#pre-islam arabs core

[soloavengers]

many father wants to avenge his son and vice versa in this series so far, we love to see it

[tanadrin]

Shoemaker on literacy, memory, oral tradition, and the Quran:

Studies of literacy in pre-Islamic Arabia have been severely overlooked in recent Quran scholarship; in fact, literacy in the 7th century Hijaz was "almost completely unknown" and "writing was hardly practiced at all in the time of Muhammad." "[T]here seems to be a widespread agreement among experts on the early history of the Arabic language 'that, before and immediately after the rise of Islam, Arab culture was in all important respects fundamentally oral.'" Ancient graffiti in the region seems to have been a bit like early runic writing in Scandinavia--not central to the culture, mostly decorative and incidental, and certainly not used for long, important texts. "There is, in effect, a lot of 'Kilroy was here' scattered across the Arabian desert." Indeed, most of these graffiti are personal names or private in nature--we're not talking monumental inscriptions here, we're talking bored herders scratching stuff onto rocks to pass the time.

Southern Arabia and the larger oases to the north had more in the way of literate elites (and thus things like monumental inscriptions), but these places were far from the central inland Hijaz. If someone in this region did want to become literate, they would probably have learned to read and write in Greek or Aramaic, which were useful and important linguae francae.

As in very early Christianity, writing occupied a controversial position vis a vis orality--oral tradition was primary for the production and transmission of culturally important things like religious texts, poetry, literary prose, genealogy, and history. The shift to a literate culture came only with the expansion of Muhammad's polity into a wealthy, multicultural empire rather than a tribal state. Indeed, much of the early Caliphate's administration used Greek and other languages--Arabic entered administration only slowly, since a lot of early bureaucrats were drawn from the Roman and Sasanian bureaucracy.

And like early Christianity, another reason not to feel any urgency to write down Muhammad's teachings was that early Muslims expected the end of the world to come very soon, maybe initially even before Muhammad's own death.

The dialect of the Quran is distinctive and unusual; it is very difficult to locate where this dialect might have originated. Ahmad Al-Jallad tentatively identifies an Old Hijazi dialect, but the evidence for this dialect (besides the Quran itself) is limited and mostly much more recent, and he assumes the Quran was produced in the Hijaz.

The Arabic of the Quran can probably be identified with the prestige dialect of Levantine Arabic in the Ummayad period, but the origin of that dialect, and what Arabic dialects were brought together there in that time, is hard to ascertain with certainty.

Shoemaker thinks the Quran started as short collections drawn from individual memories following the conquest and encounters with widespread literacy; these collections would have been considered open, and subject to influence from oral tradition. They were combined into increasingly larger collections, with additional traditions and revisions, emergin as something like divergent versions of the Quran (though still not fully static and closed). Finally, the traditions of these regional versions, with other written and oral traditions, were fashioned into their canonical form under Abd al-Malik, and this version was progressively enforced across the empire.

Shoemaker brings in memory science and the anthropology of oral cultures: memory is highly frangible and fallible. Even though it functions well for day to day tasks, it's important not to overlook how common misremembering and re-remembering alters information in both personal and collective memory when talking about a text that even Islamic tradition agrees was not written down within Muhammad's lifetime.

Most forgetting occurs shortly after an event in question; a small core of memories we develop about an event will persist for a significant time after. These findings have been corroborated both in the lab and in the circumstances of everyday life.

Memory is not primarily reproductive; literal recall is, in evolutionary terms, pretty unimportant, and brains omit needless detail. Remembering thus involves a lot of reconstruction more than it does reproduction; memories are storied piecewise in different parts of the brain, and are assembled on recall, with the gaps being filled in using similar memory fragments drawn from comparable experiences.

Note Bartlett's experiments using a short Native American folktale; when asked to recall this story, even after only fifteen minutes participants introduced major and minor changes. Subsequent recall didn't improve accuracy, though the basic structure of the memory developed pretty quickly in each individual. But this structure was not especially accurate, and significant details vanished or were replaced with new information. Most often this information was drawn from the subject's culture (in this case, Edwardian England), forming a memory that made more sense to them and had more relevance in their context. The overall style was quickly lost, and replaced by new formations, and there was a persistent tendency to abbreviate. After a few months, narrative recall consisted mostly of false memory reports, a finding verified by subsequent replications of his experiments.

Experiential and textual memory in particular degrades very rapidly; this degredation is much faster when information is transmitted from one person to another. Epithets change into their opposites, incidents and events are transposed, names and numbers rarely survive intact more than a few reproductions, opinions and conclusions are reversed, etc. Figures like Jesus or Muhammad will hardly be remembered accurately even by people who knew them.

The style of the Quran (e.g., prose, and often terse, elliptic, and occasionally downright nonsensical prose at that) does not lend itself to memorization; Shoemaker argues it is only possible for people to memorize the Quran now because it has become a written document they can consult in the process.

Eyewitness testimony is of course also notoriously unreliable, despite what apologists (in particular Christian apologists) have argued. Cf. Franz von Liszt's experiment in 1902, where a staged argument in a lecture escalates to one student pulling a gun on another--after revealing this event was scripted and staged, and asking different students to recall the details of the event at different intervals afterward, literally none of them got it right--the best reports, taken immediately, got things about one quarter correct. Even repeatedly imagining a scenario vividly enough can eventually lead to a false memory of it occurring (a phenomenon which may explain some alien abduction reports). People mistake post-even hearsay or visualization for firsthand knowledge, especially in the case of dramatic events.

What memory excels at is remembering broad strokes--we are adapted to retain the information which is most likely to be needed, i.e., the gist (or, more likely, the broad themes) of events and information, and not its exact form.

There's a long digression here about John Dean's testimony on the Watergate conspiracy--this may be the first book in early Islamic studies to have Richard Nixon in the index.

Even competitive memory champions train for short-term recall of large amounts of information; they, and other people with preternaturally good memories, are of course exceedingly rare. It's very unlikely that someone could remember, several decades after the fact, precisely (or even mostly) what was told to them by their friend whose brother's wife's cousin was really there. So even within the traditional account of the Quran's composition, it makes no sense to claim it is in fact the verbatim word of Muhammad.

As in the case of Solomon Shereshevski, when you do have preternaturally good recall even for (say) lists of nonsense syllables, the result is actually kind of debilitating--you have so many useless details to sort through, it makes it quite hard to function at an abstract level. And hyperthymesiacs, though they exhibit a high level of recall about their past, still often remember things incorrectly, at about the same rate as people with normal memories--they are no less susceptible to false or distorted memories.

Nevertheless most modern scholars treat the Quran as a verbatim transcript of Muhammad's words. This is exceedingly unlikely! Especially given that "group" or "collaborative" memory--memories as reconstructed by individuals working together--appears to be even less accurate than individual memory. You get better results having people try to recall events by themselves.

Since during the age of conquests the majority of converts were not closely preoccurpied with the interpretation of the Quran, it would have had to have been rediscovered and hermeneutically reinvented later; the memory of Muhammad's words were being shaped by the nature of the community he founded, as its members collective and individual needs continued to evolve along with the context of transmission.

Many people, both scholars and the general public, seem to believe that people in oral cultures have remarkable capacities for memory not possessed by those of written cultures. Study of oral cultures has shown this is demonstrably false; literacy in fact strengthens verbal and visual memory, while illiteracy impairs these abilities. People in literate cultures have better memories!

Oral transmission is not rote replication; it is a process of recomposition as the tradition is recreated very time it is transmitted. Oral cultures can effectively preserve the gist of events over time, but each time the details are reconstituted, and the tradition can radically diverge from its first repetition, with the stories of the past being reshaped to make them relevant to the present and present concerns.

The collective memory of Muhammad and the origins of Islam as preserved in the Sunni tradition would have forgotten many details as a matter of course, many others because they were no longer relevant to the later Sunni community, and they would have been reshaped in ways that made them particularly suited to the life and community of their contemporary circumstances, exemplifying and validating their religious beliefs--ones very different from those of Muhammad's earliest followers.

The early Muslim conquests put a comparatively small number of soldiers, scattered across a huge territory, in a wildly different cultural and social context, especially in close contact with different Christian and Jewish communities, esp. in the Levant, which rapidly became the cultural center of the new empire. Jews and Christians may have joined the new religious community in large numbers in this time also; their faith and identity would have continued to evolve in this period, as we would expect from comparative episodes in the history of other religions. By the time that Muhammad's teachings were formally inscribed, the memories of his few hundred initial companions would have been transmitted and dispersed to a large number of people in a totally different set of circumstances, with consequences for how those memories exactly were recalled.

Jack Goody, researcher on oral traditions: "It is rather in literate societies that verbatim memory flourishes. Partly because the existence of a fixed original makes it much easier; partly because of the elaboration of spatially oriented memory techniques; partly because of the school situation which has to encourage "decontextualized" memory tasks since it has removed learning from doing and has redefined the corpus of knowledge. Verbatim memorizing is the equivalent of exact copying, which is intrinsic to the transmission of scribal culture, indeed manuscript cultures generally."

Techniques like the ars memoriae belong to literate cultures and were invented by literate people; they are unknown in oral cultures. Oral and literate cultures in fact have a radically different idea of what it means for a text to be "the same"--in the former, word-for-word reproduction is not necessary. A poem can be "the same poem" even if every time it is performed it is largely unique.

Case of the Bagre, the sacred text of the LoDagaa people of Ghana, an extended religious poem used in a liturgical context. Variations in its recitation aren't just variations in wording; changes in recitation can be radical, and the last version is always the starting point. Nevertheless (as in other oral cultures) it is considered "the same," functionally identical with each recitation. These differences appeared even among different performances by the same reciter, or multiple times in the same ceremony. Even the most formulaic parts have great variability. Similar variability in oral texts in other oral cultures has been documented by other anthropologists, including for historical events.

Shoemaker notes that the tradition that the Vedas were transmitted without variation from the time of their composition remains an article of faith in some quarters of South Asian studies; this flies in the face of all available evidence. In fact we have no idea what the state of the Vedic texts was prior to the earliest manuscripts; they may have been written all along.

Collective memory is shaped by contemporary cultural imperatives--examples of Abe Lincoln, a white supremacist considered nothing special by his peers; Christopher Columbus, once revered; the last stand at Masada, considered a minor event of little importance to broader Jewish history until the founding of Israel.

There doesn't have to be any conspiracy or coordinated effort for false narratives about the past to take root.

The hard horizon of communicative memory is around eighty years; so historical consciousness basically only has two modes: the mythic past of collective memory, and the recent past less than eighty or so years ago.

Lack of a clear "generic" monotheism in the Hijaz around the time of Muhammad's birth means the expectations and memory of Muhammad would have been profoundly shaped by Christian and Jewish beliefs.

Early Islam, like early Christianity, wasn't old enough to have a clear distinction between historical/origins memory and recent/communicative memory.

"For most of the seventh century, then, Muhammad’s followers had a memory that was still immersed in the social and cultural milieux of the late ancient Near East, from which they had yet to clearly differentiate themselves. They eventually would do this in large part by developing a distinctive collective memory for their group, different from those inherited from Judaism and Christianity, a process that was no doubt delayed by their fervent belief that the world would soon come to an end, making such an endeavor rather pointless for a time. Only as the end continued to remain in abeyance, and the community’s living memory grew ever distant from the time of origins did they develop a collective memory of their own. Yet, as Islamic collective memory began to evolve, one imagines that it initially took different shapes within the various pockets of Believers that were scattered across their empire. The basic elements of this nascent collective memory were, as Halbwachs says of the early Christians, “still dispersed among a multitude of spatially separated small communities. These communities were neither astonished, anxious, nor scandalized that the beliefs of one community differed from those of another and that the community of today was not exactly the same as that of yesterday.” Thus, we should expect to find a significant degree of diversity in religious faith and memory among the different early communities of the Believers, scattered and outnumbered as they were among the Jews and Christians of their burgeoning empire. Only with ʿAbd al-Malik’s program of Arabization and Islamicization was a new, distinctively Islamic collective memory and identity concretized and established for this new religious community. It was a collective identity that was formed from the top down and imposed, at the expense of any other alternative collective memories, with the full power and backing of the imperial state."

The limits of oral tradition apply even more strongly to the hadith and biographies.

[kafkaoftherubble]

Dear Lyndis,

Here are some suggestions for playing this ask game: https://www.tumblr.com/kafkaoftherubble/753608772078977024/ask-game-for-someones-ocs

❤️ - Ada, F, Emily

🥊 - B, C, D (if they have distinct personalities)

✂️ - Emily

💚 - Ada

🍎 - All (do they have parents? How about their "creators?")

🧠 - F

Signed,

— A Mysterious Stranger

Mysterious个毛。

Look. 2015 Lyn(s) left the most barebone stuff. It has so little meat that if a meat-lover calls it their diet, they are legally required to declare themselves a vegetarian.

I'm basically gonna weave whatever shit this brain can think of using whatever data 2015 versions of Lyn left. And then pretend that this is so totally part of the canon now. It's not like I plan to write it as a real story, right, Future Lyns?

---

🥊 -What do they love to do? What do they hate to do?

They love to be alive. They hate to be dead.

Okay, see. You already know how A, B, C, D, E, and F are created, but maybe Future Lyns need this recap (I ain't gonna be like 2015 Lyn who did not even leave a long-lasting record):

Six tubes, each with ten genetically modified embryos, are involved in Project Ghoul/Gu.

In the first phase, every embryo has to fight the other nine embryos for survival. The embryos have only two means: fight their rivals to the death or forcefully absorb the latter. The fittest, most powerful embryo—the last one standing—will stay in the tube for incubation.

Sounds familiar? That's because this technique is based on traditional Chinese +/ Japanese folk magic called 蛊毒。 The Wikipedia page linked has a detailed process of how "the strongest venomous magic" can be cultivated according to Gudu. It's also a method to cultivate antibiotics! Neat.

