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dailyanarchistposts · 3 months ago

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India witnessed the rise of two large protest movements in last 2 years which saw millions taking to streets against the oppressive laws passed by the government. These were the Anti-CAA protests against the discriminative Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the farmers protests against the 3 pro-corporate farm laws. During the Anti-CAA protests, the loudest voices of dissent have been the women, from housewives to grandmothers, lawyers to students, women across India have been at the forefront of this struggle. This female-driven political awakening has been most jubilantly epitomized by the sit-in protest at Shaheen Bagh, drawing a cross-generational, largely female crowd never seen in India before [1]. Then came the farmer protests, where millions of farmers took to streets to fight the anti-farmer legislation that was passed in the Indian parliament and to highlight the issues of agrarian crisis which has been growing in India for the last few decades. In these protests, there is an unprecedented solidarity being displayed in the daily rallies that draw out thousands of people all over Indian cities. There are no visible leaders calling out to people to protest in one mode or another, yet the country has found a way to speak truth to power [2].

The Shaheen Bagh protest was led mostly by Muslim women, in response to the passage of the discriminative and unconstitutional CAA passed by Parliament of India and the police attack on students of Jamia Millia Islamia University. Protesters agitated not only against the citizenship issues of the CAA, National Register of Citizens (NRC) and National Population Register (NPR), but also against economic crisis, rising inequality, police brutality, unemployment, poverty and for women’s safety. The protesters also supported farmer unions, unions opposing the government’s anti-labour policies and protested against attacks on academic institutions. The protest started with 10–15 local women, mostly hijab wearing Muslim housewives, but within days drew crowds of up to a hundred thousand, making it one of the longest sit-in protests of this magnitude in modern India. The Shaheen Bagh protest also inspired similar style protests across the country, such as those in Gaya, Kolkata, Prayagraj, Mumbai, Chennai and Bengaluru. The protesters at Shaheen Bagh, since 14 December 2019, continued their sit-in protest in New Delhi using non-violent resistance for 101 days until 24 March 2020 when it ended due to COVID-19 pandemic outbreak.

Most of the women who came to Shaheen Bagh protest were first-time protesters, mostly homemakers, who were standing up to the government [3]. This was the first time they came out on a national issue which cut across religious lines. Some came with their newborns and children and some were grandparents. The women were center of protests and men supported them from the sidelines. They were creative and strategic. They governed their worlds quietly from the background and knew when a crisis needed them to cross invisible boundaries and step into the foreground. They emerged into the public space to collectively confront a looming crisis [2]. Armed with thick blankets, warm cups of tea and songs of resistance, these women have braved one of the coldest winters Delhi faced in the last 118 years [4]. These women were drivers of this protest, joining in irrespective of caste and religion, taking turns to sit-in at the site. They broke down the historically prevailing gender binary of patriarchy and took control. They also destroyed the popular imagination claiming Muslim women as powerless and lacking agency.

Shaheen Bagh in many ways typifies the protest movement that erupted across India as it was leaderless. No political party or organization could claim to be leading the protest. Instead, it was fueled primarily by these women who were residents of working-class neighborhoods of Shaheen Bagh. Since it was a leaderless protest, it could not be terminated by a few prominent organizers [5]. When they tried to “called off” the protest citing interference of political parties and security threats, the women of Shaheen Bagh rejected it and decided to continue the protests. The movement had no formal organizers and thrived on a roving group of volunteers and the local women’s tenacity alone. The lack of leaders also confused the police who are clueless on whom to approach to make these women vacate the site.

The protesters were supported and coordinated by a diverse group of more than hundred volunteers, including local residents, students and professionals. These volunteers organized themselves around different tasks such as setting up makeshift stages, shelters and bedding; providing food, water, medicine, and access to toilet facilities; installing CCTV cameras, bringing in electric heaters, outside speakers and collecting donations [6]. Donations includes mattresses, an assortment of tables that form the foundation of the stage and endless cups of steaming tea that provide warmth on cold winter days. Local residents formed informal groups which coordinated security, speakers, songs, and cultural programs that happened on these makeshift stages. People distributed tea, snacks, biryani, sweets and other eatables at the protest site. Some donated wood logs to keep the protesters warm. Collection drives for blankets and other essentials were organized through social media. A health camp was also set up beside the camped protesters which provided medicines for them. Doctors and nurses along with medical students from different medical institutes and hospitals voluntarily joined for the purpose [7]. A group of Sikh farmers from Punjab came and set up a langer (free community kitchen) in the area.

The space was decorated with art and installations [8]. Stairways leading to the closed shops in the vicinity of the protest circle were transformed into a public library and art centre by student volunteers from Jamia along with the young children of Shaheen Bagh. Protest art became the voice of resistance and dissent during the event, and the area was covered in murals, graffiti, posters and banners [9]. A reading area called “Read for Revolution” had been set up with hundreds of crowd-sourced books as well as writing materials [10]. A nearby bus stop was converted into the Fatima Sheikh-Savitribai Phule library, which provided material on the country’s constitution, revolution, racism, fascism, oppression and various social issues [11]. Public reading spaces were created for the cause of dissent and to amplify the idea of education amongst the protesters of Shaheen Bagh. Since a majority of women of Shaheen Bagh have stepped out of their homes for the first time, this was an attempt to bring these women closer so that they read and facilitate the social change they exemplify. Besides young children, senior citizens, working people, domestic workers and many from Shaheen Bagh and nearby areas were occupying the area, choosing books or picking up colors and chart paper, while some also come to donate their old books and stationery.

लड़ो पढ़ाई करने को, पढ़ो समाज बदलने को (Fight To Read, Read To Change)

The children who were present alongside parents also participated in the protest. Most of these children would visit school in the morning before joining their parents at the protest site, which became an art space for many children [12]. They would express their thoughts and join in the protest through storytelling, poetry, puppetry, singing and painting. Student volunteers engaged the local children in reading, painting and singing, and held informal reading lessons.

