to govern themselves,” he says, referring to the Indian government.

The fundamental question, though, is whether people will trust the candidates backed by the Jamaat, Prof Baba points out. “How many people will vote for them, support them?”

[mariam-olivera]

The History of Charity Organizations in Pakistan: A Timeline

Charity organizations have been a cornerstone of Pakistan's social welfare system, contributing significantly to the country's development. From the early years post-independence to the modern era, these organizations have addressed critical needs and fostered community growth. This article provides a detailed timeline of the evolution of charity organizations in Pakistan, highlighting their contributions and impact.

1947-1960: The Birth of a Nation and Early Philanthropic Efforts

Post-Independence Relief Efforts

The partition of India in 1947 resulted in mass migrations, violence, and displacement, necessitating immediate relief efforts. In response, several charity organizations were established to provide essential services. The All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA), founded in 1949 by Begum Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan, was among the first to focus on women and children's welfare. APWA provided critical healthcare, education, and vocational training to women affected by the partition.

Establishment of the Edhi Foundation

In 1951, Abdul Sattar Edhi founded the Edhi Foundation, starting with a small dispensary. Over time, it grew into Pakistan's largest charity organization, offering a wide range of services, including ambulances, orphanages, and shelters for the homeless. The Edhi Foundation became a symbol of selfless service, setting a standard for future philanthropic endeavors in Pakistan.

1960-1980: Expansion and Institutionalization of Charity Work

Growth of Health and Education Initiatives

The 1960s and 1970s saw significant growth in charity work, with a focus on health and education. The Aga Khan Foundation, established in 1967, played a vital role in improving healthcare and education across Pakistan. The foundation's initiatives in rural development and healthcare set a precedent for structured and institutionalized philanthropy.

The Role of Religious Organizations

During this period, religious organizations like Jamaat-e-Islami and Tableeghi Jamaat expanded their charitable activities, especially in rural areas. These organizations established schools, clinics, and vocational centers, extending the reach of charity work throughout the country.

Launch of the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Trust

In 1985, Imran Khan launched the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Trust in memory of his mother. The trust focused on providing free cancer treatment to the underprivileged, culminating in the establishment of Pakistan's first cancer hospital in Lahore in 1994. This initiative marked a major milestone in healthcare philanthropy in Pakistan.

1980-2000: A Period of Consolidation and Growth

Zakat and the Role of Government

The 1980s brought the Zakat Ordinance, introduced under General Zia-ul-Haq, which mandated Zakat deductions from savings accounts to support the poor and needy. While this system aimed to institutionalize charity, it sparked debates about the efficiency of state-controlled charity versus independent organizations.

Formation of the Pakistan Centre for Philanthropy

In 2001, the Pakistan Centre for Philanthropy (PCP) was established to enhance the effectiveness of philanthropy in the country. The PCP focused on capacity building for non-profit organizations, promoting transparency, and fostering corporate philanthropy as part of corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives.

The Role of International NGOs

During this time, international NGOs such as Save the Children, CARE International, and Oxfam became increasingly active in Pakistan. These organizations worked on disaster relief, education, and women's rights, contributing significantly to the growth of the charity sector in Pakistan.

Present: The Modern Era of Charity and Philanthropy

Shifa Foundation's Contribution to Health and Social Services

Shifa Foundation has been a leading force in Pakistan's humanitarian landscape for over three decades. With a focus on healthcare, environmental initiatives, water and sanitation projects, disaster response, and educational volunteer programs, Shifa Foundation has positively impacted the lives of over 8 million people across Pakistan. Their work in providing essential services has been instrumental in improving the quality of life for countless individuals.

Rise of Technology-Driven Philanthropy

The internet and social media have transformed charity organizations in Pakistan. Platforms like Aurat Foundation, Saylani Welfare International Trust, and Akhuwat use technology to reach broader audiences and raise funds efficiently. Online donations, crowdfunding, and social media campaigns have increased donations and volunteer participation.

Impact of Natural Disasters

Natural disasters such as the 2005 earthquake and the 2010 floods underscored the importance of charity organizations in disaster response and recovery. The Pakistan Red Crescent Society, Al-Khidmat Foundation, and Edhi Foundation played critical roles in providing relief and rehabilitation to affected communities.