The leader of the project has a Chinese background (or whatever made-up culture inspired by the Chinese culture. Really, kinda don't have much thought about it yet). That background is in the undertone of the project, including the name: the "Gu" in Project Gu is from the word "蛊"。

(The actual Chinese name should be 人蛊计划, "Human Gu Project")

Project Ghoul is its "internationally known" name; the surviving embryo is called a Ghoul. Because puns are funny!... But also because the experiment subjects echo a creature from pre-Islamic Arabic folklore, "Ghul." Researchers see a Ghoul as a flesh-eating human because their first "diet" was the other embryos they shared in the tubes.

Like the most famous ghul in Arabic folklore, the Ghouls are on the female end of the sex spectrum. Except for one, anyway.

Unfortunately, Tube B, C, and D were a failure. The struggle between embryos was lethal, and the survivors of B, C, and D died shortly after. Hence, they never have anything they love or hate to do. They simply never got to live enough to have that.

--------

💚 - What is your OC’s gender identity and sexuality?

Ada is mediocre at her core. There is nothing particularly exciting about her appearance or traits, especially if compared to the other two surviving Ghouls... and even other humans.

Ada is female. She's an inept straight.

By "inept," I mean she doesn't seem to charm anyone that way (per her admission), doesn't know how to socialize with other genders that well, and doesn't know if she has charisma or how to improve her charisma. She just doesn't possess rizz (per her admission). You can say she's Asa without Yoru.

It's frustrating for Ada to find out she isn't aromantic. A kind blind boy had befriended her that one time; it was hard to determine if it was a youth's idea of a joke, a genuine relationship, something done out of pity, or a "we can try to get along and see if actual love sparked" situation à la arranged marriage—but they dated for a while.

Ada had felt genuine romantic feelings for the boy and had grieved when he died slipping off a banana peel and tumbling down the stairs leading to a busy road. Even if the stairs didn't kill him, the oncoming truck certainly sealed the deal. A new construction began shortly after, and rails and walls were installed in that town. Thanks to this new infrastructure, only Blind Boy was ever transported to another world to become an all-seeing seer by being able to read the script of a story, therefore never falling victim to banana peels again.

The point is, Ada simply isn't aromantic. Above all else, she yearns to be loved and for a person to belong to, which is why her inept straight-ness hurts. She believes the only person who could even love and accept her is someone who's passionately, romantically in love with her. She often fantasizes about the dead boy secretly wanting to be with her for the rest of his life if not for that fucking banana peel, but the Others have waaaaay less faith in that.

Hey, at least she's asexual. Dodge the femcel bullet!

-------

🍎 - What is the OC’s relationship w/their parents like? (do they have parents? How about their "creators?")

Every researcher on Project Gu is technically their caretaker, but the Lead Researcher (LR) is considered the "real" parent.

(1) Ada

Ada has no relation with LR because, before F goes missing, LR has no fucking idea "A" survived.

Prior to their lab being destroyed by anti-Ghoul activists/terrorists, A was constantly near death after her Pyrrhic victory against other embryos, so most people didn't really think much about her. The team hastily salvaged E (a fetus) and F (still an embryo) and left for safety; nobody really thought A would live.

A (fetus) survived long enough until a pair of disillusioned ex-researchers discovered it while scavenging for documents after the coast was clear. They brought A home and incubated it further out of curiosity, and to their surprise, A grew up. These people were her first adopted parents.

They were pretty good teachers and parent figures, but they never planned to keep her for long—they believed they were not equipped to train and raise a human weapon and feared being found out by their old research team and LR. When A was 5, they gave her away to a foster home.

To win emotional appeals from voters, an aspiring politician and his wife made a big show of visiting the foster home and choosing one child to adopt. He picked A—his aide had told him that the child was given away by researchers who used to be involved in Project Gu, and the politician thought she might be politically useful someday. Just like that, this politician and his wife became A's second adoptive parents. They named her "Arete" when she told them her name was "A."

Arete's new parents were decent toward her—and she liked them enough—until the wife gave birth to a pair of twins. Arete became sidelined very quickly and showed up less and less with the family. Then two things happened: Arete was found talking to herself all the time. She also sees ghosts and macabre creatures when there aren't any. It was the subject of tabloids and rumors before culminating in an incident that left her parents humiliated at a state dinner.

Her relationship with her parents deteriorated. They started to call her "A" again, distancing themselves from her and giving her just the bare minimum of care. When she was 18, they got her to be emancipated but told her to remove any connection she had with the family, including changing her name. So, A just grabbed a name she found on a book or something and forgo a last name altogether.

(2) Emily

Emily enjoys an affectionate relationship with LR and the rest of the team. Everyone coddles her because she's the success story of Project Gu and is genuinely as impressive and competent as the Ghouls were supposed to be. In public, Project Gu was stated to have only one success, "E." That success brought a ton of research funding and a sterling reputation to the researchers who participated, which made them love her even more.

Without F in the picture, Emily is the princess. LR tolerates her spoiled brat's attitude and usually allows her everything she desires, including acknowledging the human name she had given herself despite insisting they had already given her "a name."

(3) F

F is LR's true golden child. He's the secret 6th Ghoul that not even Emily and many on the research team know. LR treats him as their greatest success and legacy. Nonetheless, they're very guarded about his existence. They're controlling of him and do all they can to make sure F obeys them, as F is a psychic and the most powerful Ghoul. He's their trump card.

F doesn't return LR's fervor. He respects them and treats them well, but he's rather distant. He also treats other researchers in the know about him similarly. F had tried training himself to dampen his psychic empathy however ways he can to avoid being overwhelmed and pained by conflicting emotional states, but that caused him to be aloof to his "parent."

Nonetheless, until he went missing, he defers to LR's commands. He is also the only one who responds to the name LR gave him.

Subfolder: Extra Name Lore Related to LR:

LR believes themself to be the parent of all 6 Ghouls, so they gave them names displaying their well wishes. Unfortunately, they see the Ghouls as weapons and not people, so their wishes are... well.

A: 碍(ài) "hinder, obstruct"

B: 别(bié) "split, break apart"

C: 袭(xí) "sneak attack"

D: 毒(dú) "poison"

E: 扼(è) "chokehold, control"

F: 伏(fú) "subjugate, rule"

Ada had no idea she had such a name. Emily hates it. F is the only one who will respond to it even after they run away.

TO BE CONTINUED IN PART 2.I RAMBLED TOO MUCH. I COMPLAINED ABOUT NO MEAT, BUT IT NOW HAS TOO MUCH MEAT.

[jazmaage]

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

(https://youtu.be/m19F4IHTVGc?si=dJvn2gTDg1f-lAVP)

- Israel the worlds only jewish state located east of the mediterranean sea and Palestine territory of the arab population that hails from the Israel-controlled land have long been known for their enduring conflict with Israeli occupation of the west bank and the gaza strip. This conflict has been ongoing since 1948. The tension between Israel and Palestine has been deterioating in years climaxing with many violent clashes between the two sides.

This is part of the broader Israeli–Arab conflict. Many attempts have been made to agree to a two-state solution, in which a Palestinian state would be established adjacent to Israel. Currently, most Israelis and Palestinians, according to polls, prefer the two-state solution over other solutions as a way to resolve the conflict.

Judaism, Christianity and Islam

(https://youtu.be/m19F4IHTVGc?si=dJvn2gTDg1f-lAVP)

This monotheism brief focuses on the religious dimension of the conflict, which both historical and recent events suggest lies at its core. That much is almost a truism. What is less often appreciated, however, is how much religion impacts the identity of actors implicated in this conflict, the practical issues at stake, and the relevant policies and attitudes.

The Green Line

The Green Line is Israel's contested boundary with the Palestinian territories.

The Green Line is a term that emerged in the wake of Israel's establishment in 1948, whose proper name is the 1949 Armistice Line. It refers to the border separating pre-1967 Israel from the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and constitutes an internationally recognised border.

Palestinian territory

(https://www.globalr2p.org/countries/israel-and-the-occupied-palestinian-territory/)

encompassing the Gaza Strip and West Bank including East Jerusalem.

- It has been illegally occupied by Israel since 1967. Since then, the Israeli government has established a two-tiered legal and political system that provides comprehensive rights for Jewish Israeli settlers while imposing military rule and control on Palestinians without any basic protections or rights under international law. The Israeli government has also engaged in a regular practice of inhumane acts, as well as extrajudicial killings, torture, denial of fundamental human rights, arbitrary detention and collective punishment.

Natural Resources and the Arab-Israeli Conflict

(https://pij.org/articles/1567/natural-resources-and-the--arabisraeli-conflict)

Israel includes timber, potash, copper ore, natural gas, phosphate rock, magnesium bromide, and clays.

Palestine includes fresh and ground water, arable land and, more recently, oil and natural gas.

The conflict in the Middle East has always had natural resources in its background: land, water and oil. Strategists have asserted that the struggle over water might be at the heart of the next round of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

The Israel People Origin

(https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israelites)

- According to the religious narrative of the Hebrew Bible, the Israelites' origin is traced back to the biblical patriarchs and matriarchs Abraham and his wife Sarah, through their son Isaac and his wife Rebecca, and their son Jacob.

Nove Music Festival

https://youtu.be/APAhJYIhXv4?si=22bEHqqs4HzVCYUc

Hamas militants opened fire at a festival in Israel. The Palestinian militant group has launched its biggest attack on Israel in years firing rockets and tearing down the border between Israel and Gaza Strip. The supernova dance festival was taking place in Israel three miles from the Gaza border. From the record, hundreds could be seen dancing at dawn having no idea that Hamas fighters paraglided towards them ahead. Gunmen opened fire and chased fleeing revellers across the place, others were taken hostage. Thousands of innocent people were harmed.

This is the last photo taken from the destruction that the Hamas militants left.

Cars were also left abandoned and damaged by a rocket fire.

Pro Israel or Pro Palestine?

I am a Pro Israel, because i do believe that being pro-Israel means supporting peace and stability for Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, and upholding principles that will ensure that peace and stability over the long term. That means supporting the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians to live in peace and equal rights in Israel-Palestine.

[legitinfoxro]

Waqf sanjauli shimla Insight Cover story

Introduction to the Waqf Sanjauli Shimla Controversy

The Waqf Sanjauli Shimla controversy is a deeply intricate legal and social dispute that has captured the attention of many in India. At its core, the controversy involves the ownership and management of a mosque located in the Sanjauli area of Shimla, Himachal Pradesh. The property in question is claimed by the Himachal Pradesh Waqf Board, a statutory body responsible for managing Islamic religious endowments, or Waqf properties, in the state. However, this claim has been met with resistance from local residents and government authorities, leading to an ongoing legal battle.

In this article, we will explore the historical background of the Waqf properties in India, the specific details of the Sanjauli Mosque dispute, the legal proceedings, communal and political implications, and the broader challenges faced by Waqf properties across the country. This analysis will also include SEO-optimized sections with trending keywords and subheadings to ensure the content is easily accessible to readers seeking information on this controversial issue. Historical Context of Waqf Properties in India Understanding Waqf in Islamic Law Waqf, an Arabic term meaning "detention," refers to the Islamic endowment of property for religious or charitable purposes. The concept of Waqf is deeply rooted in Islamic law and tradition, where assets are dedicated in perpetuity for the benefit of the community. Once a property is designated as Waqf, it cannot be sold, mortgaged, or transferred. The management of these properties is typically entrusted to Waqf Boards, which are responsible for ensuring that the assets are used according to the terms of the original endowment. The Role of Waqf Boards in India In India, Waqf properties are managed by state Waqf Boards, which operate under the Waqf Act of 1995. These Boards are tasked with maintaining the properties, ensuring their proper use, and resolving disputes related to ownership or management. However, the management of Waqf properties in India has often been fraught with challenges, including legal disputes, unauthorized encroachments, and allegations of mismanagement.

The Sanjauli Mosque: A Property Under Dispute

The Sanjauli Mosque's Historical Significance The Sanjauli Mosque, located in the Sanjauli area of Shimla, is a religious site with considerable historical and cultural significance. The mosque is believed to have been established several decades ago and serves as a place of worship for the local Muslim community. The Himachal Pradesh Waqf Board claims ownership of the land on which the mosque stands, citing historical documents that trace the property back to the pre-partition era when Shimla was part of undivided Punjab.

Expansion and Unauthorized Construction One of the most contentious issues in the Sanjauli Mosque dispute is the alleged unauthorized construction that has taken place on the property. According to reports from The Indian Express and Business Today, the mosque, originally a single-storey structure, has been expanded to five storeys without obtaining the necessary approvals from the Shimla Municipal Corporation. This unauthorized construction has raised concerns among local residents and authorities, who argue that the expansion violates municipal regulations and poses safety risks. The Waqf Board, however, has distanced itself from the unauthorized construction, claiming that it had no knowledge of who carried out the additional building work. The Board has maintained that its primary concern is the preservation of the mosque as a Waqf property and that it is committed to resolving the dispute through legal means.

Legal Proceedings and Challenges The Ownership Dispute in Court

The ownership of the Sanjauli Mosque has been the subject of ongoing legal proceedings, with both the Waqf Board and local residents presenting their arguments in court. The Waqf Board has submitted historical documents to support its claim of ownership, arguing that the land was designated as Waqf property long before India's partition in 1947. These documents, if authenticated, could establish the Board's legal right to manage the property. On the other hand, local residents and their legal representatives have challenged the authenticity of the Waqf Board's documents. They argue that the land belongs to the revenue department of the state government and that the Waqf Board's claim is based on outdated or incomplete records. The court has asked the Waqf Board to provide a detailed explanation of how the mosque was expanded from a single-storey structure to a five-storey building without the necessary approvals.

The Role of the Shimla Municipal Corporation The Shimla Municipal Corporation has played a crucial role in the legal proceedings, particularly concerning the unauthorized construction at the Sanjauli Mosque. The Corporation has argued that the expansion violates municipal building codes and that the Waqf Board should be held accountable for any construction carried out on the property. The court has asked the Waqf Board to clarify its involvement in the construction and to provide evidence that it took steps to prevent unauthorized building work. As the legal battle continues, the court has scheduled the next hearing for October 5, 2024. This hearing will be critical in determining the future of the Sanjauli Mosque and the resolution of the ownership dispute.