Speeches, lectures, rap and shayari poetry readings were held every day [13]. Activists, artists and social workers came and gave talks on various issues faced by Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis, the disabled, LGBTQ people, and all those who are oppressed. The stage is democratic and hosts poets and professors, housewives and elders, civil society groups and civic leaders, actors and celebrities and of course students – from Jamia, JNU to the local government schools. A large number of women participate in open-mics to express their thoughts, many speaking in public for the first time. The protestors read the Preamble of the Constitution which reminds them of their rights of Liberty, Equality and Justice. If the Shaheen Bagh stage had a bias, it is towards women and those, from academia and elsewhere, who can educate them not just on CAA-NRC-NPR, but also the freedom struggle, Ambedkar, Gandhi and the ideas that animate the preamble to the constitution [13]. The chants of “inquilab zindabad (long live the revolution!)”and “save the Constitution” filled the site. At night people would watch films and documentaries which were screened on the site, about refugee crisis, anti-fascist struggles and revolution. Musical and cultural events were also conducted in solidarity with anti-CAA protests. This occupy protest provided an example of how to create a community without government support by voluntary association and mutual aid, make decisions in a democratic way where everyone takes part and decentralize power by having no organizers or leaders who control everything. These elements of anarchist organizing is also visible in the farmers’ protest.

Small and marginal farmers with less than two hectares of land account for 86.2% of all farmers in India, but own just 47.3% of the crop area. A total of 2,96,438 farmers have committed suicide in India from 1995–2015 [14]. 28 people dependent on farming die by suicide in India every day [15]. India is already facing a huge agrarian crisis and the 3 new laws have opened up door for corporatization of agriculture by dismantling the Minimum Support Price (MSP) leaving the farmers at the mercy of the big capitalist businesses.

The farmers protest began with farmers unions holding local protests against the farmer bills mostly in Punjab. After two months of protests, farmers from Punjab and Haryana began a movement named Dilli Chalo (Go to Delhi), in which tens of thousands of farmers marched towards the nation’s capital [16]. The Indian government used police to attack the protesters using water cannons, batons, and tear gas to stop them from entering Delhi. On 26 November 2020, the largest general strike in the world with over 250 million people, took place in support of the farmers [17]. A crowd of 200,000 to 300,000 farmers converged at various border points on the way to Delhi. As protest, farmers blocked the highways surrounding Delhi by sitting on the roads [18]. Transport unions representing 14 million truck drivers also came out in support of the farmers. The farmers have told the Supreme court of India that they won’t listen to courts if asked to back off. They organized a tractor rally with over 200,000 tractors on the Republic day and stormed the historic Red Fort [19]. The government barricaded the capital roads with cemented nails and trenches to stop farmers and electricity, Internet, and water supply were cut off from the protest sites.

Scores of langars, i.e. free community kitchens have been set up by farmer’s organizations and NGOs to meet the food needs of the hundreds of thousands of farmers in the farmers-camps that have sprung up on the borders of Delhi [20]. The farmers came fully equipped to prepare mass meals in these community kitchens with supplies coming from their villages daily. Tractors and trucks with sacks of vegetables and flour as well as cans of oil and milk arrive daily from villages and towns where pooling resources for community meals is a way of life. These langars work round the clock and provide free food without distinction of caste, class, or religion. Supporters of the farm protest often bring almonds, apples, sweets, and packaged water. They even supplied a machine that rolls out a thousand “rotis” every hour. Social media is used to collect blankets and other essentials for these protests who are braving the harsh winter. Many protestors camp on the roadside in the cold Delhi winter and spending nights curled up in tractor trailers. Volunteers have set up solar-powered mobile charging points, laundry stalls with washing machines, medical stalls for medicines, arranged doctors and nurses, dental camps and brought foot massage chairs for elderly protesters [21].

A makeshift school has been set up at the camp, called “Sanjhi Sathh” (a common place) to recreate a village tradition of holding discussions on important issues. Children from underprivileged families who are unable to attend school due to financial issues and the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic come to this tent. It has library, which displays biographies of Indian freedom fighter Bhagat Singh, revolutionary Che Guevara, and other books of various genres and newspapers in English, Hindi and Punjabi languages. Dozens of posters with slogans written on them cover every inch of the tarpaulin tents [22]. Farmers also installed CCTV cameras to keep a watch on the protest site and keep a record of what is happening and counter any narrative to discredit their protest. Farmers protest also saw participation of women coming out to protest in large numbers. Women farmers and agricultural workers were riding tractors from their villages and rallying to the protest sites, unfazed by the gruesome winter.

Just like Shaheen Bagh protest, this is a decentralized leaderless protest by hundreds of farmer unions. Even though the negotiations with the government are being attended by representatives of 32 farmer unions, they act as spoke persons who present the collective demand of all farmers. Whenever Government introduces a new proposal, the representatives come back to the unions where they sit together, discuss, debate and decide the future course of action together in a democratic way. Farmers are conducting Kisan Mahapanchayats (public meetings) which are attended by hundreds of thousands of people in villages around Delhi, UP, Punjab, Rajasthan and Haryana to discuss strategies and ways to put pressure on the government. It was this decentralization that made the protest robust and overcome the condemnation around violence during Republic day Truck Rally. Even though many farm union leaders called for ending the protest, the farmers remained steadfast in their decision to not go back till the laws were repelled.

The sites of the two protests mentioned above can be compared to the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ) that was set up in Capitol Hill neighborhood of Seattle, Washington by Black Lives Matter (BLM) protesters during the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd by Police [23]. CHAZ was a nascent commune, built through mutual aid where no police was allowed and almost everything was free.

CHAZ, Shaheen Bagh and Farmers’ protests were occupation protests where the protestors set up a community themselves and created an autonomous zone. If one was against racism and police brutality, others were against religious discrimination and agrarian crisis. The protests were mostly self-organized and without an official leadership. The sites were filled with protest art, paintings, film screenings and musical performances [24]. Just like the mutual aid cooperative in CHAZ, free food, water, snacks and other supplies were provided to everyone. Areas were set up for assemblies and to facilitate discourse [25].

CHAZ was a leaderless zone, where the occupants favored consensus decision-making in the form of a general assembly, with daily meetings and discussion [26]. They slept in tents, cars and surrounding buildings, relying on donations from local store owners and activists. They collected donations for the homeless and created community gardens [27]. Medical stations were established to provide basic health care.