Focus on Sustainable Development

In recent years, there has been a growing focus on sustainable development in the charity sector. Organizations like the Citizen's Foundation (TCF), which operates a vast network of schools for underprivileged children, are leading the way in providing long-term solutions to poverty, education, and healthcare.

The Future of Charity Organizations in Pakistan

The future of charity organizations in Pakistan is bright, with increasing emphasis on innovation, transparency, and collaboration. As the sector evolves, partnerships between the government, private sector, and non-profits will be crucial in addressing the country's challenges. The use of technology and a focus on sustainable development will continue to drive the impact of charity organizations.

[mariacallous]

DUSHANBE, Tajikistan—As the Taliban consolidate Afghanistan’s status as a nexus for much of what is bad in the world right now, from crimes against humanity to the wholesale export of drugs, guns, and terrorism, a bloodthirsty old warlord popped up at a recent meeting of the putative opposition to declare war as the only hope of getting their country back.

There are two paths to Afghanistan’s freedom, Ismail Khan, aged in his mid-70s, told the gathering in Dushanbe, the capital of Tajikistan: jaw-jaw or war-war. Negotiating with the Taliban has never worked, he said. Which leaves war as the only option.

Dushanbe just hosted the second road edition of the Herat Security Dialogue, which until the fall of Afghanistan’s old government used to be held in its namesake city. The gathering was meant to be a chance, more than two years after the Taliban re-took control of Afghanistan, for various opposition groups to come up with a plan to fix the country’s troubling trajectory. 

Instead, it produced infighting, factionalism, and worrisome ideas for what might come next. It’s a sad indictment of the dearth of ideas among anti-Taliban opposition figures, who seem incapable of transcending personality cults and personal ambitions to put the future of their blighted country first. At regular meetings, often funded by think tanks and democracy organizations, they put their rivalries on display, while consistently failing to make room for generational change or take responsibility for their role in the collapse of the corrupt and inept republic. Rahmatullah Nabil, a former head of Afghanistan’s security services during the republic, bemoaned the “three lacks”—lack of clarity, vision, and consensus—among the opposition, and the world at large, that have allowed the Taliban to entrench their power.

Evidence of the Taliban’s brutality toward the Afghan population and their threat to global security has been piling up in these two years. Multiple U.N. agencies have reported on the Taliban’s persistent abuses of human rights, production and export of heroin and methamphetamine, and support for terror and jihad groups across the region and even as far afield as Europe; the Hungarian government says the Taliban are involved in people smuggling to raise money for terror. In a neighborhood bristling with nukes, Nabil suggested the Taliban could try to acquire their own, if not for use then for profit. 

The lack of international attention on Afghanistan’s renewed terror threat is laying the groundwork for what Hans-Jakob Schindler, senior director of the Berlin- and New York-based Counter Extremism Project, called a “back to the future” repeat of the atrocities committed by al Qaeda, with Taliban collusion, in the United States in September 2001.

Some of the countries that supported the Taliban’s return to deal a blow to the United States are learning that to their peril. Pakistan, which supported the Taliban to thwart India’s ambitions for regional leadership, has suffered from multiple terror attacks by Kabul’s affiliate, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, meant to wreck the Pakistani state. 

Tajikistan, always wary while pragmatic, also understands the Taliban threat, having thwarted several attacks just this year, seizing weapons, ammunition, religious material, and cash. The Taliban deploy suicide bombers and an affiliated anti-Tajikistan extremist group, Jamaat Ansarullah, to their shared border regions.

But with the Taliban entrenched, and international organizations hamstrung, what are the options? Speaking to Foreign Policy, Schindler said the United Nations faces a bind: On the one hand, it’s in “a virtual hostage situation,” depending on the Taliban for the security of its employees in Afghanistan, while facilitating the delivery of tens of millions of dollars in cash purportedly to alleviate the humanitarian crisis, “but for which it has real challenges to account for after the Taliban have taken possession.” A new U.N. “self-assessment” offers nothing fresh for a post-Taliban future.

Few answers were forthcoming in Dushanbe. Khan, wearing his trademark white salwar kameez and a black-and-white scarf on his head, basked in rock-star status and posed for selfies in the lobby of the five-star hotel hosting the conference. Khan was seized by the Taliban while leading a ragtag militia in Herat and now lives in Iran. Asked if Iran had allowed him to attend this year’s summit to signal to the Taliban a growing impatience with their intransigence, Khan demurred. 