Communal and Political Repercussions

The Impact on Communal Harmony in Shimla The Sanjauli Mosque controversy has had a significant impact on communal relations in Shimla, with tensions rising between the local Muslim community and other religious groups. According to Amar Ujala, Hindu organizations in the area have accused the mosque of being an illegal construction and have called for its demolition. These groups claim that the mosque is being used to harbor "outsiders," a term that has inflamed communal sentiments and led to protests. The situation became particularly volatile after a local businessman was allegedly attacked by Muslim youths in connection with the dispute. This incident sparked further protests and calls for the demolition of the mosque, with some local leaders arguing that the mosque's expansion was part of a broader effort to alter the religious demographics of the area.

Political Involvement and Statements The controversy has also attracted the attention of political leaders in Himachal Pradesh, with the issue being discussed in the state assembly. Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu has called for calm and urged all parties to respect the legal process. He emphasized that all residents of the state, regardless of their religion, have equal rights and that the rule of law must be upheld. The involvement of political leaders has added a layer of complexity to the dispute, with some parties using the controversy to mobilize support among their constituencies. This has raised concerns that the legal and communal aspects of the dispute could be overshadowed by political considerations, potentially delaying a resolution.

Broader Implications for Waqf Properties in India Challenges in the Management of Waqf Properties The Sanjauli Mosque controversy is not an isolated case; it is indicative of the broader challenges faced by Waqf properties across India. Waqf Boards often struggle with issues such as unauthorized encroachments, legal disputes over ownership, and allegations of mismanagement. These challenges are compounded by the fact that many Waqf properties have historical significance and are located in areas with complex communal dynamics. According to a report by The Times of India, there are thousands of Waqf properties across India, many of which are embroiled in legal disputes. The management of these properties requires a delicate balance between respecting the original endowment's terms and addressing the practical needs of the communities that use them.

The Need for Legal Reforms Given the complexities involved in managing Waqf properties, there have been calls for legal reforms to improve the functioning of Waqf Boards and to provide clearer guidelines for the management of these assets. Some experts have argued that the Waqf Act of 1995 needs to be updated to address contemporary challenges, such as the rise of unauthorized construction and the need for greater transparency in the management of Waqf funds. Legal reforms could also help to reduce the number of disputes related to Waqf properties by providing clearer definitions of ownership and management rights. This could, in turn, reduce the burden on the courts and allow for more efficient resolution of disputes.

[dan6085]

The beliefs and values held by Palestinians are deeply rooted in their history, culture, and the ongoing conflict with Israel. The Palestinian identity is shaped by their connection to the land, their struggle for national self-determination, and their desire for justice and peace. Here are 25 core beliefs held by Palestinians, along with detailed explanations:

### 1. **Right to Self-Determination**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe in their right to self-determination, meaning they have the right to determine their own political status and pursue their economic, social, and cultural development independently. This belief underpins their demand for a sovereign and independent Palestinian state.

### 2. **Connection to the Land**

- **Details**: Palestinians have a deep historical, cultural, and emotional connection to the land of Palestine, which they view as their ancestral homeland. This connection is central to their identity and is a key reason for their resistance to displacement and occupation.

### 3. **Right of Return**

- **Details**: Palestinians hold a strong belief in the right of return for refugees who were displaced during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War and their descendants. They believe that those who were forced to flee their homes have a right to return to their original lands and properties.

### 4. **Jerusalem as the Capital**

- **Details**: Palestinians consider East Jerusalem to be the capital of a future Palestinian state. The city holds significant religious and cultural importance, especially the Al-Aqsa Mosque, one of Islam's holiest sites.

### 5. **Opposition to Israeli Occupation**

- **Details**: Palestinians are united in their opposition to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. They view the occupation as illegal under international law and a violation of their rights.

### 6. **Support for a Two-State Solution**

- **Details**: Many Palestinians support a two-state solution as a way to resolve the conflict with Israel. This would involve the establishment of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel, based on pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital.

### 7. **National Unity**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe in the importance of national unity among the various Palestinian factions, including Fatah and Hamas. Unity is seen as essential for achieving their national goals and resisting external pressures.

### 8. **International Law and Human Rights**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe in the importance of international law and human rights as frameworks for resolving the conflict and addressing injustices. They call for adherence to UN resolutions and international conventions that recognize their rights.

### 9. **Nonviolent Resistance**

- **Details**: While some Palestinians support armed resistance, there is also a strong belief in nonviolent resistance, such as protests, boycotts, and civil disobedience, as effective means to achieve their political objectives and raise global awareness.

### 10. **Cultural and Religious Heritage**

- **Details**: Palestinians take great pride in their rich cultural and religious heritage, which includes Islamic, Christian, and historical sites. Preserving this heritage is seen as crucial to maintaining their identity and connection to the land.

### 11. **Desire for Peace**

- **Details**: Despite the conflict, many Palestinians desire peace with Israel, provided it is based on justice, mutual recognition, and the fulfillment of their national aspirations. They believe that peace can only be achieved through negotiations that address core issues.

### 12. **Importance of Education**

- **Details**: Education is highly valued among Palestinians, who see it as a key to personal and national development. Access to education is viewed as a fundamental right and an important tool for empowerment and resistance.

### 13. **Right to Natural Resources**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe they have the right to access and control their natural resources, including water, land, and minerals. They view the exploitation of these resources by Israel as a violation of their sovereignty and rights.

### 14. **Solidarity with Other Oppressed Peoples**

- **Details**: Palestinians often express solidarity with other oppressed and colonized peoples around the world. They see their struggle as part of a broader global movement for justice and liberation.

### 15. **Resistance to Normalization**

- **Details**: Palestinians generally oppose normalization of relations with Israel, especially when it bypasses the resolution of key issues such as the occupation, refugee rights, and the status of Jerusalem. They believe normalization undermines their struggle for justice.

### 16. **Economic Independence**

- **Details**: Palestinians aspire to build an economically independent state with a self-sufficient economy. They believe in developing local industries, agriculture, and trade to reduce reliance on Israel and other external powers.

### 17. **Gender Equality**

- **Details**: Many Palestinians believe in gender equality and the empowerment of women in all aspects of life, including politics, education, and the workforce. This belief is reflected in the active participation of Palestinian women in the national struggle.

### 18. **Right to Protest**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe in their right to protest against occupation, injustice, and human rights violations. Protests are seen as a legitimate form of resistance and a way to draw international attention to their cause.

### 19. **Preservation of Palestinian Identity**

- **Details**: Palestinians are committed to preserving their national identity, language, and culture in the face of displacement, occupation, and diaspora. This includes maintaining traditions, folklore, and the Arabic language.

### 20. **Support for Palestinian Prisoners**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe in the importance of supporting Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails, whom they view as political prisoners and heroes of the national struggle. Campaigns for their release are a significant aspect of Palestinian activism.

### 21. **Freedom of Movement**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe in the right to freedom of movement within their own land, which is often restricted by Israeli checkpoints, walls, and barriers. They see these restrictions as violations of their basic human rights.

### 22. **Desire for Justice and Accountability**

- **Details**: Palestinians seek justice for the wrongs they have endured, including displacement, occupation, and violence. They call for accountability for those responsible for war crimes and human rights abuses.

### 23. **Role of the Palestinian Diaspora**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe that the Palestinian diaspora plays a crucial role in supporting the national cause, both through advocacy and by maintaining their connection to the homeland. The diaspora is seen as an integral part of the Palestinian nation.

### 24. **Environmental Stewardship**

- **Details**: Palestinians believe in the importance of protecting and preserving the environment of Palestine, which has been affected by conflict, occupation, and neglect. Environmental stewardship is viewed as part of their responsibility to future generations.

### 25. **Hope for Future Generations**

- **Details**: Despite the challenges, Palestinians hold onto hope for a better future for their children and future generations. They believe in the possibility of achieving their national aspirations and living in peace and dignity.

### Conclusion:

The beliefs of Palestinians are shaped by their historical experiences, cultural heritage, and the ongoing conflict with Israel. Central to their worldview is the pursuit of justice, self-determination, and the preservation of their national identity. While their beliefs reflect a deep connection to the land and a commitment to resistance, there is also a strong desire for peace, dignity, and the fulfillment of their rights.

[schooluae]

A Comprehensive School Age Guide in the UAE for Expat Parents

Moving to a new country is a thrilling adventure, but it also brings its own set of challenges, especially when it comes to finding the right school for your children. If you are an expat parent in the UAE, understanding the school age system is crucial to ensure a smooth transition for your kids. This comprehensive guide will help you navigate the UAE's education system, providing essential information on school ages, curriculum options, and tips for selecting the best school for your child.

Understanding the School System in the UAE

The UAE education system is well-structured and offers a range of options for expat families. The Ministry of Education oversees the school system, ensuring that it meets high standards. Here's a breakdown of the school age system in the UAE:

Early Childhood Education (Ages 0-5)

Nursery (Ages 0-3): Nurseries in the UAE cater to children from birth to three years old. They focus on early development through play-based learning.

Kindergarten/Pre-KG (Ages 3-5): Kindergarten or Pre-KG is for children aged three to five. It prepares them for primary school with a focus on basic literacy, numeracy, and social skills.

Primary Education (Ages 6-11)

Primary School (Grades 1-6): Primary education in the UAE starts at age six and continues until age eleven. The curriculum includes core subjects such as English, mathematics, science, and social studies, along with Arabic and Islamic studies for Muslim students.

Secondary Education (Ages 12-18)

Middle School (Grades 7-9): Middle school education covers students aged twelve to fourteen. The curriculum becomes more specialized, with subjects like history, geography, and information technology added to the core subjects.

High School (Grades 10-12): High school, or secondary school, caters to students aged fifteen to eighteen. This stage prepares students for higher education or vocational training, with a range of elective subjects and advanced courses available.

Post-Secondary Education

University/College: After completing high school, students can pursue higher education at universities or colleges in the UAE or abroad. The UAE is home to many renowned universities offering diverse programs.

Curriculum Options in the UAE

One of the advantages of the UAE's education system is the variety of curricula available. Expat parents can choose from different international curricula based on their home country's system or their child's educational needs.

British Curriculum

The British curriculum, also known as the National Curriculum for England, is widely popular among expat families. It follows a structured approach with key stages and culminates in the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) and A-Levels.

American Curriculum

The American curriculum focuses on a broad-based education with an emphasis on critical thinking and problem-solving skills. It leads to a high school diploma and offers Advanced Placement (AP) courses for college credit.

International Baccalaureate (IB)

The IB curriculum is globally recognized for its rigorous academic standards and emphasis on holistic education. It includes the Primary Years Programme (PYP), Middle Years Programme (MYP), and Diploma Programme (DP).

Indian Curriculum

The Indian curriculum, offered by schools affiliated with the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) and Indian Certificate of Secondary Education (ICSE), is a popular choice for Indian expat families. It focuses on strong academic foundations and prepares students for competitive exams.

Other Curricula

The UAE also offers schools following other international curricula, such as the French Baccalaureate, German Abitur, and Canadian curriculum, catering to diverse expat communities.

Tips for Choosing the Right School

Selecting the right school for your child is a critical decision. Here are some tips to help you make an informed choice:

Research: Start by researching the different schools and curricula available in your area. Consider factors like curriculum, extracurricular activities, facilities, and school ethos.

Visit Schools: Schedule visits to potential schools to get a feel for the environment and meet with teachers and administrators. This will give you insights into the school's culture and teaching approach.

Ask Questions: Prepare a list of questions to ask during your visits. Inquire about class sizes, teacher qualifications, student support services, and the school's approach to learning and discipline.

Consider Location: Choose a school that is conveniently located near your home or workplace to reduce travel time and ensure your child has a manageable daily routine.

Check Reviews: Look for reviews and testimonials from other expat parents to get an idea of their experiences with the school. Online forums and social media groups can be valuable resources.

Understand Fees: Be aware of the school fees and any additional costs, such as uniforms, textbooks, and extracurricular activities. Ensure that the school's fees fit within your budget.

Think Long-Term: Consider your long-term plans and whether the school can accommodate your child's educational needs throughout their schooling years.

Conclusion

Navigating the school system in the UAE as an expat parent can be challenging, but with the right information and careful planning, you can find the perfect school for your child. By understanding the different school stages, exploring curriculum options, and following these tips, you can ensure a smooth and successful educational journey for your family in the UAE.

[isocertificationnnigeria65]

How is Halal Certification obtained in Nigeria?

Halal Certification in Nigeria

Halal certification in Nigeria, with a vibrant Muslim population estimated at over 50%, presents a significant market for Halal-certified products. For businesses operating in the food, cosmetics, pharmaceutical, and other sectors, obtaining Halal certification can unlock a wealth of opportunities. But what exactly does it take to secure this valuable stamp of approval? This blog delves into the requirements for Halal certification in Nigeria, equipping businesses with the knowledge they need to embark on this crucial journey.

Getting to know Halal certification in Nigeria beyond permissible ingredients

Halal certification in Nigeria, an Arabic term translating to “lawful” or “permitted,” encompasses a broad spectrum of Islamic guidelines governing food, consumption, and production practices. While the absence of pork and alcohol is well-known, Halal certification in Nigeria goes far deeper. It ensures adherence to ethical animal slaughter methods, prohibits certain additives and contaminants and emphasizes cleanliness throughout the production process.