Anarchism tries to create institutions of a new society “within the shell of the old,” to expose, subvert, and undermine structures of domination but always, while doing so, proceeding in a democratic fashion, a manner which itself demonstrates those structures are unnecessary [28]. Anarchists observe what people are already doing in their communities, and then tries to tease out the hidden symbolic, moral, or pragmatic logic that underlie their actions and tries to make sense of it in ways that they are not themselves completely aware of. They look at those who are creating viable alternatives, try to figure out what might be the larger implications of what they are already doing, and then offer those ideas back, not as prescriptions, but as contributions [28]. They understand that people are already forming self-organized communities when the state has failed them and we can learn a lot about direct action and mutual aid from these communities.

Direct democratic decision making, decentralization of power, solidarity, mutual aid and voluntary association are the core principles of anarchist organizing. Anarchists employ direct action, disrupting and protesting against unjust hierarchy, and self-managing their lives through the creation of counter-institutions such as communes and non-hierarchical collectives. Decision-making is handled in an anti-authoritarian way, with everyone having equal say in each decision. They participate in all discussions in order to build a rough consensus among members of the group without the need of a leader or a leading group. Anarchists organize themselves to occupy and reclaim public spaces where art, poetry and music are blended to display the anarchist ideals. Squatting is a way to regain public space from the capitalist market or an authoritarian state and also being an example of direct action. We can find elements of these in all these protests and that is the reason for their robustness and success. It bursts the myth that you need a centralized chain of command with small group of leaders on top who decide the strategies and a very large group of followers who blindly obey those decisions for the sustenance and success of large scale organizing. All these protests were leaderless protests where people themselves decided and came to a consensus on the course of action to be followed in a democratic way. When people decide to take decisions themselves and coordinate with each other in small communities by providing aid to each other, it creates the strongest form of democracy and solidarity.

The fact that these protests happened, with so many people collectively organizing and cooperating, for such a long duration, shows us that we can self-organize and create communities without external institutions and it can be civilized and more democratic than the autocratic bureaucracy and authoritarian governments which concentrate all power and oppress people. These protests were driven by mostly by uneducated women, poor farmers and people from other marginalized communities, who showed that they can create communities which are more moral and egalitarian, than those that exist in hierarchical societies with the affluent and highly educated. They showed that people who are oppressed and underprivileged can organize themselves into communities of mutual aid and direct democracy which eliminates a need for coercive hierarchical systems of governance which exist only to exploit them.

What these occupy protests show us is that we can form communities and collectively organize various forms of democratic decision making simultaneously providing everyone their basic needs. There protests show us models of community organizing in large scales comprising hundreds of thousands of people. Even though they are not perfect we can learn the ideas these protests emulate – of solidarity, mutual aid, direct democracy, decentralization of power and try to recreate these in our lives and communities.

References

[1]

H. E. Petersen and S. Azizur Rahman, “‘Modi is afraid’: women take lead in India’s citizenship protests,” The Guardian, 21 January 2020.

[2]

N. Badwar, “Speaking truth to power, in Shaheen Bagh and beyond,” Livemint, 17 January 2020.

[3]

B. Kuchay, “Shaheen Bagh protesters pledge to fight, seek rollback of CAA law,” Al Jazeera, 15 January 2020.

[4]

“Shaheen Bagh: The women occupying Delhi street against citizenship law — ‘I don’t want to die proving I am Indian��,” BBC, 4 January 2020.

[5]

K. Sarfaraz, “Shaheen Bagh protest organiser calls it off, can’t get people to vacate,” The Hindustan Times, 2 January 2020.

[6]

“The volunteers of Shaheen Bagh,” The Telegraph (Culcutta), 24 December 2019.

[7]

“Behind Shaheen Bagh’s Women, An Army of Students, Doctors & Locals,” The Quint, 14 January 2020.

[8]

R. Venkataramakrishnan, “The Art of Resistance: Ringing in the new year with CAA protesters at Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh,” Scroll.in, 6 January 2020.

[9]

A. Bakshi, “Portraits of resilience: the new year in Shaheen Bagh,” 2 January 2020.

[10]

J. Thakur, “Shaheen Bagh Kids and Jamia Students Make Space for Art, Reading and Revolution,” The Citizen, 11 January 2020.

[11]

F. Ameen, “The Library at Shaheen Bagh,” The Telegraph (Culcutta), 20 January 2020.

[12]

A. Purkait, “In Shaheen Bagh, Children Paint Their Protest while Mothers Hold Dharna,” Makers India, 22 January 2020.

[13]

S. Chakrabarti, “Shaheen Bagh Heralds a New Year With Songs of Azaadi,” The Wire, 31 December 2019.

[14]

P. Sainath, “Maharashtra crosses 60,000 farm suicides,” People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI), 21 July 2014.

[15]

R. Sengupta, “Every day, 28 people dependent on farming die by suicide in India,” Down to Earth, 3 September 2020.

[16]

“Dilli Chalo | Farmers’ protest enters fifth day,” The Hindu, 30 November 2020.

[17]

S. Joy, “At least 25 crore workers participated in general strike; some states saw complete shutdown: Trade unions,” Deccan Herald, 26 November 2020.

[18]

“Farmers’ Protest Highlights: Protesting farmers refuse to budge, say ‘demands are non-negotiable,” The Indian Express, 1 December 2020.

[19]

G. Bhatia, “Tractors to Delhi,” Reuters, 29 January 2021.

[20]

“Langar Tradition Plays Out in Farmers Protest, Students Use Social Media To Organise Essentials,” India Today, 2 December 2020.

[21]

J. Sinha, “Protest site draws ‘Sewa’ – medicine stalls, laundry service, temple & library come up,” Indian Express, 11 December 2020.

[22]

B. Kuchay, “A school for the underprivileged at Indian farmers’ protest site,” AlJazeera, 24 January 2021.

[23]

D. Silva and M. Moschella, “Seattle protesters set up ‘autonomous zone’ after police evacuate precinct,” NBC News, 11 June 2020.

[24]

C. Burns, “The Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone Renames, Expands, and Adds Film Programming,” The Stranger, 10 June 2020.

[25]

H. Allam, “‘Remember Who We’re Fighting For’: The Uneasy Existence Of Seattle’s Protest Camp,” NPR, 18 June 2020.

[26]

K. Burns, “Seattle’s newly police-free neighborhood, explained,” Vox, 16 June 2020.

[27]

h. Weinberger, “In Seattle’s CHAZ, a community garden takes root | Crosscut,” Crosscut, 15 June 2020.