Selfie-hunters aside, many at the conference were dismayed by Khan’s presence, seeing him as the embodiment of the failed old guard. 

“If he comes back, I see that as no different to the current situation,” said one delegate who wouldn’t allow his name to be used. “He killed a lot of people, then for 20 years he was watched closely. The Americans kept him under surveillance, with drones; they controlled his impulses. Without that, he will be the same as before. And that’s not good for Afghanistan.”

Khan was ostensibly representing the High Council of National Resistance, a coalition of warlords like Abdul Rashid Dostum; a former vice president, Atta Mohammed Noor; and other regional and ethnic figures who fled the Taliban’s blitzkrieg and who’d like nothing better than to reclaim their money, property, and prestige. 

But Khan’s presence ensured that Ahmad Massoud, the once-popular leader of the National Resistance Front (NRF), was a no-show, even though he lives in Dushanbe. His aides said he was busy; he granted audiences for a select few. Many young Afghans who had hopes in him as a future president now see little more than a cult of personality to mirror that of his father, the former Northern Alliance leader Ahmad Shah Massoud.

Following America’s lead, most Western governments will not support armed resistance against the Taliban. Reluctance to return to war in Afghanistan is understandable, Schindler said, but “you could reach out to opposition groups and make sure that when they convene everyone turns up who should be inside the tent to facilitate the emergence of an alternative vision for Afghanistan beyond the Taliban regime.” 

As it is, he said, “it’s always this faction, that faction. Some don’t turn up because their rivals do turn up. How is this of any use? We have seen this before, for more than 20 years. Now no one has any excuse.” 

Undaunted, the opposition talking shop is on the road again this week, for a third get-together in Vienna. NRF spokesperson Ali Maisam Nazary, fresh from Dushanbe, said they still plan to finalize there or elsewhere a strategy for a post-Taliban future.

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 11th November. The Indian National Congress (INC), Bharat’s oldest political party, has long held itself as a champion of secularism, priding itself on representing a vision of inclusive governance across religious, cultural, and ethnic lines. However, recent developments have sparked a wave of criticism, not only from political commentators and opposition parties but even from some allies within its own coalition, the I.N.D.I.A. (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance). At the center of this controversy is the Congress’s alleged alignment with Islamic groups, including organizations like the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), which some argue compromises Congress’s secular credentials. With notable accusations from CPI(M), an ally in the I.N.D.I.A. alliance, claiming that Congress is fraternizing with Islamist groups for political advantage, this complex issue opens a discussion on the authenticity of Congress’s secular stance, the realities of coalition politics, and the broader implications for Bharatiya democracy. Congress’s Historical Commitment to Secularism Historically, the Congress Party has stood as a bulwark for secularism in Bharat, advocating policies that aim to represent all of Bharat’s diverse communities. Founded on principles of unity and secularism, Congress was instrumental in shaping Bharat’s constitutional framework to protect religious freedoms and ensure that no group, religion, or individual would be marginalized on religious grounds. This commitment to secularism became synonymous with Congress’s political identity, helping the party earn the loyalty of a diverse voter base across communities. Secularism and Minority Outreach in Bharatiya Politics In the context of Bharatiya politics, secularism entails respecting religious pluralism while maintaining a neutral stance in governance. For Congress, this has often meant forming alliances or policies that seek to include Bharat’s significant minority groups, particularly Muslims, who constitute around 15% of the population. Historically, this inclusion has been viewed as a strength and has enabled Congress to build an image of tolerance and unity. However, over the years, critics have argued that Congress’s efforts at minority outreach have transformed into what they term as “minority appeasement,” impacting the perception of secularism within the party. The Role of the I.N.D.I.A. Alliance in Congress’s Secular Image The I.N.D.I.A. alliance, a coalition formed with several opposition parties to counter the ruling BJP, brought together parties with differing ideological bases, including Congress and CPI(M). The coalition’s objective was to create a unified opposition, yet the partnership has been fraught with challenges. Recently, Congress’s ties with Islamist-linked organizations have caused unease within CPI(M), a traditionally secular and left-leaning party that has often criticized communal forces on all fronts. This intra-coalition criticism, notably by Kerala’s Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, reflects growing concerns about Congress’s secular integrity. Controversy Surrounding Congress’s Alleged Links with Jamaat-e-Islami One of the central accusations came when CPI(M) leaders, including Pinarayi Vijayan, alleged that Congress was seeking support from Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned extremist Islamist organization. Vijayan condemned Congress, asserting that they were aligning with the Jamaat-e-Islami-backed Welfare Party of India (WPI) to gain an advantage in the Wayanad by-elections in Kerala. According to Vijayan, Jamaat-e-Islami’s objectives are incompatible with democratic values and prioritizes Islamic governance, raising questions about Congress’s alignment with such an organization. This alleged support, he claims, is inconsistent with Congress’s stated secular values. Jamaat-e-Islami’s History and Global Controversies Founded by Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi, Jamaat-e-Islami has historically advocated for Islamic rule, and its influence has extended beyond Bharat.