A Step-by-Step Guide to Halal Certification in Nigeria

The process of acquiring Halal certification in Nigeria typically involves several key steps:

Choosing a Reputable Certification Body: Multiple Halal certification bodies operate in Nigeria. Selecting a body accredited by the Department of Islamic Guidance and Values (DIGVA) or a reputable international body. Factors to consider include the body’s experience, expertise, and recognition within the target market.Application Submission: The chosen certification body will provide a detailed application form. This form typically requests comprehensive information about the business, including its products, ingredients, suppliers, and production processes. Pre-Assessment Audit: The certification body may conduct a pre-assessment audit once the application is submitted. This audit involves a preliminary review of the business’s documentation and production facilities to identify potential areas of non-compliance. Detailed Documentation and Ingredient Scrutiny: A critical aspect of the process involves meticulously documenting every ingredient, source, and permissibility according to Halal certification in Nigeria. Any questionable ingredients will require clarification from the certification body or a qualified scholar. Facility Inspection and In-Depth Review: The Halal certification in Nigeria body will thoroughly inspect the business’s production facilities. This inspection focuses on hygiene practices, equipment usage, storage procedures, and the segregation of Halal and non-Halal materials. Addressing Non-Compliance Issues: The audit may identify areas where the business’s practices do not align with Halal requirements. The certification body will provide a detailed report outlining any corrective actions necessary. The company will be required to implement these changes before proceeding further. Training and Awareness: Certification bodies often recommend training programs for relevant personnel within the business. These programs educate employees on Halal principles and ensure they understand the importance of maintaining Halal compliance throughout production. Final Assessment and Certification: A final assessment may be conducted once all corrective actions have been implemented and the certification body is satisfied. If successful, the business will be awarded the Halal certification in Nigeria.

While the core principles remain consistent, Halal certification in Nigeria requirements may vary slightly depending on the industry:

Food and Beverage: Stringent guidelines exist for animal slaughter, meat handling, and additives. Processes like stunning animals before slaughter and avoiding alcohol-based ingredients are crucial. Cosmetics and Pharmaceuticals: The focus is on ensuring ingredients are free from animal-derived components deemed non-Halal, like porcine gelatin, and that the production process does not involve contact with non-Halal materials.Logistics and Storage: Proper segregation methods and storage practices are essential to prevent cross-contamination with non-Halal products.

Halal certification in Nigeria is a short-term achievement. Businesses must maintain ongoing compliance through regular audits and adhere to the guidelines set forth by the certification body. This requires a commitment from all levels of the organization, from management to production personnel.

Benefits of Halal Certification in Nigeria

For businesses in Nigeria, Halal certification in Nigeria offers a multitude of advantages:

Market Expansion: Access a vast and lucrative domestic Muslim market with a growing demand for Halal products.Enhanced Brand Image: The Halal certification mark signifies trust, ethical production, and religious adherence. This can significantly improve a brand’s reputation among Muslim consumers and potentially attract non-Muslim customers who value ethical practices. Export Opportunities: Gain access to the global Halal market, valued in trillions of dollars, opening doors for international trade.Competitive Advantage: Stand out from competitors in a crowded marketplace . Halal Certification in Ghana.

Why Factocert for Halal Certification in Nigeria

We provide the best Halal consultants in Ghana Who are knowledgeable and provide the best solution. And how to get Halal certification. Kindly reach us at contact@factocert.com. Halal certification consultants work according to Halal standards and help organizations implement Halal certification with proper documentation. 

For more information, visit Halal Certification in Nigeria

Related Links:

· ISO 21001 Certification in Nigeria

· ISO 37001 Certification in Nigeria

· ISO 22301 Certification in Nigeria

· ISO 27701 Certification in Nigeria

· ISO 26000 Certification in Nigeria

· ISO 20000–1 Certification in Nigeria

· ISO 50001 Certification in Nigeria

RELATED ARTICLE Halal Consultants in Nigeria

[biosssa]

Foundations Of Behavioral, Social, And Medical Assessment Of Youngsters

Each one who takes the DISCstyles Online assessment receives a Member home page that includes a full report, an eBook, eGraphs, and an interactive on-line tool on tips on how to use behavioral styles with others. This assessment goals to measure an individual’s intellectual, scholastic, social-emotional growth. At the core of figuring out aspects in assessment that can potentially disadvantage a demographic group lies the idea psychometric assessments of fairness in personnel decisions. The findings of the current study point out that the VAC accommodates few parts that might potentially disadvantage any particular demographic group . The average rating for PDF was 6.3 and a very excessive level of unanimity between professional teams regarding this dimension was observed.

Cecil Reynolds and Randy Kamphaus current their newest version of this wonderful measure—BASC-3. A more recent study done by a analysis team from the University of Arizona in Tucson has additional behavioral test strengthened this conclusion. These embody something from worry, dog’s capability to be educated, aggression and others.

For analysis purposes it is important to predict the more than likely response of the wall, thus the nominal yield moment obtained from moment-curvature analysis corresponds to imply materials strengths. The distinction between these two methods will be evaluated through the use of both these period calculation strategies in the skills assessments design of the walls. The methodology used on this investigation is illustrated in Figure 5 and is listed in steps 1 by way of 6 beneath. These steps are utilized to each of the eight walls defined in Figure 4 for each ground types 1 and four. Steps 1 to three describe the design of the partitions, while steps 4 to 6 describe the assessment of the partitions.

For this objective the multi degree of freedom wall is converted into an equal single degree of freedom wall. The second capacity of the wall cross section at the base of the wall could skills assessments test be determined using either design equations or a second curvature analysis. The second capability calculated utilizing the design equations (M'n) corresponds to design materials strengths.

Our dual education curriculum ensures college students a broad educational future, while simultaneously providing access to a quality Islamic studies curriculum, including Arabic. Reduce the cost-of-hiring by 70% and time-to-hire by 60% by utilizing trusted pre-employment checks and behavioral assessments from eSkill. In this case a neurodevelopmental assessment may be carried out to provide extra data. The outcomes of these assessments may be utilised to guide acceptable school placements and referrals, and may inform a neurodevelopmental dysfunction prognosis.

It is finest to use one of many newer browser versions because the very old variations are now not supported. You want FlashPlayer for doing the actual test – this software is often required for gaming websites. The good news is that integrity exams can now extra precisely assess a candidate’s integrity, reliability, credibility and the degree to which they’re vulnerable to counterproductive behaviour. These instruments reveal a candidate’s propensity for Counterproductive Work Behaviours in addition to their probably diploma of Organisational Citizenship Behaviours . The greater the predictive validity, the better it is possible for you to to foretell from the assessment who will deliver the most effective job performance. They give all candidates the identical opportunity to demonstrate their reasoning abilities, skills and behavioural competence, no matter the place they obtained their matric or diploma from.

In discussing one of the major types of this analysis strategy, ethnography, McMillan and Schumacher make the purpose that such an strategy “needs a perspective of the totality from which to make ... This was true for us, whether the selections involved assessment (the which means of the mother’s ambivalence),or treatment (as in the boy’s case). Treatment decisions likewise grew to become clearer when categories had been added that assessed the totality of the kid. It was quite frequent for class behavioral assessment discussions, as an example, to leap to treatment alternatives solely to be forced back to a more holistic assessment to be able to determine on the relative merits of one of many strategies instructed. In one case, the scholar was not sure about what to do when one of her young expenses sprayed water while on the water fountain in the school.

A real-time group report can be immediately downloadable from a web-based dashboard. The group report signifies the collective decision-making behaviour of a particular group. An extensive slice and dice function further enhances the dashboard and group report by offering the functionality to breakdown on any conceivable group.

[ayearinfaith]

𝗔 𝗬𝗲𝗮𝗿 𝗶𝗻 𝗙𝗮𝗶𝘁𝗵, 𝗗𝗮𝘆 𝟳𝟬: 𝗛𝗲𝗿𝗺𝗲𝘁𝗶𝗰𝗶𝘀𝗺 "As Above, So Below" -Common paraphrasing of the 𝘌𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘭𝘥 𝘛𝘢𝘣𝘭𝘦𝘵 Hermeticism is a religious/philosophical tradition from which almost all extant forms of Western Esotericism and Occultism stem, at least in part. It is named after the fusional philosopher/deity Hermes Trismegistus. 𝗘𝘀𝗼𝘁𝗲𝗿𝗶𝗰 𝗢𝗿𝗶𝗴𝗶𝗻𝘀 Esoteric tradition are broadly defined by two features: secrecy and magic. The word “esoteric” comes from the Greek word for “inner” as in “inner circle”, and typically include a doctrine of knowledge which must be kept secret and only revealed to the properly initiated. The magical aspect of these traditions, typically what we would call “the occult” is often a result simply of the veneration of knowledge; the allure and power is what you can do with it. In the West, meaning Europe, Western Asia, and North Africa (all connected by the Mediterranean Sea), Esotericism was largely spawned by a newfound multiculturalism as the Roman Empire and other states began to erode in the first century of the Common Era. Before then most Mediterranean peoples would have generally practiced some version of either or both a state religion, like the Roman Imperial cult, and an ethnic one, like the pre-Christian “pagan” religions, both more expressions of nationality and heritage than philosophy. As state powers dwindled, cultural boundaries fuzzed and fusional philosophies began to form, not tethered to any one people or state. Originally, the restricting of esoteric knowledge was likely not due to any sinister conspiracy or defense against the state, but simply the fact that they could not be easily grasped without a basic philosophical education. Hermeticism developed in this period during the collapse of the Ptolemaic Kingdom. The Ptolemies were Greeks who took control of Egypt after the collapse of Alexander the Great’s empire. Though they adopted Pharaonic aesthetics to better appeal to the Egyptian populace, the Ptolemies maintained a sharp divide between the Greek culture of the ruling class and the conquered Egyptians. In the years leading to the collapse these boundaries at last blurred and the Greek and Egyptian traditions began to mutate in earnest. Thoth, the Ibis headed Egyptian god if writing, science, and magic, fused with the Greek god of messengers and medicine, Hermes, to become Hermes Trismegistus i.e. Thrice-Great Hermes. As the tradition grew, it also incorporated many aspects of Judaism and the still-developing Christianity and Hermes Trismegistus became equated with patriarchs like Enoch or even Noah and Moses. Hermeticism generally employs three distinctive practices by which knowledge can be achieved, each one broadly attributable to one of the three major sources of the fusional system. Astrology, i.e. the observation of heavenly bodies as a means to discern the will of heavenly forces. was largely born from the Greek tradition. Alchemy, the investigation and pursuit for control over earthly transformations, stems from Egyptian metallurgy, knowledge of which was passed down through the priesthood. And Theurgy, the direct invocation of supernatural entities, stems from Judaism and other Levantine faiths. 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗣𝗲𝗿𝗲𝗻𝗻𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗙𝗮𝗶𝘁𝗵 Part of the continued influence of Hermeticism in western culture is that it has functioned almost like a time capsule of Western magic and philosophy. After its initial popularity, the rise of European Christianity and North African Islam (both occurring around the 5th-7th centuries CE) drove many esoteric traditions, Hermeticism included, extinct or underground. Almost no original 1st century Hermetic texts remain, and we know of them primarily by means of their being referenced in contemporary sources. However Arabic versions of 3rd-8thcentury Hermetic texts made their way into Europe around the 12thcentury and were translated into Latin. These versions would become popularized in Italy at the start of the European Renaissance. During this time rediscovering ancient knowledge from antiquity was popular and romanticized, and as all the Hermetic texts claimed to be authentic dialogues from an ancient Egyptian scholar (Hermes Trismegistus himself) the audience was very receptive. Another advantage Hermeticism had among the Renaissance was its relationship to the sciences. Hermetic teachings actively promote the use of the scientific method as a means to enlightenment. This is clearest in its use of Alchemy, which in the Egyptian method used religious allegory as a means of notation. This appealed to Renaissance thinkers who built an identity on rejecting the anti-intellectual dogma of their medieval forbears. Through Hermeticism, a scientist could also be faithful. This produced the distinct nature of the Renaissance scientist, wherein the person in the room most likely to be able to produce a chemical poultice or devise a new form of irrigation was also the person most likely to believe they could commune with an angel. Isaac Newton, who was deeply influenced by Hermeticism, is a prime example of this. Interest in Hermeticism died down near the end of the 17th and early 18thcentury, but came back a century later with the popularity of Hermetic derived organizations such as the Freemasons and the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, of which the famous occultists and Thelema founder Aleister Crowley was a member. Almost all modern Neo-Pagan movements have Hermetic ties, Wicca being the most direct. 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗹𝗹 𝗶𝘀 𝗶𝗻 𝗔𝗹𝗹 Hermetic beliefs are centered on the idea that there is a single true theology which was once know to mankind in a far distant age and echoes of which can be seen in all natural philosophies and religion. The use of quasi-scientific methods, like alchemy and astrology (and even theurgy if you count the mathematics used in its numerology) were core to its principles as even the laws of physics should bely this Truth. The most popularly cited Hermetic wisdom is “As above, so below”, which at its most basic level is a belief in the relation of heavenly bodies to earthly events (astrology), but expands to imply that the workings of the most grand and transcendent elements of the universe can be perceived by observing the small and mundane, and vice versa. This fusing of two things, a kind of dualistic concept of unity, is a common Hermetic idea, which can be seen in its frequent use of sacred androgyny (here being used in its most literal sense; a fusion of man and woman). The concept of a supreme god, typically called The All, is explicitly androgynous, and the original humans were as well. The division of parts, in Hermeticism, is the source of strife and ultimately illusory. Similar to South Asian religions, which may have come directly or via West Asian influence like Gnosticism, the physical world is considered to be a kind of illusion and prison in Hermetic cosmology. Our more perfect androgynous forbears had access to the secret knowledge of the universe, but for various reasons (generally some form of hubris) became trapped in physical bodies incapable of realizing the potential of our transcendent souls. Only by pursuing the true wisdom can we again become free. Image Credit: Illustration of Hermes Trismegistus from 𝘝𝘪𝘳𝘪𝘥𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘶𝘮 𝘊𝘩𝘺𝘮𝘪𝘤𝘶𝘮 (“The Alchemical Pleasure-Garden”) by Daniel Stolz von Stolzenberg, 1624

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

“Persian culture, its legacy, and its continued production, played a vital part in the overarching Iranian sense of self, to the point where Safavid Iran may be called an incarnation of the age-old Iranian “empire of the mind,” in Michael Axworthy’s apt phrase. As noted, Iran was multilingual; as they do today, the country’s inhabitants spoke a number of different languages, from Persian and Kurdish to Turkish and Arabic. While Safavid shahs usually conversed in Azeri Turkish, Persian was the mother tongue of the country’s urban elite and the core political and administrative language of the entire realm. Persian was also the language of high culture, above all of poetry, the supreme expression of the Persian language, which linked the past, including the pre-Islamic past, to the present and served as a shared cultural repertoire, not just for the elite but for the common people, at least in urban areas.