[28]

D. Graeber, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, 2004.

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camisoledadparis · 19 days ago

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THIS DAY IN GAY HISTORY

based on: The White Crane Institute's 'Gay Wisdom', Gay Birthdays, Gay For Today, Famous GLBT, glbt-Gay Encylopedia, Today in Gay History, Wikipedia, and more … November 5

1698 – England: William Minton, a 19 year old servant, is used as bait to entrap Capt. Edward Rigby, the first homosexual victim of entrapment by the Society for the Reformation of Manners. He was tried for sodomy. These Societies were formed in tower hamlets, London, in 1690, with their primary object being the suppression of bawdy houses and profanity. A network of moral guardians was set up, with four stewards in each ward of the City of London, two for each parish, and a committee, whose business it was to gather the names and addresses of offenders against morality, and to keep minutes of their misdeeds. By 1699 there were nine such societies, and by 1701 there were nearly 20 in London, plus others in the provinces, all corresponding with one another and gathering information and arranging for prosecutions.

1884 – Born: James Elroy Flecker (d.1915); English poet, novelist and playwright. Born in London, and educated at Dean Close School, Cheltenham, where his father was headmaster, and Uppingham School, he studied at Trinity College, Oxford, and Caius College, Cambridge. While at Oxford he was greatly influenced by the last flowering of the Aesthetic movement there, under John Addington Symonds.

He died of tuberculosis in Davos, Switzerland. His death at the age of thirty was described at the time as "unquestionably the greatest premature loss that English literature has suffered since the death of Keats".

His Collected Poems (1916) were published the year after he died at age 30. His poetry shares one trait in common with that of his contemporary, Rupert Brooke: the sexuality is ambiguous. There is no question, however, that Flecker was Gay. His lover was the classicist J.D. Beazley, one of the world's great authorities on Greek vases.

His most widely known poem is "To A Poet A Thousand Years Hence". The most enduring testimony to his work is perhaps an excerpt from "The Golden Journey to Samarkand" inscribed on the clock tower of the barracks of the British Army's 22nd Special Air Service regiment in Hereford.

Bryan Lourd (R) and husband Bruce Bozzi

1960 – Bryan Lourd is an American talent agent. He has been partner, managing director and co-chairman of Creative Artists Agency (CAA) since October 1995.

Lourd was born in New Iberia, Louisiana. His brother, Blaine Lourd, is an investment advisor. He attended New Iberia Senior High School, where he played the lead in several high school musicals. He earned a degree from the USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism in 1982.

Lourd and actress Carrie Fisher were together from 1991 to 1994. They have one daughter, actress Billie, born in 1992. Lourd married Bruce Bozzi, the co-owner of The Palm, on October 12, 2016, and Lourd legally adopted Bozzi's daughter, Ava. They divide their time between a penthouse apartment in the West Village, in Lower Manhattan, New York City and a house in Beverly Hills, California.

Lourd was elected to the board of trustees of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art in 2011. He serves on the Board of Directors of the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts in New York City. He was appointed to the President's Committee on the Arts and Humanities in 2009 by President Barack Obama and to the board of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in 2015.

Lourd 's clients include George Clooney, Robert De Niro, Brad Pitt, Robert Downey, Jr., Drew Barrymore, Jimmy Fallon, Matthew McConaughey, Sean Penn, Madonna, Naomi Watts, Natalie Portman, Robin Williams, Arnold Schwarzenegger, David Duchovny, Helen Hunt, Oprah Winfrey, Tom Cruise, Penelope Cruz, Taraji P. Henson, and Peter Jöback.

1969 – The Homosexual Information Center protested at the offices of the Los Angeles Times to protest the newspaper's refusal to print the word "homosexual" in ads after it refused to print an ad announcing a group discussion on homosexuality.

1979 – Leonardo Nam is an Australian actor. He made his breakthrough as Roy in The Perfect Score (2004), and gained further recognition for his roles as Morimoto in The Fast and the Furious: Tokyo Drift (2006) and Brian McBrian in The Sisterhood of the Traveling Pants 2 (2008). In 2016, Nam began starring as Felix Lutz in Westworld (2016–present) which brought him widespread recognition.

Nam was born in Buenos Aires, Argentina, to South Korean immigrant parents. At the age of six, he moved to Sydney, Australia. Nam attended Sydney Technical High School and studied architecture at the University of New South Wales. Nam left Sydney to follow his dreams of an acting career in New York City, United States, at the age of 19. He studied with several acting teachers in New York, including Austin Pendleton and William Carden at HB Studio.

Before his Hollywood success, Nam travelled to New York City to pursue his acting career. His first few nights he slept in Central Park and then found jobs working as a waiter and bartender. His breakthrough role came in his performance of Roy in The Perfect Score (2004).

He had a small role in the 2005 film The Sisterhood of the Traveling Pants as Brian McBrian, a hardcore gamer. He played Brian again in The Sisterhood of the Traveling Pants 2; in the sequel, his character has a larger role. In 2016, he joined the cast of the HBO series Westworld. In 2018 he was featured in the music video "Waste It on Me" by Steve Aoki featuring BTS.

Nam is married to Michael Dodge. They have twin sons (born 2017) together. The family lives in San Diego.

1983 – Andrew Hayden-Smith, born Andrew John Smith, is a British actor and television presenter best known for his work with CBBC.

Auditions for popular CBBC children's serial drama Byker Grove were held at his school and he won the part of Ben Carter, making his first appearance in the eighth series of the show in 1995.

Initially just using the name Andrew Smith, he appeared as a guest on Saturday morning CBBC show Live & Kicking with several other characters from the show. Smith soon became a regular guest on the show. This led to appearances on other shows and also in teen-magazines, as well as two pantomime appearances. In 2001 he applied for Equity membership and was accepted under the name Andrew Hayden-Smith (Hayden being another surname in his family), as the name Andrew Smith was already taken.

In 2004, the ex-Byker Grove actor and CBBC presenter Andrew did the unthinkable for a young man on kids' TV - he told the world he was gay. At the risk of being outed by a newspaper, he beat the tabloids to the punch and did an interview with Attitude magazine:

"Coming out is pretty scary. It's bad enough when you're almost certain that the majority of people around you will be totally cool with it. I was 21 and presenting kids TV at the time and was commended for what everyone kept saying was such a brave step."

It did his career no harm, and he's proved an inspiration - and eye candy - for young gay men across the country.