Known for its involvement in extremist activities, the organization has gained a controversial reputation, particularly after its role in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, where it was implicated in war crimes and genocidal acts. It also has known links with terror organizations such as Hamas, with documented financial support to various global extremist causes. Within Bharat, Jamaat-e-Islami’s influence is predominantly felt in Jammu and Kashmir, where it was banned in 2019 for promoting separatism and alleged radicalization activities. Congress and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML): A Symbiotic Relationship? Apart from Jamaat-e-Islami, Congress’s partnership with the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) has also come under scrutiny. The IUML, an ally in Kerala under Congress’s United Democratic Front (UDF), represents the state’s Muslim population but has often been criticized for its religious focus. This partnership drew attention when Rahul Gandhi defended IUML, stating that it is a “completely secular party,” a statement that sparked controversy due to IUML’s explicit religious identity. Critics argue that Gandhi’s endorsement of IUML as secular is inconsistent with Congress’s own denunciation of religious politics in other contexts, particularly regarding Hindu-nationalist groups. The All India Ulema Board’s Demands on Congress and Secularism Adding fuel to the debate is Congress’s recent engagement with the All India Ulema Board. In a bid to garner support for the upcoming Maharashtra Assembly elections, Congress reportedly agreed to several demands from the Ulema Board, including proposed reservations for Muslims, financial aid to the Maharashtra Waqf Board, and, controversially, legal actions against BJP leaders and a ban on the RSS. These demands, often framed as minority rights, have deepened the perception that Congress’s secularism is more political than principled, as they align closely with one community’s religious interests. Criticism from Within: CPI(M)’s Challenge to Congress’s Secular Credentials The crux of the recent criticism, however, comes from within the I.N.D.I.A. alliance itself. Chief Minister Vijayan’s public denouncement of Congress’s ties with the Jamaat-e-Islami-affiliated Welfare Party exposed ideological rifts within the opposition coalition. By claiming that Congress’s alliances threaten Bharat’s democratic values, CPI(M) has underscored a pressing question: Can Congress claim to be secular while allegedly seeking support from organizations with strong Islamist agendas? Vijayan’s rhetoric highlights an inherent contradiction in Congress’s stance: while the party portrays itself as secular, its alliances often suggest otherwise. For CPI(M), the issue is not just political but ideological; alliances with groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, which they view as fundamentally opposed to democratic principles, endanger the very ideals the left parties claim to protect. Broader Implications for Congress and Bharatiya Democracy These developments cast a spotlight on the complex terrain of secularism in Bharatiya politics, where political survival often dictates alliances over ideology. For Congress, its alliances with parties like IUML and associations with organizations linked to Jamaat-e-Islami are a double-edged sword. On one hand, these partnerships help consolidate minority support in regions like Kerala, where Muslim votes are critical. On the other hand, they risk alienating secularists, including party loyalists and coalition partners like CPI(M), who see these moves as contradictory to Congress’s founding values. The Path Ahead for Congress Congress’s position in Bharatiya politics is undeniably at a crossroads. With the BJP framing itself as a nationalist, Hindu-centric party, Congress’s role as a secular alternative is crucial for preserving Bharat’s pluralistic democracy. However, the party must redefine its approach to secularism by creating a balance that respects minority rights without aligning itself with groups seen as divisive or extremist.