The other (inherited) term employed in Safavid chronicles, mamalik-i mahrusah, the “protected realm,” adds a religious dimension to the notion of territory. In what was to be their greatest political accomplishment, the Safavids connected faith with land by imposing Twelver Shi`ism on their realm. Under their auspices, territory and religion came to overlap in ways that have characterized the country ever since. A minority faith within Islam, Shi`ism imbued the Iranian state with a sense of unity by way of particularism. Even if this unity remained far from complete, the Safavids used Shi`ism as an effective propaganda tool to set themselves apart from their Sunni neighbors, the Ottoman, the Mughal, and the Uzbek states. They cultivated Twelver Shi`ism as a mark of distinction in a variety of ways, ranging from the ritual cursing of the first three caliphs to the propagation of festivals commemorating the faith’s foundational events.

They patronized Iran’s Shi`i shrines, including the mausoleum of the dynasty’s founder, Shaykh Safi, in Ardabil, and at times when they controlled Iraq, took special care of the `atabat, the tombs of the imams. After Iraq was lost to the Ottomans in 1638, the Safavids spent large amounts of money on the restoration and embellishment of Iran’s own shrine cities, Mashhad and Qum, which evolved into devotional centers of pilgrimage in competition with the Iraqi `atabat. A shift in the language used for religious writing reflects a growing congruence between territory and religion as well. In contemporary Protestant Europe, vernacular languages began to supplant Church Latin. Late Safavid religious scholars similarly began to make their writings more accessible to ordinary literate people by composing their treatises in Persian rather than in Arabic. In the process, the status of Persian as a unifying idiom increased, further enhancing the role of the ulama as spokesmen for a nascent national-religious identity.

Twelver Shi`ism was well suited to weld the nation and the dynasty together. Its symbols and doctrines—and especially its focus on authority as a hierarchical series of emanations—were easily adapted to the traditional notion of the Iranian ruler as the divinely appointed protector of people, territory, and faith. God was the lord of the universe and the Imam his vicegerent; in the latter’s absence, the shah was God’s “shadow on earth,” charged with the task of upholding the cosmic order until his return. The Safavids’ claim of descent from `Ali, the first Imam, and their deference to the Hidden Imam—whose servant the shah called himself—combined with the ancient Iranian divine right of kingship to produce a strong basis for dynastic legitimacy.

All this made the shah a crucial unifying force. He was the sole link between the divine and the terrestrial spheres, the only force to cut across societal ranks and divisions, and thus the foremost centripetal element in the realm. Initially, the Safavid ruler was revered as the murshid-i kamil, the divinely guided perfect Sufi shaykh. The terrible defeat the Safavids suffered against the Ottomans at Chaldiran in 1514 damaged their divine charisma and cost them in tribal allegiance. Yet Isma`il’s successor, Shah Tahmasb (r. 1524–76) continued to be venerated as a god-like figure to the point where people would reverentially kiss the doors of his palace and consider any water the shah had touched a cure against fever. Shah `Abbas I similarly was credited with supernatural powers. One chronicler recounts how in 1598–9 the construction of a fortress near Astarabad (modern Gurgan) was held up by persistent rains until the shah successfully begged the heavens for a dry spell.

For the remainder of the dynasty’s lifespan the shah retained supreme power and legitimacy as an Iranian king, demanding his subjects’ continuing loyalty. Safavid chroniclers proclaimed unqualified obedience to him a self-evident obligation. What Iran’s rulers meanwhile lost in messianic luster they regained in part through the shah-seven, “love for the shah” phenomenon—whereby his subjects declared their loyalty to him and contributed funds or labor to public works undertaken by the crown. Shah `Abbas, in particular, would cultivate the shah-seven bond as an alternative to tribal loyalty. .... Iran’s rulers, in sum, enjoyed tremendous legitimacy—exceeding even that of their Ottoman and Mughal counterparts—which perhaps explains why no Safavid ruler was ever deposed and why only one, Shah Isma`il II, r. 1576–7, may have been assassinated. Over time, cracks appeared in this edifice: At least one treatise from the early eighteenth century raises doubts about the divine nature of the shah, suggesting a crisis in royal legitimacy that was likely related to a faltering martial performance and the insularity of the shah since the days of Sulayman. Meanwhile, de facto power shifted from the monarch to the grand vizier, to the point where, after Shah `Abbas I, this official often acted as the ruler’s stand-in. Yet, unlike the Ottoman vizier, the Safavid chief minister remained beholden to the shah as the ultimate source of power and thus never operated as a quasi monarch.

The shah enjoyed unfettered arbitrary power. Yet he was also supposed to protect his subjects and he had a mandate to treat them equitably. Royal justice, pivotal to the age-old theory of Iranian statecraft, figured prominently in Safavid ideology. Justice was enshrined in a cultural heritage that invoked ancient rulers, real and mythical ones, as exemplars. It was also an integral part of manuals of good governance and reiterated in every single royal decree (farman). Conceived as a cycle, justice mandated royal kindness and benevolence with the aim of fostering the welfare of the people and thus securing the dynasty’s longevity. Royal justice found concrete expression in tax rebates following the enthronement of a new shah or at times of economic hardship, as well as in the habit of distributing money to the poor as part of coronation celebrations, during the New Year’s ceremony, and whenever the shah fell ill.

Royal justice mandated accessibility as well, giving those who had suffered injustice a chance to seek recourse with the ruler himself. Its purpose was twofold: It showed royal concern for commoners and it allowed rulers to gather first-hand, unmediated intelligence. Several shahs are known to have mingled with the people in an informal public setting. Known for his “melancholy disposition,” Shah Tahmasb in the last years of this reign lived within the confines of his palace, out of reach for the people, leaving his subjects without a symbol of justice and at the mercy of greedy subordinate officers, including the judiciary powers. Shah Isma`il II, otherwise known for the bloody havoc he wreaked on the elite, would go around Qazvin to apprize himself of the state of his realm. Shah `Abbas’s famously casual governing style included his habit of strolling through the streets of Isfahan during festivals, accompanied by his female retinue, joking with people of various walks of life, and visiting their homes. 

It was also customary for petitioners to try to attract the shah’s attention when he went out riding by grabbing the bridle of his horse and handing him petitions. Popular discontent often manifested itself in bread riots, but more formal outlets existed as well. In the period of Shah `Abbas I, the vizier of Isfahan would collect petitions from people. Under the same ruler a grievance council existed. `Abbas II instituted a semi-weekly tribunal (majlis) for the same purpose. Rendering justice also was among the explicit responsibilities of various offices. A good example is the city prefect (kalantar). The shah appointed him but in accordance with the wishes of the populace—and for good reason, for he acted as a middleman. It was his task to defend people against the vexations of other local officials as well as to protect them from unscrupulous vendors.

Naturally, none of this was quick or easy; serious obstacles, from poor communications to obstructionist bureaucrats, made it difficult for ordinary people, especially in the outlying areas, to stand up to fiscal oppression by local officials, let alone make their case in Isfahan. Yet a community with enough resolve was not without legal recourse. Numerous examples underscore the power of the “popular vote” and show even the late Safavid monarch in his role as a brake on extortion and abuse by intermediate forces. In 1662 the viziers of Gaskar, Kashan, Daylaman, and Shirvan all lost their jobs following complaints by the local population, ra`iyat; in 1680, popular protest about the tyrannical rule of Khusraw Khan, the governor of Kurdistan, caused this official to be recalled to Isfahan and executed; and in 1695 the kalantar of Rasht in Gilan was dismissed after his subjects voiced their displeasure with his conduct. Several farmans from the 1650s and 1660s document successful village resistance in Armenia against the usurpation of their land by provincial officials.”

- Rudi Matthee, Persia in Crisis: Safavid Decline and the Fall of Isfahan. London: I. B. Tauris, 2012. pp. 14-18.

[trueislamfacts1]

Is Islam a Religion of Peace?

Islam was founded upon principles of peace and harmony to establish love, affection and collective responsibility towards the spiritual, physical, and mental wellbeing of all of society. ‘Islam’ a name given by God Almighty to this religion (Qur’an 5:4), is an Arabic word which literally means obedience and peace. ISLAM is derived from the Arabic root “SALEMA” meaning peace, purity, submission and obedience. So ‘Islam’ means the path of those who are obedient to Allah and who establish peace with Him and His creatures. The Holy Prophet Muhammad (sa) defined a Muslim as one whose word or deed cause no harm to others. ‘Peace’ is the greeting of Muslims and ‘Peace’ shall also be the greeting of the dwellers of Paradise.

Hence, any person that does not adhere to these principles of peace, harmony and collective good, is outside the boundary of this definition.

Deeper Dive – Who speaks for Islam?

So, what about all of the negative media rhetoric against this peaceful image of Islam? Well, first and foremost we have to ask who has an authority to speak about what “Islam” is and what it stands for? Is it Media? Is it ISIS? Is it the president of a ‘Muslim’ country? Or the Muslim down the street from you?

None of these. The truth is that when we desire to know what any organization, company, country etc. stand for, we must look at its constitutional document. What any other person says or thinks is irrelevant, and if any person associates their actions towards this constitution, then cross-examination can easily manifest the truth from falsehood.

So, what is this constitution and basis of Islam? It is the following:

The Holy Qur’an (the perfect revealed word of God) Sunnah (practice of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (sa)) Passed down through practice, from the time of the Holy Prophet (sa) to present. After a few early decades, some practices were recorded in books. Ahadith (sayings of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (sa)) Traditions and narrations passed from the Holy Prophet Muhammad (sa) to his companions, and eventually future generations. These have varying levels of authenticity, for which early Muslim scholars developed an entire science of examination. The most important rule to remember is that a narration should not contradict the Holy Qur’an.

DOES THE QUR’AN TEACH PEACE?

The Holy Qur’an is categorical on its teachings about peace, after all, it is the key text of the religion that literally stands for peace. Let’s examine what it says about any and all sort of violence against an innocent person:

Whosoever killed a person – unless it be for killing a person or for creating disorder in the land – it shall be as if he had killed all mankind. (Al Maidah, Ch.5: v. 33)

Explaining this verse, Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian, founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim community states

‘A person who kills a person unfairly or who kills someone who had neither rebelled, nor became a source of violating peace amongst the people nor created disorder in the land, it is as if he has killed the whole of mankind. In other words, to kill a person without any cause is, according to God Almighty, like the murder of the entire human race. It is obvious from this verse, how big a sin it is to take the life of another person without reason.’ (Lecture Chashma-e-Ma’rifat pp 23-24: Commentary by the Promised Messiah Vol.2: p.405)

In fact, he goes even further to state emphatically the need for peace and kindness:

He who abandons kindness abandons religion. The Holy Qur’an teaches that whosoever kills a person without justifiable cause will be as if he has killed the whole world. In the same way, I say that if someone is not kind unto his brother, it is like he has been unkind to the whole world.’ (Al Hakam Vol. 9 No.15 dated 30 April 1905 p.2: Commentary by the Promised Messiah, Vol.2: p.405)

Freedom of Conscious and Religions

Let us look at another core and fundamental pillar established by the Holy Qur’an regarding religious freedom over 14 centuries ago:

لَاۤ اِکۡرَاہَ فِی الدِّیۡنِ There should be no compulsion in religion (2:257)

The Qur’an has given a clear-cut message of religious tolerance and freedom in this verse. Any person that suggests or acts otherwise steps completely against the command of Allah the Almighty and the practice of His Chosen Prophet (sa)

The Holy Qur’an protects freedom of conscious and religion in an extremely lucid and clear manner while stating:

‘It is the truth from your Lord; wherefore let him who will believe, and let him, who will disbelieve.’ (Ch.18:V.30)

Hence, there exists no injunction on any person to be forced or coerced into following Islam in any manner whatsoever. If force had ever been the desire of God Almighty would it have been difficult for Him to compel all of humanity to believe? Absolutely not. It is to this effect that God states in the Holy Qur’an:

‘And if thy Lord had enforced His Will, surely, all who are in the earth would have believed together. Wilt thou, then, force men to become believers?’ (Ch.10:V.100).

Highlighting this crucial verse, Hazrat Khalifatul-Masih V (aa), Supreme Head of the worldwide Ahmadiyya Muslim community, stated in an address:

“This verse clearly states that God, as the Possessor of all Powers, could easily force all people to adopt the same religion; however, He has instead given the people of the world the freedom to choose – to believe or to not believe.” (Address at Houses of Parliament in London, UK on Centenary of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in UK 11 June 2013)

This can clearly be seen in the practice and life of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (sa) and his companions. When the Banu Nadir were exiled from Madinah when they failed to fulfil their promise to maintain peace. At that time, they also had many children of the Ansar (Muslim inhabitants of Madinah). These children had begun to live amongst the Jews, because in the pre-Islamic days of ignorance, amongst the Arab tribes of Aus and Khazraj, those who had no male children used to pledge that if the next child were born a male, they would make him a Jew. Thus, there were many boys from the Aus and Khizraj tribes who had been handed over to Jewish families. When the Jews of Banu Nadir were exiled because of their transgression, the Muslims wanted to get back their own descendants from the Jews. The Holy Prophet of Islam (sa) refrained them from their action on the very basis that ‘there is no compulsion in religion’ that once you hand over your own son to someone else and that someone else makes your descendant a follower of Judaism, you cannot take him back: he would have to go with the Banu Nadir.