Andrew has since appeared regularly on stage and in Doctor Who. Hayden-Smith appeared in the episodes "Rise of the Cybermen", "The Age of Steel" and "Doomsday" as Jake Simmonds in the 2006 series of Doctor Who. He returned to CBBC having completed the filming, but decided that he wished to concentrate on acting. His final day of presenting was on 7 July 2006, the day before his third and final Doctor Who appearance.

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the-garbanzo-annex-jr · 1 year ago

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by Dion J. Pierre

Jewish and Israeli students at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) have warned in a new letter to university president Sally Kornbluth that radical anti-Zionism and intimidation of Jewish students on campus has become intolerable and reminiscent of Nazi Germany on the eve of the Holocaust.

The letter, shared on X/Twitter by MIT professor Retsef Levi, recounted an incident from Thursday in which students from the MIT Coalition Against Apartheid (CAA), a campus anti-Israel group, “physically prevented” them from attending class by forming a “blockade” of bodies in Lobby 7, a space inside the main entrance of the university. Non-students were invited to attend CAA’s demonstration, and together the entire group spent hours chanting “Intifada” — a term used to describe violent Palestinian uprisings against Israel — and declaring solidarity with Hamas.

“Instead of dispersing the mob or de-escalating the situation by rerouting all students from Lobby 7, Jewish students specifically were warned not to enter MIT’s front entrance due to a risk to their physical safety,” wrote the MIT Israel Alliance. “The onus to protect Jewish students should not be on the students themselves.”

Even after being threatened with suspension should they not disperse, the letter continued, CAA remained in Lobby 7, inviting more non-student protesters, which caused the university to issue through its emergency notification system a directive to “avoid” the area. The students added that a high-level official of MIT’s Department of Urban Studies and Planning vowed, in defiance of official orders, to protect any CAA students who continued the demonstration.

The MIT Israel Alliance said that by the end of the day, Jewish students were told to enter the university through its back entrance and avoid the campus’ Hillel building.

“On the 9th of November, on the 85th anniversary of Kristallnacht, which marked the beginning of the Holocaust, Jews at MIT were told to enter campus from back entrances and not to stay in Hillel for fear of their physical safety,” the group concluded. “We are seeing history repeating itself and Jews on MIT’s campus are afraid.”

When asked for comment, an MIT spokesperson told The Algemeiner that the school is closed in observance of Veterans Day, but MIT President Sally Kornbluth addressed the incident late Thursday after the MIT Israel Alliance issued its letter. Her statement did not mention antisemitism.

“I am deliberately not specifying the viewpoints, as the issue at hand is not the substance of the views but where and how they were expressed,” Kornbluth said, noting that Jewish and pro-Israel counter-protesters were also present in Lobby 7 and that all students were recently reminded of guidelines forbidding holding protests in the building. “Today’s protest — which became disruptive, loud, and sustained through the morning hours — was organized and conducted in defiance of those MIT guidelines and polices. Some students from both the protest and counterprotest may have violated other MIT policies, as well.”

Kornbluth added that protesters who remained after being told to leave will receive a non-academic suspension.

#mit #campus antisemitism #not safe for jews #sally kornbluth #hillel

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workingforitallthetime · 1 year ago

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hello, i would like to talk at you for a bit about girl!rutger and adam and the boys and girls can't be friends verse.

what if adam and rutger were still longtime best friends, but it was girl!rutger? never lived in the same place, but kept seeing each other at tournaments and CAA events and always hit it off, reflecting the same brand of goofy energy plus hard-nosed competitiveness right back at each other.

like, imagine every photo of rutger on adam's canonical instagram except rutger's a girl. rutger in a bikini floating in adam's pool. girl!rutger and adam arm in arm on the beach at CAA camp, towels draped over their shoulders. girl!rutger at the baggage claim, just a stupid little picture adam posted when he picked her up at the airport one time, but somehow years later it's still in his saved stories.

adam's friends are like "are you hitting that or what?" and adam's horrified. "she's my best friend!" adam protests. ok, his buddy says, then give me the inside track, you can be my wingman. and adam's like no, absolutely not, don't talk about rutger like that.

meanwhile rutger rolls her eyes whenever her friends ask if anything's going on with her and adam. "boys and girls can be friends," rutger huffs, swishing her ponytail over her shoulder. rutger considers herself pretty enlightened on that front. she can have a best friend who's a boy. she's cool like that. maybe other girls can't be friends with boys without falling for them, but rutger can.

and rutger already has a boyfriend, anyway. cutter's great! they're together all the time. and yeah, he's always hovering and draping his arm around her when the ntdp plays the steel and she and adam get a few minutes to catch up on the concourse afterwards, but it's not like cutter has anything to worry about. adam's just a friend.

once they're off at at college, long distance is hard though! like, rutger and adam have basically never lived in the same place but every time they see each other at a camp or a tournament or a hughes party it's like they pick up right where they left off. but cutter's not like that. now that he's in boston and rutger's in michigan, talking on the phone is so awkward. rutger keeps accidentally missing cutter's calls and forgetting to call back, and then he's mad the next time they talk, and that makes rutger less likely to call him, and it's just a whole big thing.

college is, like, so much fun though. it's great to finally be on a team with adam, and their teammates are awesome, and living in the dorms is fun, and there's just always so much fun stuff going on! cutter's just kind of... a distraction from everything else in her life that seems so much more immediate.

they'll probably straighten everything out at world juniors. they just need some time together, right? and that's exactly how it works out! it takes a couple of days but pretty soon she and cutter are right back to normal. everything's easier when they can just, like, make out in the back of the charter bus instead of talking.

wjc is such an intense little bubble. even with seamus rooming with her and gavin and duker down the hall, michigan seems so far away. after a few days rutger's not even texting her other umich teammates. adam's not texting her either. but whatever, it's different for him going to team canada than it is for rutger to just go down the road to usa hockey. she gets it.

she does look over at the other side of the ice during warmups before their game against canada. she's not, like, going to distract adam if he's focusing or whatever. but if he wants to say hi, she wouldn't want to miss it, is all.

"looking for someone?" cutter plows to a stop in front of the bench, blocking her view.

rutger plays it off like she’s not startled. she picks up the closest water bottle and squirts it at cutter’s jersey. "checking out bedard, obvs."

“yeah, sure.” he skates away and rutger hops over the boards, snags a puck, and wires it over trey’s helmet, so it bangs into the glass after missing the net entirely.