To maintain credibility, Congress should pursue alliances grounded in shared democratic values rather than short-term electoral gains. Engaging with religious organizations for minority outreach is understandable, but openly supporting groups with links to extremism risks undermining the party’s moral authority and estranging its secular voter base. Conclusion: A Critical Juncture for Congress and Bharatiya Secularism The Indian National Congress now faces a moment of introspection. The party must carefully evaluate the risks of aligning with organizations whose ideologies run counter to its foundational secular values. In an era where political survival often overshadows ideological purity, Congress’s challenge is to reclaim its secular mantle in a way that aligns with democratic principles rather than opportunistic alliances. While the road ahead is fraught with difficult choices, a commitment to authentic secularism could help Congress rejuvenate its image and build a stronger, more cohesive opposition. As it navigates these alliances, Congress must decide if it will uphold the secular vision of its founders or continue on a path that risks alienating its core supporters and allies alike. The path Congress chooses will not only shape its political future but also impact the trajectory of Bharatiya secularism in the years to come.   The post Congress’s Secular Façade Cracks: Alliance with Islamist Groups Sparks Debate on Bharat’s Democracy appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 11th November. The Indian National Congress (INC), Bharat’s oldest political party, has long held itself as a champion of secularism, priding itself on representing a vision of inclusive governance across religious, cultural, and ethnic lines. However, recent developments have sparked a wave of criticism, not only from political commentators and opposition parties but even from some allies within its own coalition, the I.N.D.I.A. (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance). At the center of this controversy is the Congress’s alleged alignment with Islamic groups, including organizations like the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), which some argue compromises Congress’s secular credentials. With notable accusations from CPI(M), an ally in the I.N.D.I.A. alliance, claiming that Congress is fraternizing with Islamist groups for political advantage, this complex issue opens a discussion on the authenticity of Congress’s secular stance, the realities of coalition politics, and the broader implications for Bharatiya democracy. Congress’s Historical Commitment to Secularism Historically, the Congress Party has stood as a bulwark for secularism in Bharat, advocating policies that aim to represent all of Bharat’s diverse communities. Founded on principles of unity and secularism, Congress was instrumental in shaping Bharat’s constitutional framework to protect religious freedoms and ensure that no group, religion, or individual would be marginalized on religious grounds. This commitment to secularism became synonymous with Congress’s political identity, helping the party earn the loyalty of a diverse voter base across communities. Secularism and Minority Outreach in Bharatiya Politics In the context of Bharatiya politics, secularism entails respecting religious pluralism while maintaining a neutral stance in governance. For Congress, this has often meant forming alliances or policies that seek to include Bharat’s significant minority groups, particularly Muslims, who constitute around 15% of the population. Historically, this inclusion has been viewed as a strength and has enabled Congress to build an image of tolerance and unity. However, over the years, critics have argued that Congress’s efforts at minority outreach have transformed into what they term as “minority appeasement,” impacting the perception of secularism within the party. The Role of the I.N.D.I.A. Alliance in Congress’s Secular Image The I.N.D.I.A. alliance, a coalition formed with several opposition parties to counter the ruling BJP, brought together parties with differing ideological bases, including Congress and CPI(M). The coalition’s objective was to create a unified opposition, yet the partnership has been fraught with challenges. Recently, Congress’s ties with Islamist-linked organizations have caused unease within CPI(M), a traditionally secular and left-leaning party that has often criticized communal forces on all fronts. This intra-coalition criticism, notably by Kerala’s Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, reflects growing concerns about Congress’s secular integrity. Controversy Surrounding Congress’s Alleged Links with Jamaat-e-Islami One of the central accusations came when CPI(M) leaders, including Pinarayi Vijayan, alleged that Congress was seeking support from Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned extremist Islamist organization. Vijayan condemned Congress, asserting that they were aligning with the Jamaat-e-Islami-backed Welfare Party of India (WPI) to gain an advantage in the Wayanad by-elections in Kerala. According to Vijayan, Jamaat-e-Islami’s objectives are incompatible with democratic values and prioritizes Islamic governance, raising questions about Congress’s alignment with such an organization. This alleged support, he claims, is inconsistent with Congress’s stated secular values. Jamaat-e-Islami’s History and Global Controversies Founded by Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi, Jamaat-e-Islami has historically advocated for Islamic rule, and its influence has extended beyond Bharat.