Hazrat Khalifatul-Masih V (aa) describes another incident relating to a slave of Hazrat Umer (ra):

“Then there is the account of a slave of Hadrat Umar (ra) who narrates that although he was a slave of Hadrat Umar (ra), Hadrat Umar(ra) never forced him to become a Muslim. Hadrat Umar (ra) most certainly used to explain to him with love and affection to become a Muslim but the slave would refuse and Hadrat Umar(ra) would only say: There is no compulsion in faith and fell silent after that. Finally, before his death, he set this slave free. Now who can, therefore, say that there is any room for compulsion or causing a breach of peace in Islam?” (A lecture at the Universite D’Abomey-Calavi Cotonou, Benin. 8 Apr. 2004)

Therefore, there should remain no confusion regarding this aspect of Islamic teaching. Islam is against any and all type of compulsion in religion, and lays the accountability of belief at the behest of God Himself. No other entity, organization, structure, or person has any right to do or say otherwise.

LIFE OF THE HOLY PROPHET MUHAMMAD – THE PARAGON OF PEACE

The Holy Prophet Muhammad (sa) is the primary practical exemplar for all Muslims. His practices and sayings are held sacred, after the Holy Qur’an, perhaps there has never existed any other individual who has ever been emulated to this capacity. So, let’s see what his life tells us about whether Islam is a religion of peace or not.

First and foremost, we have the testimony of the Holy Qur’an regarding the preaching efforts of the Holy Prophet (sa) and his burning agony for the guidance of people while focusing entirely on peace:

‘I swear by his repeated cry “O my Lord!” that these are a people who will not believe. Therefore, turn aside from them, and say, “Peace;” and soon shall they know.’ (Ch.43 Vs 89-90)

This verse also states that in response to the Holy Prophet’s(sa) message of peace, his opponents did not only reject his teachings; they even ridiculed and insulted him. Indeed, they went even further and opposed him with enmity and created disorder and strife. Upon all of this the Holy Prophet(sa) pleaded to God that:

‘I desire to give them peace, but they do not give me peace. Leaving that aside they even strive to inflict pain and agony upon me.’

In response, Allah the Almighty consoled him by saying:

‘Ignore whatever they do and turn away from them. Your only task is to spread and establish peace in the world. You should respond to their hatred and transgressions by simply saying “peace be with you” and tell them that you have brought peace for them.’

The Charter of Medina – the First Constitution based on principles of Peace

Prophet Muhammad (sa) actively promoted peace, tolerance and compassion for all non Muslim minorities living in Arabia. He did not simply demand religious tolerance of his followers; his Sunnah was to provide legal and constitutional protections for religious minorities. This is perhaps best illustrated by two historic documents prepared by Prophet Muhammad (sa). The first document is the Charter of Media written in 622 A.D. – a formal agreement between Prophet Muhammad (sa) and all of the significant tribes and families of Medina, including Muslims, Jews and non-Muslim Arabs. Many scholars refer to this document as the first ever written constitution of a nation-state. The Charter of Medina pre-dated the English Magna Carta by almost six centuries.

The Charter consists of 47 clauses which set forth the formation of a sovereign nation state with a common citizenship for all communities. The Charter protects fundamental human rights for all citizens, including equality, cooperation, freedom of conscience and freedom of religion. Clause 25 specifically states that Jews and non-Muslim Arabs are entitled to practice their own faith without any restrictions. In short, the Charter of Medina was the first document in history to establish religious freedom as a fundamental constitutional right.

Then, secondly there is the Charter of Privileges that was granted to the Christian monks of Sinai. Western Islamic scholar, Marmaduke Pickthall, comments on this letter as follows:

“The Charter which Muhammad (sa) granted to the Christian monks of Sinai is a living document. If you read it, you will see that it breathes not only goodwill, but also actual love. He gave to the Jews of Medina, so long as they were faithful to him, precisely the same treatment as to any Muslims. He never was aggressive against any man or class of men . . . The story of his reception of Christian and Zoroastrian visitors is on record. There is not a trace of religious intolerance in any of this.”

What About All the Wars (Jihad) of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (sa)?

So, if the prophet of Islam taught peace, then why did he engage in so many wars? This is often a very naïve question raised against the holy personage of prophet Muhammad (sa), while ignoring the facts of history completely. Let us look at the entire picture.

Makkans, the place of the Holy Prophet’s birth and early preaching, outright rejected the message of the Holy Prophet (sa) to a large extent. The few that followed the prophet of Islam, were heavily persecuted. They were dragged through the streets, starved, cursed, boycotted, and even ripped apart in front of their family members. What was their crime? Simply that they believed in one God, and followed Muhammad (sa).

When the Holy Prophet Muhammad (sa) had finally established a just and peaceful society in Medinah, the Makkans were furious and vowed to destroy the Muslims. They could not let them live in peace even in Medinah. Hence, God Almighty finally gave permission to the Muslims to fight back in self-defense in the following command:

اُذِنَ لِلَّذِیۡنَ یُقٰتَلُوۡنَ بِاَنَّہُمۡ ظُلِمُوۡا ؕ وَ اِنَّ اللّٰہَ عَلٰی نَصۡرِہِمۡ لَقَدِیۡرُ Permission to fight is given to those against whom war is made, because they have been wronged — and Allah indeed has power to help them

الَّذِیۡنَ اُخۡرِجُوۡا مِنۡ دِیَارِہِمۡ بِغَیۡرِ حَقٍّ اِلَّاۤ اَنۡ یَّقُوۡلُوۡا رَبُّنَا اللّٰہُ ؕ وَ لَوۡ لَا دَفۡعُ اللّٰہِ النَّاسَ بَعۡضَہُمۡ بِبَعۡضٍ لَّہُدِّمَتۡ صَوَامِعُ وَ بِیَعٌ وَّ صَلَوٰتٌ وَّ مَسٰجِدُ یُذۡکَرُ فِیۡہَا اسۡمُ اللّٰہِ کَثِیۡرًا ؕ وَ لَیَنۡصُرَنَّ اللّٰہُ مَنۡ یَّنۡصُرُہٗ ؕ اِنَّ اللّٰہَ لَقَوِیٌّ عَزِیۡزٌ “Those who have been driven out from their homes unjustly only because they said, ‘Our Lord is Allah’ — And if Allah did not repel some men by means of others, there would surely have been pulled down cloisters and churches and synagogues and mosques, wherein the name of Allah is oft commemorated. And Allah will surely help one who helps Him. Allah is indeed Powerful, Mighty” (Ch22:V40-41)

Fair-minded commentators have utterly rejected the false barbaric image of early Islamic wars. De L O’Leary, for example, writes:

“History makes it clear, however, that the legend of fanatical Muslims sweeping through the world and forcing Islam at the point of the sword upon conquered races is one of the most absurd myths that historians have ever repeated.” (Islam at the Crossroads, p.8)

Hazrat Khalifatul-Masih V (aa) states regarding this issue while highlighting the need of the time:

The underlying point to consider is that the use of the sword or force is only permissible when a religious war is waged against Islam. In today’s world no one, be it a country or a religion, is physically waging war and attacking Islam on the basis of religion. Thus, it is not justifiable in any way for Muslims to attack any other party, in the name of religion, because this clearly violates the teachings of the Qur’an. )”   (A lecture at the Universite D’Abomey-Calavi Cotonou, Benin. 8 Apr. 2004)

The fact is that the Islamic wars were in self-defense after the Muslims had been pushed beyond all bounds of reason.

After 10 difficult years of fighting to establish religious freedom and peace, the Holy Prophet (sa) returned triumphant and victorious to Makkah. What did he do at this time? Kill his enemies? Destroy their houses and property? No. He proclaimed:

“There shall be no punishment upon any of you for I have forgiven you all.  I am a messenger of love and peace. I have the greatest knowledge of Allah’s attribute of being a ‘Source of Peace’ – He is the One Who gives peace. Thus, I forgive you of all of your past transgressions and I give you a guarantee of peace and security. You are free to remain in Makkah and to freely practice your religion. No one will be compelled or forced in any way.” (Bukhari)

The Holy Prophet readily granted amnesty to his persecutors, the magnanimity of which softened the hardest of hearts. Bitter enemies of the morning became warm friends by midday. Even the most die-hard enemies of Islam could not resist the healing balm so generously and so effectively applied by the Holy Prophet.

Commenting on this conquest of Makkah, the Rev. Bosworth Smith writes:

“Now would have been the moment to gratify his ambition, to satiate his lust, to glut his revenge. Read the account of the entry of Muhammad into Mecca side by side with that of Marins or Sulla into Rome. Compare all the attendant circumstances, the outrages that preceded, and the use made by each of his recovered power and we shall then be in a better position to appreciate the magnanimity and moderation of the Prophet of Arabia. There were no proscription lists, no plunder, no wanton revenge. From a helpless orphan to the ruler of a big country was a great transition, yet the Prophet retained the nobility of his character under all circumstances.” (Muhammad and Muhammadanism)

PEACE IN ALL ASPECTS

Therefore, Islam promised peace and delivered peace. The later fanatical politically fueled agendas of the extremist ‘Muslims’ that we see today have nothing to with Islam. Islam is a complete code of life, and promises to deliver peace in all aspects of life. From individual to family to social to international. No other religion delivers such a complete teaching without falling short on any matter.

[rest-in-being]

Some terminology:

Sufism in arabic: Tasawwuf (Tasawwuf is a scholarly term added later, the original pre-scholarly term for Sufism is Tazkiyah)

Sufi order in arabic: Tariqat

Sufi initiation in arabic: Bay’ah

Sufi meditational practice: Dhikr (or Zikr)

Tazkiyah is mentioned 18 times in the Quran, such as e.g. Sura 62 Ayat 2 [62:2]:

“It is He who has sent among the unlettered a Messenger from themselves reciting to them His verses and purifying (tazkiah) them and teaching them the Book and wisdom - although they were before in clear error.”

Tariqat is also mentioned in Quran, such as e.g. [72:16]:

“If only they were to go straight on the Path (Tariqa), We would give them abundant water to drink.”

Sufi initiation Bayah is Sunnah as it was practiced by Prophet Muhammad [saw]. It’s also mentioned in the Quran, e.g. [48:18]:

Certainly Allah was well pleased with the believers when they swore allegiance (bayah) to you under the tree, and He knew what was in their hearts, so He sent down tranquillity on them and rewarded them with a near victory,

For more information of Bayah, please refer to Authentic Hadith collection Sunan an Nasa’i - The Book of al-Bay’ah.

Dhikr is mentioned in more than 525 Hadiths. Also in the Quran, e.g. [33:41]:

O ye who believe! Remember Allah (dhikr’Allah) with much remembrance.

The core of Sufism is the transformation (or purification) of the soul. Known as Tazkiyah tul Nafs. The verses referencing the purification of the soul are in Quran [91:7–9]:

By the Soul, and the proportion and order given to it; And its enlightenment as to its wrong and its right; Truly he succeeds that purifies it.

I can go on, and on, and on, and on. Know that all Sufi practices, such as turning (“whirling”), jumping, using tasbeeh/meshaba are all referenced in Hadiths. Sufism is simply mysticism within Islam. If outside of Islam, it’s other than Sufism.

[zamancollective]

Protected Religious Minorities under Iran’s Islamic Regime: an analysis of ideology and policy

Anonymous submission

The Iranian Revolution of 1979 was one of the most significant milestones in the modern history of the Middle East. For the first time, a parliamentary system rooted in the promotion of the core tenants of Shi’a Islam was established, making the nation a theocratic republic. The Islamic regime, which remains in power ever since, is completely juxtaposed to the notion of individual freedom that prevails in Western democracies, as it is based on the strong rapport between religious and civil authorities, and intentionally purged from public life the elements that were opposed to its political principles (Amanat 813). In this essay, I would like to highlight the notion that within this system, there is a distinct tendency to prioritize the rights of the people of Shi’a Islamic faith over all other religious minorities. The Islamic regime tends to link the presence of religious minorities to the possibility that foreign powers might use these minorities as vehicles to undermine the Islamic Republic of Iran: Sunni Muslims via Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, and Jews via Israel. Therefore, the system of government that operates in the Islamic Republic of Iran masks its systematic subjugation of religious minorities under the guise of threat to national security.

I will note that this essay focuses in particular on Iran’s “protected” religious minorities, or ahl al-kitab (lit. people of the book). This term refers to Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians, who were granted this status on the grounds of their pre-Islamic origins and supposed reception of divine revelation. Importantly, Shi’a clerics exclude followers of the Baha’i faith from this paradigm. As such, unlike protected minorities, they face more formalized discrimination and frequent imprisonment on the mere basis of faith. Although the issue of Baha’i oppression in Iran certainly merits attention, the ensuing analysis will center on the conditions of ahl al-kitab.

The prevailing intellectual framework behind the Islamic Revolution of 1979 originated in the eagerness to use Islam as a vehicle for the liberation of the people of Iran from their state of oppression. The regime led by the Shah of Iran, generally accepted as a puppet of the United States, maintained a grip on power through violent means. In response, Islamic scholars of the time emphasized the need to employ a more revolutionary approach to the practice of the Muslim faith to combat the Shah’s radical secularism (Dabashi 113). Three prominent scholars, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Morteza Mutahhari, and Ali Shariati, are recognized as the most influential thinkers in laying the ideological framework of the Iranian Revolution. These three figures were not concretely part of a single intellectual movement, nor were their political, philosophical, or spiritual trajectories wholly aligned; regardless, they ultimately coalesced in the minds of Iranian revolutionaries as catalysts of the Revolution. Together, Khomeini, Mutahhari, and Shariati called upon the redemption of Iran from foreign influence and the establishment of a system of government based on the tenets of Shi’a Islam—depicted as the best framework for promoting well-being among Iranians. It should be added that these writings are notably conspiratorial and consistently highlight the moral and intellectual superiority of revolutionary Shi’ism over other religions and strands of Islam (Dabashi 119).

A meeting of the Council of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. The committee was created by Khomeini and chaired by Mutahhari until his assassination.