---

a couple of weeks after world juniors, cutter texts her. he’s been doing some thinking. long distance isn’t working for him. maybe they should take a break.

rutger immediately facetimes him, indignant. “you’re breaking up with my over text????”

“oh so now you pick up the phone,” cutter says.

“i…” rutger stammers. “fuck off.”

“have fun with adam.” cutter hangs up before rutger can protest that adam’s her friend.

rutger looks furiously around her dorm room. where’s seamus when she needs her? she storms down the hallway to gavin and johnny’s room and dramatically bursts through the door. “cutter and i broke up.”

“aw, babe.” seamus immediately gets up from gavin’s bed to give her a hug. “i’m sorry.”

“shocker,” gavin says.

“be nice.” seamus swats him. “we’re mourning.”

“what?” rutger demands.

gavin shrugs. “just didn’t seem like you liked him that much.”

“of course i liked him! it was almost our two year anniversary!” rutger’s lip starts to tremble. it feels like she failed.

“what’s up?” rutger hears adam’s voice as he walks into the room.

“rut and cut broke up,” gavin says, indifferently.

a tear trickles down the side of rutger’s nose. their nicknames always sounded so good together.

adam makes a sympathetic noise and offers her an arm. rutger gratefully wraps her arms around him and sniffles against his t-shirt.

behind her, gavin snickers.

“stop laughing at me,” rutger says miserably into adam's chest.

adam pats her back reassuringly. maybe she'll live. maybe this isn't so bad. maybe it will be nice not to worry about cutter anymore. and there’s so much else going on! the second half of the season is so much fun, and she and adam are finally playing on a line together and they’re killing it, just like they always knew they could. now she can focus on hockey. now she can go out and really dance with guys, not just her teammates. now she can...

rutger picks up her head. "hey, now i can hook up."

adam stops patting her back.

rutger flounces over to the bed and snuggles up next to seamus. "who should i hook up with?"

seamus pets her hair. "maybe wait a little bit?"

"or not." rutger pokes gavin. "who's moyle's lacrosse friend?"

gavin snorts. rutger makes him and johnny talk through the merits of the entire men's lacrosse team. she doesn't notice when adam leaves.

---

lacrosse players are... well, they're okay. they're fine. rutger hooks up with a couple of them, at a couple of different parties. the second one is ryan, or maybe justin. he gropes her tits like he doesn't remember they're attached to the rest of her. rutger shrugs her neck away from his mouth and straightens her bra out and tells him she's going to find her friends. maybe she should try football players.

she snaps the elastic out of her ponytail and redoes it as she walks down the stairs of the senior house. adam's watching her from the beer pong room. his eyebrows pull together when he sees her expression. "everything okay?"

rutger points at the solo cup in his hand. "can i have a sip?"

"take it." adam hands the cup over. he drapes an arm around her. rutger steps out of her heels so she's a little shorter, and leans against his side.

---

everything falls into place as winter turns into spring. holtzy gets healthy, frankie gets healthy, and they go on a tear through the playoffs. rutger makes out with a few more people at a few more parties, but mostly it's good to be with the team.

after the big 10 tournament, rutger gets pleasantly buzzed on watermelon truly. she trips going down the porch steps at the senior house and grabs adam's elbow. "fucking heels." she straightens up, shifting her feet in her shoes so her toes aren't so pinched. "ugh, i'm going to have blisters." the heels are so cute, though, and they make her legs look about a million miles long under her little skirt. worth it.

adam crouches down a little. "want a ride?"

"oh, for real?" rutger swings a leg over his back. "awesome!"

adam straightens up and she wriggles into a decent piggyback position. he tucks his hands under her knees and starts to walk them back toward south quad. the night smells like springtime trees, everything blooming. rutger rests her cheek on adam's shoulder.

adam carries her all the way into the lobby and leans forward so she can reach the elevator button. as the slow dorm elevator makes its way up to their floor, rutger tries to slide off his back. "i think i can make it from here."

as soon as she says it, she stumbles over her heels on the dismount. adam catches her around the waist, and impulsively kisses her.

rutger's not expecting it and the kiss only sort of lands on her mouth. it's bad.

adam lets her go. he's looking at her, aghast. "sorry, i..."

rutger's aghast too. she and adam are winners. they can't have a bad kiss. that's just not who they are. "we can do better," rutger says, firmly, and kisses him for real.

the elevator doors open. they close again. adam backs her against the elevator wall as the slow descent to the lobby begins. this is great! why hasn't she thought about kissing adam before? he's actually a really good kisser! rutger smacks blindly at the elevator buttons, trying to get back to their floor while adam's tongue is still in her mouth.

by the time rutger's lying on her back with her tiny little skirt flipped up and adam's tongue tracing a path up the inside of her thigh, it occurs to her that maybe cutter was right about some stuff after all. well, whatever. cutter broke up with her. she can hook up with adam. it's not like adam's in love with her.

---

rutger thinks that adam and his tongue make for an ideal friends with benefits situation. because she and adam are friends, so this must be friends with benefits. boys and girls can be friends! rutger is determined to prove it! friends can hook up! even if it's like every weekend, and at the frozen four, and rutger isn't hooking up with anybody else! even (especially) if they haven't really talked about it! every time rutger thinks maybe she should clarify that this is absolutely definitely friends with benefits, she gets distracted by adam's tongue and she decides that there's no reason to disrupt a perfectly delightful status quo where her best friend also loves going down on her.

i want all of this to come to a head when gavin and seamus hook up and it immediately blows up in everyone's faces. luca and johnny are team "how could you do this to seamus" and gavin expects adam and rutger to have his back, which rutger absolutely does.

"like, how were you supposed to know she thought it was a whole thing?" rutger hangs her head over the edge of gavin's bed and kicks her feet up against the wall. "like, you can hook up and still be friends," rutger pronounces authoritatively. "it doesn't have to change anything." she looks upside down at adam, sitting in johnny's desk chair on the other side of the room. "right, adam?"

"...yeah." adam says slowly. "i guess so." the legs of the chair scrape against the floor as he stands up abruptly. "i'm gonna... go... find luca, i guess."

anyway i don't want to get into act 3 where everybody's sad. eventually girl!rutger realizes that clinging to the principle of boys and girls can be friends is much less satisfying than admitting that a best friend who you also have amazing sex with is actually just a boyfriend. idk how it all goes down but there's definitely a scene where a chastened rutger shows up on adam's doorstep, full of tears and dramatics.