Known for its involvement in extremist activities, the organization has gained a controversial reputation, particularly after its role in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, where it was implicated in war crimes and genocidal acts. It also has known links with terror organizations such as Hamas, with documented financial support to various global extremist causes. Within Bharat, Jamaat-e-Islami’s influence is predominantly felt in Jammu and Kashmir, where it was banned in 2019 for promoting separatism and alleged radicalization activities. Congress and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML): A Symbiotic Relationship? Apart from Jamaat-e-Islami, Congress’s partnership with the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) has also come under scrutiny. The IUML, an ally in Kerala under Congress’s United Democratic Front (UDF), represents the state’s Muslim population but has often been criticized for its religious focus. This partnership drew attention when Rahul Gandhi defended IUML, stating that it is a “completely secular party,” a statement that sparked controversy due to IUML’s explicit religious identity. Critics argue that Gandhi’s endorsement of IUML as secular is inconsistent with Congress’s own denunciation of religious politics in other contexts, particularly regarding Hindu-nationalist groups. The All India Ulema Board’s Demands on Congress and Secularism Adding fuel to the debate is Congress’s recent engagement with the All India Ulema Board. In a bid to garner support for the upcoming Maharashtra Assembly elections, Congress reportedly agreed to several demands from the Ulema Board, including proposed reservations for Muslims, financial aid to the Maharashtra Waqf Board, and, controversially, legal actions against BJP leaders and a ban on the RSS. These demands, often framed as minority rights, have deepened the perception that Congress’s secularism is more political than principled, as they align closely with one community’s religious interests. Criticism from Within: CPI(M)’s Challenge to Congress’s Secular Credentials The crux of the recent criticism, however, comes from within the I.N.D.I.A. alliance itself. Chief Minister Vijayan’s public denouncement of Congress’s ties with the Jamaat-e-Islami-affiliated Welfare Party exposed ideological rifts within the opposition coalition. By claiming that Congress’s alliances threaten Bharat’s democratic values, CPI(M) has underscored a pressing question: Can Congress claim to be secular while allegedly seeking support from organizations with strong Islamist agendas? Vijayan’s rhetoric highlights an inherent contradiction in Congress’s stance: while the party portrays itself as secular, its alliances often suggest otherwise. For CPI(M), the issue is not just political but ideological; alliances with groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, which they view as fundamentally opposed to democratic principles, endanger the very ideals the left parties claim to protect. Broader Implications for Congress and Bharatiya Democracy These developments cast a spotlight on the complex terrain of secularism in Bharatiya politics, where political survival often dictates alliances over ideology. For Congress, its alliances with parties like IUML and associations with organizations linked to Jamaat-e-Islami are a double-edged sword. On one hand, these partnerships help consolidate minority support in regions like Kerala, where Muslim votes are critical. On the other hand, they risk alienating secularists, including party loyalists and coalition partners like CPI(M), who see these moves as contradictory to Congress’s founding values. The Path Ahead for Congress Congress’s position in Bharatiya politics is undeniably at a crossroads. With the BJP framing itself as a nationalist, Hindu-centric party, Congress’s role as a secular alternative is crucial for preserving Bharat’s pluralistic democracy. However, the party must redefine its approach to secularism by creating a balance that respects minority rights without aligning itself with groups seen as divisive or extremist.

To maintain credibility, Congress should pursue alliances grounded in shared democratic values rather than short-term electoral gains. Engaging with religious organizations for minority outreach is understandable, but openly supporting groups with links to extremism risks undermining the party’s moral authority and estranging its secular voter base. Conclusion: A Critical Juncture for Congress and Bharatiya Secularism The Indian National Congress now faces a moment of introspection. The party must carefully evaluate the risks of aligning with organizations whose ideologies run counter to its foundational secular values. In an era where political survival often overshadows ideological purity, Congress’s challenge is to reclaim its secular mantle in a way that aligns with democratic principles rather than opportunistic alliances. While the road ahead is fraught with difficult choices, a commitment to authentic secularism could help Congress rejuvenate its image and build a stronger, more cohesive opposition. As it navigates these alliances, Congress must decide if it will uphold the secular vision of its founders or continue on a path that risks alienating its core supporters and allies alike. The path Congress chooses will not only shape its political future but also impact the trajectory of Bharatiya secularism in the years to come.   The post Congress’s Secular Façade Cracks: Alliance with Islamist Groups Sparks Debate on Bharat’s Democracy appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[kimskashmir]

Several former members of Jamaat-e-Islami file nomination papers for Assembly polls