The intervention of Shi’a clerics in the political debate arose in Iran during the Imperial period. The politicization of Shi’a Islam had the ultimate effect of denouncing the complicity of the Shah in the pillaging of the country’s natural resources and the suffering of the citizenry, and the Shi’a clerics delegitimized the efforts of the Imperial regime to introduce Western democracy and liberalism into Iran. From the beginning, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini singles out the Jews as a social group “who first established anti-Islamic propaganda and engaged in various stratagems.” Khomeini draws upon the Quran in formulating this specific argument, as the Quran frequently depicts the Jews as people who corrupt Muslims, transgress the laws of God, and actively fight Islam (Quran 4:50, 5:13, 5:41, 5:51, 5:59). The Ayatollah observed that “later [the Jews] were joined by other groups, who were in certain respects, more satanic than they. These new groups began their imperialist penetration of the Muslim countries about three hundred years ago” (Khomeini 7).

This doctrine also served to establish a strict demarcation line between Sunni Islam, an ideology that served to perpetuate tyrannical leaders in power (in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States), and Shi’a Islam, an ideology which not only liberates the oppressed people of Iran but also other peoples of the post-colonial Third World (Ahmad 12). The main focus of Khomeini’s writings are the “agents of imperialism,” both in Iran and abroad (Khomeini 17). Khomeini states that these agents of imperialism “are not converting [Muslims] into Jews and Christians; they are corrupting them, making them irreligious and indifferent, which is sufficient for their purpose” (Khomeini 79).

Most importantly, he warns for preparation to fight the Jews and other people he accuses of conspiring to harm Muslim populations. Khomeini states, “if the Muslims had acted in accordance with this command, and after forming a government, made the necessary extensive preparations to be in a state of full readiness for war, a handful of Jews would never have dared to occupy our lands and to burn and destroy the Masjid al-Aqsā” (Khomeini 22). In this context, Khomeini sets the foundation for the future Islamic Republic’s repudiation of Zionism—one of the immutable pillars of the perpetual Revolution (Dabashi 598). Though Khomeini nominally declared protection for ahl al-kitab, this clear conflation of Zionism and Judaism by Khomeini undermines such protection and at the time of the Revolution posed a serious threat to Iranian Jews by legitimizing anti-Semitism as a form of revolutionary progressivism. This is why, almost immediately after the Revolution, leaders of the Iranian Jewish community like Habib Elghanian were labeled Zionist Spies and promptly executed (Haaretz). As a consequence, Chief Rabbi of Iran Hakham Yedidia Shofet was urged by community members to publicly denounce the Shah and announce allegiance to the Revolution, not because he necessarily agreed with it, but in order maintain community security within this rapidly changing political context (Sternfeld, “Iranian Revolution: Unintended Consequences”).

In Mutahhari’s case, it is clear that certain motivations necessitated a level of subjugation and incitement against religious minorities. Mutahhari argues that “not all the People of the Book are the same; some believe in God, Resurrection, and the laws of God. These are the People of the Book whom we are to leave alone. The second category, those of whom we are to fight, is the People of the Book in name only” (Mutahhari 15). The implication of this claim is that it defers power to the jurisprudence of the ulama (clerics) to determine which factions and sub- factions of social groups pose threats, regardless of if they are ahl al-kitab. However, Mutahhari observed that it was not possible to seek the conversion of infidels as a panacea to this problem: “faith and rejection, iman and kufr, must be freely chosen, and cannot be forced onto others. Islam says that whoever wants to believe will believe, and whoever does not want to, will not” (Mutahhari 67). Mutahhari also highlighted that the Iranian people had a prominent role in propagating the most just, and consequently superior, interpretation of Islam: “the Iranians observed that the only group of Muslims that was free of prejudice and very keen to establish justice and equality in society and showed an unlimited sensitivity in regard to these values was [the Shi’a Muslims of] the Household of the Prophet” (Mutaharri, “Islam and Iran” 54-55). Mutahhari’s writings illustrate the need to remain vigilant about the potential ramifications of adopting religious principles based on national or racial allegiance. This also incorporates a clear warning against following the teachings of the strand of Islam espoused by people of Arab descent, explicitly distinguishing the moral superiority of Shi’a Islam over Sunni Islam (Mutaharri, “Islam and Iran” 58).

While Mutahhari highlighted the difference between a Persian and Arab pursuit of Islam, Ali Shariati’s writings were key in noting ways in which Shi’a and Sunni Islam espoused different forms of governance. At first, Shariati criticized Western democracy, which he considered to be an ideological tool that effectively oppressed people in positions of disadvantage, such as the poor (Shariati, “Reflections of Humanity”). Shariati advocated for a political system based on liberty and equality, albeit informed by the spiritual perspective that characterized pre-modern societies. The main problem that can be identified in this political approach is that the status of minorities is significantly diminished. Shariati’s arguments emphasize the need to keep “alive the hope of redemption after martyrdom,” promoting the advent of “revenge and revolt” against the tyrannical leaders that did not work for the benefit of the people (Shariati, “Red Shi’ism vs Black Shi’ism”).

A 1980 postage stamp honoring the memory of Ali Shariati.

Shariati highlighted the need to preserve the “faith in the ultimate downfall of tyrants and the decrees of destiny against the ruling powers who dispense justice by the sword” (Shariati, “Red Shi’ism vs Black Shi’ism”). Shariati’s writings set the tone for the strict distinction between Sunni and Shi’a Islam that would inform the system of government that prevails in Iran, alluding to Sunni Islam’s tendency to espouse tyrannic dictators (indicating Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States), and emphasizing the moral superiority of Shi’a Islam in its usefulness for advancing the idea of the unity of mankind and God.

The tenets of Shi’a Islam additionally influenced the nationalist philosophy espoused by the Islamic regime since 1979. Ali Shariati emphasized the putative dangers involved in assimilating the cultural perspective of other people, noting that the person who adopts other religious and cultural models “forgets his own background, national character and culture or, if he remembers them at all, recalls them with contempt.” One of the main implications of this way of thinking is the reduction of the scope of pluralism within the Islamic system of government established in Iran in 1979 (Shariati, “Reflections of Humanity”).

The system of government that has operated in Iran since 1979 is centered around the principle that all the political parties that participate in the legislative process need to abide by the tenets of the Islamic Revolution—this allows for a great deal of political debate regarding the best way to safeguard the interests of the country. As discussed prior, the Iranian Constitution nominally guarantees the basic freedoms of the ahl al-kitab religious minorities living in the country. Article 13 states: “Zoroastrian, Jewish, and Christian Iranians are the only recognized religious minorities, who, within the limits of the law, are free to perform their religious rites and ceremonies, and to act according to their own canon in matters of personal affairs and religious education.” Furthermore, Article 14 specifies that “the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran and all Muslims are duty-bound to treat non- Muslims in conformity with ethical norms and the principles of Islamic justice and equity, and to respect their human rights.” Article 64 guarantees some minority representation in government, stating that “Zoroastrians and [Assyrian, Chaldean and Armenian] Christians and Jews will each elect one representative” to the Islamic Consultative Assembly.

The inauguration of the 10th Islamic Consultative Assembly-- Iran’s current parliament-- at the Majles headquarters in 2016.

Notwithstanding the existence of these constitutional guarantees, religious minorities face several constraints that effectively hinder their participation in Iran’s political system beyond their symbolic inclusion in the Majles. Non-Muslims are prohibited from occupying more than their one guaranteed parliamentary seat, which is arbitrary given the major differences in population size between different protected religious minorities. Members of these communities are also disqualified from holding any higher office. The system of government that prevails in Iran has established the primacy of Shi’a Islam as the main form of political organization; therefore, all candidates in the public sector are thoroughly vetted in order to determine whether they will use their public post to fulfill the Islam Republic’s mission “for ensuring the continuation of the revolution at home and abroad” (Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran). It would be impossible to suggest that any member of a religious minority who intends to run for office could ever fulfill the duties required for continuing the revolution in it’s entirety, as this would necessitate the individual’s own conversion to Islam. This can be highlighted in the Quranic verse 21:92, ”This, your community, is a single community, and I am your Lord, so worship Me,” which is referenced in the Preamble of Iranian Constitution, substantiating the Revolution’s attempt to establish a single [Shi’i] world community—more clearly, directly writing this Quranic verse in the Constitution reveals that the ultimate goal of the Revolution is to establish a single Shi’i world (Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran). By this logic, electing any non-Shi’i would be paradoxical and negate this ambition. 

There are significant obstacles that prevent religious minorities from enjoying full citizenship rights, in spite of the fact that religious minorities have political representation in the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majles). For instance, access to a university education requires extensive knowledge of the principles of Shi’a Islam, which means that the members of religious minorities are put at a disadvantage or pressured to study overseas. There is also a penalty of death for any Shi’a Muslims who abandon their faith (whereas other faiths are actively encouraged to do so and adopt Shi’ism), and intermarriage is effectively forbidden unless the non-Shi’a partner converts. These are all issues that attest to the fact that freedom of religion in Iran is nominal and limited, at least in the way that it is conceived of in the Western world.

Iranian Jews were especially affected by the ideological undercurrent of the Islamic Revolution, namely because the Jewish population is perpetually threatened by allegations of their potential associations with Zionism. As previously mentioned, a number of Iranian Jews have been executed since the onset of the Islamic Revolution after being accused of spying for the State of Israel. Nevertheless, it is important to note that up until 1979, there was a great deal of support among Iranian Jews for the democratization of the country (Sternfeld 857-858). Before the advent of the Islamic Revolution, many Iranian Jews were involved in intellectual circles that promoted the liberalization of the country and the introduction of the democratic system of government. During the Imperial period, the Jewish population of Iran found opportunities for economic progression and social advancement, which led to their increased support for activities of Muslim clerics and leaders involved in revolutionary activities. Furthermore, during the period of revolutionary upheaval, the Jewish Sapir Hospital provided medical attention to the revolutionary protesters who had been injured by the police (Sternfeld 869).

Forty years after the Revolution, the relationship between Iranian Jews and the Islamic Republic remains tenuous, to say the least; the regime still peddles a strong degree of suspicion regarding the loyalty of the Jewish community to the Islamic regime, and continues to maintain a largely conspiratorial perspective on Israel’s actions and the occurrence of the Holocaust (Gerech and Takeyh). This is one factor of many that has led to the migration of most of the Jewish population to Israel, the US, and other countries since 1979. Those that have remained in Iran are generally quiet when it comes to politics, and hesitate to publicly criticize the status quo- although the head of Tehran’s Jewish community once criticized then-president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the wake of his repeated denials of the Holocaust (Cohler-Esses). Jews in Iran today operate their own small institutions and practice their religion freely, reporting that they live comfortable lives and feel secure. However, it is difficult to gauge the accuracy of such claims, given fears of possible repercussions from the current Iranian regime, which strictly polices the content of interviews with foreign media outlets.

A man observes the decorations at Yusef Abad Synagogue in northern Tehran.

Overall, the official position of the religious minorities falls in line with the tenets espoused by the intellectuals of the Islamic Revolution during the erosion of the Imperial period. The religious minorities that receive official protection are considered to be the recipients of the divine message handed down by God to his prophets. Mentions of religious minorities in official documents are largely meant to paint a sanitized image of an Islamic regime which has successfully incorporated all its citizens, regardless of religion. The relationship between the Islamic regime and its religious minorities is guided by a strict ontological demarcation, which is meant to affirm the moral and intellectual superiority  of Shi’a Islam over all other religions, in spite of some attempts to incorporate other philosophical and intellectual perspectives into Iranian political life (Abrahamian 188). 

In conclusion, the system of government established in the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979 is based on the exclusion of the religious minorities from political life. And while the Islamic Republic of Iran nominally protects the rights of religious minorities, it also imposes significant restrictions on their mobility within Iranian society, particularly when it comes to their participation in the various echelons of governance and their ability to criticize the status quo. The Islamic Revolution emphasizes the rights of the community over the rights of the individual, in clear contrast from the tenets of Western democracy. This ultimately entails the firm prioritization and privileging of the Shi’a majority by appealing to religious, nationalist and populist themes (Abrahamian 143). Moreover, the intellectual framework set out by scholars such as Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Morteza Mutahhari and Ali Shariati paved the way for the implementation of a guiding “Twelver Islam” redemptionist philosophy in government, necessitating the subjugation of minorities to create an environment guided by jurisprudence in anticipation of the Mahdi. Therefore, in spite of a rhetoric based on freedom and equality, the Islamic Republic of Iran tends to connect the presence of religious minorities to heresy, corruption of Islam, rebellion against the regime, and inhibition of the ever-continuous Revolution.

 The anonymous author is a Persian Jewish student from Los Angeles.

Works Cited

Abrahamian, Ervand. A History of Modern Iran. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018.

Ahmad, Jal-al Al. Occidentosis: a Plague from the West. Tehran: Islam International Publications, 1984.

Amanat, Abbas. Iran: A Modern History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017. Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1979) – Retrieved from www.servat.unibe.ch/icl/ir00000_.html on November 4, 2019.

Cohler-Esses, Larry. “What PBS got right-- and so wrong-- about the Jews of Iran.” The Jewish Telegraphic Agency, December 4, 2018. https://www.jta.org/2018/12/04/culture/pbs-got-right-wrong-jews-iran

Dabashi, Hamid. Theology of Discontent: The Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. London: Transaction Publishers, 2005.

Gerecht, Reuel Marc, and Ray Takeyh. “Iran's Holocaust Denial Is Part of a Malevolent Strategy.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 27 May 2016, www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/irans-holocaust-denial-is-part-of-a-malevolent- strategy/2016/05/27/312cbc48-2374-11e6-aa84-42391ba52c91_story.html.

Haaretz. “Builder of Wrecked Tehran Tower: Iranian Jewish Businessman Executed in '79 as 'Zionist Spy'.” Haaretz.com, 15 Jan. 2018, www.haaretz.com/middle-east- news/builder-of-wrecked-tehran-tower-iranian-jewish-businessman-executed-as- zionist-spy-1.5487806.

Khomeini, Ruhollah. Islamic Government-Governance of the Jurist. London: Alhoda Press, 2017.

McHugo, John. A Concise History of Sunnis and Shi'is. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2018.