#woohoo it's a campfire story!#feels good to put some words down after a rough couple of months #boys and girls can't be friends verse

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convertgrapeling · 7 months ago

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The dickheads at the so-called Campaign Against Antisemitism decided to try and disrupt a pro-Palestine march in London on 13 April. The police saw what was happening and intervened to stop him winding up protesters. So the CAA claimed that their guy had been persecuted by police for being visibly Jewish and the BBC continued to run with the CAA's account despite it being an obvious distortion.

This is from the full story:

The officer said: "Unfortunately, sir you took it upon yourself to go from the pavement right into the middle of a pro-Palestinian march, which is why I asked you to go away."

He added: "You are looking to try and antagonise this."

That story is from Sky News, so we're now at the point where we can trust a Murdoch-owned operation more than the BBC. Remember this when you renew your licence cos you're desperate to watch The Traitors or Doctor Who or whatever other shit they have.

#bbc news #palestine #free palestine #uk media #fuck the bbc

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everything-is-crab · 2 years ago

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😐😐

I see why Western feminists tokenize idolize Korean feminism sm but why can't Indian online feminists fucking stop saying shit like this because ik for a fact these people don't know a single shit about the feminist movement/branches in India.

Probably because all their information about feminism here comes from mainstream media which is currently dominated by libfems and MRAs. But just because libfems have the loudest voices in our media doesn't mean they make up the majority of women leaders and feminists here (the reason they're the loudest is because they're richer and only talk shit instead of do shit).

Not only is the feminist movement here much more active compared to Western countries but women are lead activists in so many other fields. The anti NRC and CAA protests? Yeah they were led mostly by women especially Muslim women because are affected more by those amendments than Muslim men. But ig your upper caste Hindu ass is too busy ignoring that.

The eco movement here? That's led by women too especially tribal women.

The abortion laws that were recently changed (for the better)? Yeah Indian women did that while American feminists lost a major reproductive right and had a meek reaction.

Our feminists are fighting in court against MRAs (who are increasing in popularity everyday) to get marital rape criminalized.

And all of this despite all the police brutality in our country against women. Women are raped,killed,beaten up by police for protesting even though it is illegal for male officers to even touch the women.

Have some fucking respect for the women risking their safety for your rights while you shit on them on tunglr.com and think you're superior because you refuse to date men.

Korean patriarchal culture is also much different from Indian patriarchal culture. Our current priorities are obviously not going to align with them when our struggles are so different even if there are common ones like rape and pornography.

Also South Korean women live under much better economy than Indian women. These women have the choice to focus on this movement and I am glad they're doing so. But I don't think many of you realize how much economy has got to do with the condition of women in a country.

I haven't seen a single fucking Indian feminist on here even mention that one of the worst things Indian women are facing today is dowry, female infanticide, cultural abuse and restriction because of in laws, right wing men trying to restore traditionality to build Hindutva or anything.

Why don't you log off Tumblr, YouTube and other bakwaas sites and apps filled with neoliberalist and pomo bs and maybe try to actually learn what the feminist movement here looks like. I am not saying we're perfect but we are far from "spineless".

#desi feminism #indian feminism #internalized racism #bootlickers

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weshallflyaway · 7 months ago

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This won’t make international news, but I want to applaud the courage of the JNU students in Delhi. In the current political climate they face very real risks of false charges or prolonged imprisonment if they get on the wrong side of the administration - as they would know from what happened to student leaders of the anti-CAA protests in 2019.

May they stay safe and may they keep speaking out.

#free palestine

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crazybluetiger · 1 year ago

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sooo the guy im into just told me that he protested against CAA and idk y but that made him a 100 times hotter in my eyes

#desi shit posting #being desi #desi tumblr #desi teen #desi academia #desi culture #desiblr #desi humor #just desi things

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competitionpedia · 8 months ago

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CAA: Issues in the legal challenge to the law

The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of 2019, passed by the Parliament of India, seeks to amend the Citizenship Act of 1955, which provides for the acquisition and determination of Indian citizenship.

Recently, the Ministry of Home Affairs notified the Citizenship Amendment Rules under the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019

The CAA amends the Citizenship Act of 1955 to incorporate these provisions, marking a significant change in India's citizenship policy.

Aim:

To give citizenship to the target group of migrants even if they do not have valid travel documents as mandated in The Citizenship Act, 1955.

To address the issue of persecution faced by religious minorities in neighbouring countries and provide them with refuge and citizenship in India.

The act provides a fast-track path to Indian citizenship for religious minorities – Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi, and Christian – from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.

The act has also cut the period of citizenship by naturalisation from 11 years to 5 i.e. eligible immigrants from these countries who entered India before December 31, 2014, can apply for citizenship under the CAA.

Thus, the amendment relaxed the requirements for certain categories of migrants, specifically based on religious lines, originating from three neighbouring countries with Muslim-majority populations.

It is noteworthy that the act does not include Muslims among the eligible religious groups for expedited citizenship.

Criticism: The act violates the secular principles enshrined in the Indian Constitution by discriminating against Muslims and undermining the idea of equal treatment under the law.

Exempted Areas: Certain categories of areas, such as tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Tripura, as well as areas safeguarded by the 'Inner Line' system, were excluded from the scope of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

Eligibility

Under the CAA Rules, migrants from these nations are required to demonstrate their country of origin, their religion, the date of their entry into India, and proficiency in an Indian language as prerequisites for applying for Indian citizenship.

Additionally, any document indicating that "either of the parents or grandparents or great-grandparents of the applicant is or had been a citizen of one of the three countries" is also acceptable.

The Rules specify 20 documents that can establish the date of entry into India for admissible proof.

Challenges in the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA)

Legal Challenges:

Constitutional Validity: The CAA has faced legal challenges regarding its constitutionality, particularly with respect to Articles 14 (equality before law) and 15 (prohibition of discrimination) of the Indian Constitution. By providing preferential treatment to certain religious groups while excluding others, the CAA contravenes these fundamental rights and is seen as discriminatory and contrary to the principle of equality.

Against Secularism: The CAA's focus on granting citizenship based on religious lines, specifically excluding Muslims, is seen as contrary to the secular ethos of the Indian Constitution.