SRINAGAR — Several former members of the banned Jamaat-e-Islami Jammu and Kashmir on Tuesday filed nomination papers to contest the Assembly polls in the Union Territory as independent candidates. Sugra Barkati, daughter of jailed religious preacher Sarjan Barkati, also filed nomination papers on behalf of her father. While Jamaat cannot take part in the elections due to the ban imposed on it by…

[gary232]

Globalisation is prompting a reformulation of the common Muslim belief that Islam is not only a religion but also a complete way of life, which in Islamic discourse is known as the 'one religion, one culture' paradigm. Instantaneous and worldwide communication links are now allowing Muslims and non-Muslims to experience the reality of different Islamic cultures. Such experiences reveal not only what is common among Muslims but also what is different. For example, gender relations and dress codes for Muslim women are structured in different ways in Muslim countries like Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Uzbekistan.

Similarly, there are vast differences in the religious practices of Abangan or syncretic Javanese Muslims and Wahabi Muslims (followers of the strict practice insisted by Mohammad ibn Abd al-Wahab) of Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. This realisation has provoked an unfavourable reaction among some groups of Islamic intellectuals towards this 'hybridity' (syncretic and heterogenous Islam). It has caused some radical Islamic movements to seek to replace 'hybridity' with the 'authentic' Islamic way of life. In Indonesia, the largest Muslim country, Islamic scholars like Azyumardi Azra have rejected the ideologies of radical Islamic organizations like Front Pembela Islam, Jamaat Muslimen Indonesia and Al Qaida because they see these organizations as advocating 'Arabic Islam'(authentic Islam) and rejecting the accommodative Indonesian Islam (hybrid Islam).

The struggle between 'hybridity' and 'authenticity' represents perhaps the most important challenge of globalization for the Muslim ummah. It is one of the underlying causes of the emergence of Islamic fundamentalist movements. Fundamentalism refers to a strategy used by followers of Islamic 'purists' like Maududi, Syed Qutb, and Ayatollah Khomenei to assert their own construction of religious identity and Islamic social order as the exclusive basis for a re-created political and social order. They feel that Islamic religious identity is at risk and is being eroded by cultural and religious hybridity. They try to fortify their interpretations of religious ways of being through their selective retrieval and particular reading of Islamic doctrines and practices from a sacred past.

[goharshahi]

New Video: Waliyon Ki Kuch Baaton Par Aitraz Kiyon Kiya? | Sufi Master Younus AlGohar | ALRA TV https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FUWtGa5ItAw&t=914s

In this video, Sufi Master Younus AlGohar delves into discussions surrounding spirituality, religious beliefs, and the teachings of prominent figures such as Aala Hazrat and Hazrat Baba Bulleh Shah. Sufi Master Younus AlGohar explores the concept of Tassawuf (Sufism) and its significance, including criticisms and defences within the Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaat tradition.

Additionally, Sufi Master Younus AlGohar analyses the actions of certain revered individuals and their relevance in different eras, particularly in the context of the life of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). Join us in this insightful exploration of faith and spirituality.

✅ Get the latest updates from ALRA TV on Telegram Messenger. Download Telegram Messenger from the AppStore or Google PlayStore and subscribe to: https://t.me/official_alratv

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Watch the live recordings of these lectures every day at 22:00 GMT at: http://www.younusalgohar.com

For Izn e Zikr-e-Qalb (Permission for Awakening of the Spiritual Heart) call Shaykh Amjad Gohar on this number +44 (0) 740 1855 568 via WhatsApp.

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[automatismoateo]