State Opposition: Several states have opposed the implementation of the CAA, leading to potential legal conflicts between the central government and state governments.

Administrative Challenges:

Documentation Verification: Verifying the authenticity of documents proving the eligibility criteria specified in the CAA can pose a significant administrative burden.

Infrastructure: Lack of adequate infrastructure and resources in government departments responsible for processing citizenship applications may hinder the smooth implementation of the CAA.

Social and Political Challenges:

Communal Tensions: The exclusion of Muslims from the purview of the CAA has led to communal tensions and polarization, affecting social harmony in various parts of the country.

Citizenship Criteria: The religious-based criteria for citizenship under the CAA have sparked debates about the secular nature of the Indian state and have been criticized for undermining the principles of equality and inclusivity.

Protest and Opposition: Widespread protests against the CAA have created political challenges for the government, leading to public unrest and opposition from various civil society groups and political parties.

International Relations:

Diplomatic Fallout: The CAA has strained relations with neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, which have expressed concerns about its impact on bilateral relations and regional stability.

Refugee Crisis: The CAA's focus on granting citizenship to persecuted minorities from neighbouring countries could exacerbate refugee crises and strain India's relations with international bodies and humanitarian organizations.

Economic Challenges:

Resource Allocation: Implementing the CAA may require significant financial resources for processing citizenship applications, accommodating new citizens, and addressing potential socio-economic challenges arising from demographic changes.

Section 6A of The Citizenship Act, 1955 and Assam:

Section 6A was incorporated into the Citizenship Act subsequent to the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985. The Accord outlines the criteria for identifying foreigners in the state of Assam, establishing March 24, 1971, as the cutoff date, which contradicts the cutoff date specified in the CAA 2019.

#Citizenship #Citizenship Amendment Act #2019 #CAA-2019 #Citizenship Act of 1955 #India's citizenship policy #Against muslims #religious minorities #citizenship by naturalisation #Inner Line Permit (ILP)#equality #secularism #protest #unrest #Section 6A of The Citizenship Act - 1955 #Assam Accord.

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blahblahblaw18 · 2 years ago

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Grammar of Anarchy in Modern India

“...it is quite possible in a country like India – where democracy from its long disuse must be regarded as something quite new – there is danger of democracy giving place to dictatorship. It is quite possible for this newborn democracy to retain its form but give place to dictatorship in fact.” These lines are excerpted from Dr Ambedkar’s famous speech “The Grammar of Anarchy”, delivered on November 25th 1949, the eve of the adoption of the Indian Constitution. In this address, Babasaheb defined the difference between a real democracy and a facile one and laid down certain principles that he expected the future generations to adhere to, if they wished for the Indian constitutional democracy to coincide in form and in fact.

It was indeed amid much pomp and publicity that in 2015, the 125th birth anniversary of Dr Ambedkar, the current government decided to attest the tag of National Constitution Day to November 26th. It was just one of the many ways in which governments, over the years, have tried to appropriate the idea of Ambedkar for their vested interests without giving any thought to his ideals. Seen in this context, it becomes important to analyse whether today’s democratic India has lived up to the expectations of the architect of its constitution.

The first principle that Ambedkar mentioned in his speech was that in a real democracy, progress should be brought about only through constitutional methods. He sought an end to methods of Non-Cooperation and Civil Disobedience which, unless restricted, could paralyze development and saw protests as a symbol of facile democracies. Today’s India is far from realising that goal. We are a country that protests at the drop of a hat. However, more often than not, these protests, far from stifling development, have been used to coerce those in power to take the right step. Be it the 2011 anti-corruption dharnas pushing for passage of appropriate legislations or the CAA-NRC protests or the more recent anti-farm law sit-ins appealing for retraction of unpopular legislations, agitations against the ruling dispensations have been the guiding light of our democracy, seeking adherence to the constitution. So does this mean Ambedkar was wrong in his assessment of protests? No. In his speech, Babasaheb, while advocating for an end to unconstitutional protests, specifically spelled out that when there is no possibility of achieving change through constitutional means, resorting to unconstitutional methods was the only way forward. When constitutionally elected governments show apathy towards the needs or worse, go against the wishes of the very people who put them in power and constitutionally established courts and politically established opposition also leave people in the lurch, the only recourse left for the people is to mobilise and swerve those in power in the right direction. Thus, the very fact that today mass mobilisations and protests are needed to exhort governments to do what they’re elected to do, points towards the disuse and misuse of constitutional machinery.

His second prescription of eschewing the deification of leaders, is perhaps also the most pertinent advice in contemporary times. Today we have downgraded ourselves into a nation of hero-worshipping fanatics, divinizing our political leaders to the point where we fail to accept that they can ever err and ignore them when they actually do so. Living in times when being anti-Modi is routinely equated to being anti-India, Babasaheb’s warning that in politics Bhakti is a sure road to eventual dictatorship rings truer than ever.

Finally, Ambedkar in his speech, recommends us to evolve into a social democracy i.e., we mustn’t be content with the mere political sanction of liberty, equality and fraternity, but should strive to make these ideals, a way of life. Acknowledging the chasm between ‘constitutional guarantees’ and ‘social realities’, Babasaheb had famously remarked that India would, on January 26th 1950, enter into a life of contradictions where political equality would stand in contrast with socioeconomic inequalities. In calling for a social democracy, it was this gap that he sought to bridge. However, it is the sad reality of our times that, even in this aspect we have failed him. 70 more 26th Januarys have passed since that observation was made and still, we find ourselves stuck in the same quagmire. Obdurate lines of caste, class and religious inequalities have been redrawn by politically motivated leaders who find benefit in refusing to let these lines fade; Sectarian affiliations continue to override national unity, crumpling up the ideal of fraternity. And liberty, attacked by both state and non-state actors, has become a mere chimaera.

Thus, our country’s current socio-political standing is far from what the creator of our constitution had hoped it would be. It’s indeed impossible for a country as vast and diverse as ours to embody an ideal democracy, but that shouldn’t mean that we retrograde into becoming a facile democracy. Superficially celebrating the Constitution Day or Mahaparinirvan Diwas will only amount to lip service unless we reinstate adherence to these principles which add life into the soul of India’s democracy, principles prescribed by the father of the constitution himself and principles which will otherwise end up being mere quixotic embellishments for a bleak reality.

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