Why I left Islam after being a devout Muslim for 38 years via /r/atheism

Why I left Islam after being a devout Muslim for 38 years I was born and raised in Bangladesh. Both my parents were Muslims, so I too was brought up as one. Coincidentally the school I attended was funded by the Saudi government and studying Arabic was compulsory for the students up to the 8th grade. Moreover, only Muslim students were admitted and the teachers were selected from active members of a political party called “Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami”. The party’s manifesto calls for establishing Sharia laws in the country. Accordingly, our teachers were more invested in making us proper Muslims than following the national curriculum. So we were punished (often corporally) for our transgressions of Islam, i.e. not wearing trousers the correct way (hem of the legs must be above your ankle), mispronouncing Arabic words and phrases, and being late for the Midday prayer. Not attending the prayer was not an option, as teachers were sent to all corners of the campus to find each and everyone. Students who did not voluntarily go to the school mosque, and were “found” by the teachers, were punished in front of the whole congregation. But since it was done to “save us from the eternal punishment of God”, our parents were quite grateful to the teachers and rather optimistic about our future rewards in the “eternal life” after death. In the end, the students were grateful too (albeit, some more begrudgingly than others). On the other hand, my parents were believers of one of the Sufi traditions of Islam. So at home God was not about right and wrong, or heaven and hell. Instead, He was all about love. He created us out of love and He must be discovered through love as well. We need to submit to God just like we surrender ourselves to our lover/beloved. In my 20s and early 30s (2000 - 2015), I defended Islam with my “interpretations” of the Quran and hadiths. In hindsight, it was more or less the apologies used by Muslim “intellectuals” like the author Reza Aslan or tv journalist Mehdi Hasan. ISIS or Al-Qaeda were misguided, but the real reason behind the rise of terrorism was Western interventions (military/economic/cultural). I believed that the Moon was split by Muhammad, the final prophet of God. I also believed that the prophet flew on a winged-horse to the Heavens. At the same time, I knew that the flying horses of Helios were a man-made myth. At 35, to make my apologetics stronger, instead of relying on my “interpretations” of interpretations by past “Islamic scholars”, I decided to study the Quran and hadiths myself. It took me more than two years to complete my study but I realized that these cannot be defended. At best they are 7th - 10th century efforts of building/maintaining a religious community and provide them with explanations for the apparent mysteries of the real world. In 2018 I came across a YouTube channel called “The Masked Arab”. His superbly explained video series was the final nail on the coffin of my theist life. I realized how Islam promotes and intensifies communal division, misogyny and bigotry. I also realized how I had played my part in promoting such evils by defending Islam, by providing a friendlier face for the religion, under which it can carry on oppressing the less privileged. So I became an atheist. Around the same time I found the Four Horsemen of atheism. I particularly fell in love with Christopher Hitchens and his rhetoric. Inspired by him I still call myself an anti-theist. That’s how and why I left Islam at 38. Thank you for reading. Have a good day! Submitted February 23, 2024 at 03:22PM by AmitRahman (From Reddit https://ift.tt/rA6JflF)

[blogynews]

"Pakistani Traders Unite Nationwide, Taking a Stand Against Soaring Inflation and Sky-High Utility Bills! What's Their Game-Changing Solution?"

Traders in Pakistan have gone on strike to protest against the rising cost of living including increased fuel and utility bills, as well as the record depreciation of the rupee against the dollar. The strike was organized by Sirajul Haq, the leader of the religious political party Jamaat-e-Islami, and was supported by various trade and business bodies, market associations, lawyers associations,…

[blogynewz]

"Pakistani Traders Unite Nationwide, Taking a Stand Against Soaring Inflation and Sky-High Utility Bills! What's Their Game-Changing Solution?"

Traders in Pakistan have gone on strike to protest against the rising cost of living including increased fuel and utility bills, as well as the record depreciation of the rupee against the dollar. The strike was organized by Sirajul Haq, the leader of the religious political party Jamaat-e-Islami, and was supported by various trade and business bodies, market associations, lawyers associations,…

[blogynewsz]

"Pakistani Traders Unite Nationwide, Taking a Stand Against Soaring Inflation and Sky-High Utility Bills! What's Their Game-Changing Solution?"

Traders in Pakistan have gone on strike to protest against the rising cost of living including increased fuel and utility bills, as well as the record depreciation of the rupee against the dollar. The strike was organized by Sirajul Haq, the leader of the religious political party Jamaat-e-Islami, and was supported by various trade and business bodies, market associations, lawyers associations,…

[ainews]

Inmates at a jail in Ohio are being praised for their efforts to make sure their fellow prisoners are observing the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.

The prisoners are organized into groups called "jamaats" to make sure everyone is on the same page when it comes to fasting, praying and other religious duties.

"It's really inspiring to see," Imam Asad Zaman, of the Muslim American Society of Columbus, told The Columbus Dispatch. "They are taking the lead in terms of their faith."

The jamaats have been formed at the request of the imam, who visits the jail once a week to lead prayers and offer religious guidance.

The inmates say the jamaats help them stay focused on their faith, and that they appreciate the support of their fellow Muslims.

"It's a good feeling to know that somebody has your back," said inmate Khaliq Abdul-Mateen. "Especially when you're going through something like this."