Mutahhari, Morteza. Jihad The Holy War of Islam and Its Legitimacy in the Quran, Teheran: Islamic Propagation Organization, 1988. https://www.al-islam.org

Mutahhari. Morteza. Islam and Iran: A Historical Study of Mutual Services, Teheran: Islamic Propagation Organization, 1986. https://www.al-islam.org

Shariati, Ali. Reflections of Humanity. http://www.iranchamber.com/personalities/ ashariati/works/reflections_of_humanity.php

Shariati, Ali. Red Shi'ism (the religion of martyrdom) vs. Black Shi'ism (the religion of mourning). http://www.iranchamber.com/personalities/ashariati/works/ red_black_shiism.php

Sternfeld, Lior. The Revolution's Forgotten Sons and Daughters: The Jewish Community in Tehran during the 1979 Revolution. Iranian Studies, Vol 47, no. 6, 2014. 857-869.

Sternfled, Lior. “Iranian Revolution: Unintended Consequences.” Tablet Magazine, 15 Jan. 2019, www.tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/278343/unintended- consequences.

[dungeonecologist]

WILD ARMS 2 - Golgotha Prison

The name is not subtle, but the reference itself is actually oddly superficial.  At the end of the dungeon, Ashley is separated briefly from the party and Lilka and Brad are captured and tied to crosses, evoking the characters Dismus and Gestas, the thieves crucified during the same execution as the biblical christ.  There is little reference to that actual narrative however, instead seeming to draw from the fact that the name Golgotha is taken to be an epithet to mean literally “A Place of Skulls,” which seems rather appropriate and obvious for an execution field.

Bookending the start and end of this dungeon, we fight the boss monster, Trask.  First in a scripted “loss” and then in a solo match with Ashley’s new dark henshin hero form, the “Grotesque Black Knight,” Knightblazer.

“Trask” is yet another transliteration* issue that comes from the juggling between languages.  It actually comes from the Tarrasque, another monster most readily identified from its appearance in the original Dungeons & Dragons Monster Manual, itself originally taken from semi-obscure French myth of Saint Martha of Bethany and the Tarasque of Tarascon.

*(I realize I use this word a lot and it might not be as common use to others.  A “translation” lifts meaning between languages; a “transliteration” is to lift written characters between them.  Example: “Left” in English translates to 左[the direction] or 残[what remains] but transliterates to レフト.  Inversely 左 and 残 both translate back to English as “Left” but transliterate as “hidari” and “zan” respectively; and レフト transliterates back into English as “refuto.”)

Surprisingly, the Wild Arms 2 design (which would also go on to persist as the core design throughout the rest of the Wild Arms series) is based more on the original myth than the D&D representations tend to be: While the end product looks nothing like the depictions of the Tarasque of myth, it retains the spiked turtle shell, the prominent dual horns, poisonous quality, and fins on its head here account for being “half fish.”

Also of note is that the title card identifies it as a “Dragonoid” and it has various metallic and machine-like features.  These details are neat because it positions it as being not-quite a dragon, to work around a fact that will pop up much later: That dragons in Filgaia are extinct.  And also to play into the fact that Dragons in Wild Arms are semi-mechanical lifeforms.

In any case, our scripted loss to Trask the first time around ends with the team knocked out and imprisoned in what appears to be a disused execution ground and associated holding cells.  In our escape we run into monsters fitting the theme, who appear to be natural inhabitants, rather than guards put in place by the Odessa terrorist soldiers who are actually holding us here.

First up is the Wight, a classic undead warrior monster generally taken from D&D, but with a little more behind it than you might expect.  The term Wight in English lore actually traces back quite far as an archaic term with little to no real association with monsters.  The real intersection with name and subject comes from an early English translation of the Nordic Grettis Saga; In it the zombie-like creatures now better known as Draugr were referred to as apturgangr (lit.”againwalker”) but were translated as Barrow-wight. (lit.”[burial-]mound person”)

This may seem an odd choice, but the translation came at the hands of the eminent bookman William Morris.  I say “bookman” because he was not just a prolific author of prose and poetry, but a pioneer of the revival of the British textile and printing industry.  He and his wife, Jane Burden, did extensive arts, craft and design work in book and print design, book binding, and wall paper all stemming from the intricate design of modular and tiled printing blocks and stamps.  Oh and he translated various works of epic poetry and myth into English, including old Roman epics, French knightly romances, and of course Norse sagas. (all of which he wrote and published what was basically fanfiction of, btw)

His seemingly erroneous “translation” of the Barrow-wight came as an attempt to reflect a comparable agedness to the name: Rather than translating from old Norse into modern English, he chose what he thought a suitable old English equivalent; “Barrow” referring to pre-christian Anglo-Saxon burial mounds, and “Wight” meaning “thing” or “creature” but often used disparagingly to refer to a person.  The nuance there is actually quite clever, as the old Wight referred pretty exclusively to those living, even if it didn’t specify by definition, and that uncertainty or contradictory kind of implication uniquely fits a description of the undead.

This term would be picked up by J.R.R. Tolkein for use in Middle-Earth, retaining their lore and function from Norse legend to describe undead warriors.  And from there you can follow the usual chain of influence to D&D, where the shortened term Wight really solidified itself as synonymous with the undead, and eventually down to Game of Thrones, where George R.R. Martin cleverly brings the whole thing back around to old risen bodies of northern warriors, not unlike the Draugr of Norse myth.

Anyway in Wild Arms 2 we get some sorta death yeti ¯\_(ツ)_/¯

Next up is the Ghoul, which I think we all know is a pretty generic term in modern parlance, but it’s specific origins date back to pre-Islamic Arabia.  It entered into English via translations of the original French translation of 1001 Arabian Nights, where it appears in one story as a monster lurking about the cemetery devouring corpses.

The Ghoul identity as a corpse eater quickly broadened into flesh eaters, and the association with lurking about graves in turn marked them as undead themselves until eventually the term became loosely applied to any variety of undead, including the thrall of vampires, supplanting the flesh of the dead with blood of the living and achieving a truly far removed meaning.  Even in modern Arabic the term now broadly applies to any number of fantasy monsters. 

And so long as we’re dabbling in pop culture transplants; the Arabaian word Ghul is in fact the same used in the name of the Batman villain, R’as al-Ghul, whose name/title has always been erroneously translated as “Head of The Demon.“

I have no idea why it’s a chicken with a mohawk but i love it

And finally the Bone Drake.  I don’t know that this one actually has any real specific lineage...

“Drake” is generally a synonym for dragon, although there is some case of fantasy semantics where different settings will try to define distinct body types of dragons each with their own name, in which case Drakes are often either dragons which simply don’t exceed a certain size (generally no bigger than a non-magical animal such as a dog or a horse) or a wingless variation of whatever the setting’s prototypical dragon might be.  I don’t know for certain, but I think this distinction in modern fantasy started with Tolkien’s wingless fire breathing dragon, Glaurung, and its offspring who were referred to as fire-drakes.

In any case, the specific term “Bone Drake” Doesn’t seem to appear with any visibility prior to Wild Arms 2, which leads me to believe it was just their name for a generic bone dragon-like creature.  It does make for an interesting companion, aesthetically, to Trask being here, although there don’t seem to be any implications that Trask lives in this dungeon at all.  Other than just being an obvious combination of cool fantasy things, it may also be pulled from Dungeon & Dragons’ Dracolich/Night Dragon; an undead (often skeletal) dragon raised from the dead, often by their own necromantic spells, hence the term “Lich.”  For whatever reason they are oddly reminiscent of shield crested dinosaurs like the Triceratops or Styracosaurus.

The attack Rhodon Breath doesn’t tell me anything either.  I think it’s just meant as “Rose Breath,” translating the “Rhodon” bit pretty literally, and references the smell of roses being present as a funeral, or else the palor of the faded pink color also called “Rose Breath.”  There is some apocryphal reference to a Rhodon but of no significance that I can tell.

Clearly the theme here is death and the undead, and with some small stretch on part of the Wight, we could even say skulls all befitting Golgotha’s “Place of Skulls” epithet.  It’s a really neat way to build this dungeon, albeit a little on the nose.  But I really like the idea that the dungeon appears to be abandoned and now haunted by all these reanimated corpses and bones before the villains arrive to use it for their plans.  Oddly there isn’t much of a martyrdom theme here, although we’ll get plenty of that a little later once we recruit our second magic user, summoner, christ figure, and perfect beautiful boy, Tim Rhymless to the team...

Anyway we get out, we fight Trask for real.  Ashley turns into a saturday morning superhero.  Trask gets solo’d.  And we all just kinda move along without asking too many questions...  Although the game dialogue describes this new form as a “grotesque black knight” the sprite work, 3D model, and even original character art don’t really convey much in the way of “grotesque” but in the context of the tokusatsu, henshin hero elements it’s not too hard to imagine that the design was meant to evoke a similar aesthetic to gruesome suit heroes like Guyver, Kamen Rider Shin, and Devilman.  I do love the gill/tendon-like organic vent structure in the pauldrons that stay.  And although it’s not visible in any of these images, but the D-Arts model has an exposed segment of vertebrae between the shoulders; that along with the teeth(?)/ribs on the open chest panels really helps bring out more of the “grotesque” quality of the design.

[thats-so-religious]

From Kosher Meals to Conversion, “Black Cindy” Becomes “Tova”: Examining Judaism in Orange is the New Black

“I’m ready to get my Jew on. And it ain’t just about the food although the more I been learnin’, the food a big part of it, am I right?”

The catalyst for the most intriguing storyline in season three of the Netflix dramedy Orange is the New Black (2013) begins unexpectedly, and religiously, at the heart of all Jewish culture (and my Bubbie’s number one concern when I enter the house): food. Although disappointingly, not with bagels. Nonetheless, Orange is the New Black (OITNB) highlights a wonderfully rich example of the relationship of religion in popular culture. In understanding this relation, Bruce David Forbes invites us to consider the fundamental questions about how religion is expressed and portrayed in the series (11 – 12).

After the privatization of Litchfield Penitentiary, notoriously mediocre prison meals become significantly worse. To reduce costs, the inmates’ meals start coming pre-prepared. In a word, the brown slop that the women are served appears as if when ladled onto a serving tray makes a sound that’s repulsive enough to make viewers want to dry-heave.

However, the inmates discover a loophole to combat eating the thawed sludge. Lolly Whitehill, a savvy inmate, suggests that, “if you tell cafeteria workers you’re Jewish, you’ll get kosher meals, which is way better than prison food – and they can’t question your religion, because it’s illegal”. 

Predictably, this leads to a sudden increase in the number of “Jewish” inmates who keep kosher. MCC, the private prison corporation, becomes suspicious of the growing affinity for Judaism after requests for kosher meals increases. In an effort to save money, while also making some unanticipated holocaust jokes, MCC sends a “Rent-a-Rabbi” to Litchfield to detect who is actually Jewish.

During Rabbi Tatelbaum’s interrogations, the women recite every Jewish stereotype and trope in an attempt to receive kosher meals. Though, Cindy “Black Cindy” Hayes goes above and beyond, as she passionately intertwines the plots from Annie Hall and Yentl into the story of her upbringing.

OITNB has been lauded for its diverse representation of female characters and the nuance with which their stories are told. Yet, prima facie the portrayal of Judaism and Jews in this precise scene has received some audience backlash as problematic, and at worst, has been chided as anti-Semitic. This critique of OITNB merits further reflection.

Sana Amanat’s discussion on identity, representation in media, and stereotyping provides a useful starting point for thinking about OITNB. In her TEDx Talk, Amanat describes how our individual identity is tied to the group identity, and how this social identity can be affected and oftentimes shaped by larger cultural representations, particularly through the imposition of stereotypes (5:32 – 7:00). Stereotyping can be detrimental to the sense of self because it works to flatten and essentialize diversity into a binary, ultimately seeking to minimize and categorize non-dominant groups as “Other” (Harris). The stereotypes that the women express in their interviewers are not meant to demonize, disempower, negatively impact, or belittle Jewish folks; in my decoding of the scene (Hall), it appears to do quite the opposite. The montage highlights the women’s ignorance and lack of maliciousness toward Judaism, while simultaneously debunking the validity of the stereotypes because of their absurdity. For instance, when Tasha “Taystee” Jefferson proclaims, “you know what I hate? Shrimps. Damn, dirty shrimps. Don’t even talk to me about shrimps!” its purpose is not to position Judaism as the punchline of the joke, it’s to convey a message about Taystee’s lack of knowledge and society’s habitually simplistic (mis)understanding of Jewish cultural traditions and religion more broadly. In contrast to how Muslims are discursively depicted in Western popular culture as one-dimensional caricatures of America-hating villains, the Jewish stereotypes in OITNB are clearly just funny - I mean, did you hear the woman spontaneously break out into her own rendition of “Hava Nagila”? The stereotypes are not indicative of xenophobia, nor do the portrayals actually influence national security policy discussions. I would be hard-pressed to find any Jews being detained by the TSA because of stereotypes surrounding their dietary restrictions. 

When Cindy Hayes doesn’t make the list of inmates approved for kosher meals, she decides to convert to Judaism. Cindy makes a genuinely tearful plea to the Rabbi that captures the crux of Judaism, and what it means to truly practice one’s religion. In the season three finale, Cindy’s conversion comes to a climax as it just so happens that there’s a lake beside the prison enabling her to have her Mikvah.  

Black Cindy’s conversion to Judaism is treated as a serious development in her character arc. Susanna Danuta Walters’ questioning of “whose gaze?” (Harris) can help us understand the meaning behind this plotpoint. When Cindy is given permission to convert, it’s obvious the storyline that began as a joke is no more. Cindy’s desire to convert doesn’t merely stem out of wanting better meals, it emanates from feeling estranged from her own religious roots. Moreover, Rabbi Tatelbaum recognizes that Cindy is lying and instead of becoming irritated he applauds her endeavour to understand Jewish culture through examining classic Jewish cinema. OITNB portrays the Rabbi as empathetic, and Judaism as a religion that is open and accepting of newcomers, rather than rigid. I don’t always see robust portrayals of religion or religious leaders as dynamic and openhearted. Additionally, given the lack of representation for Jews of colour, it’s particularly noteworthy that the show prominently features one and challenges the audiences’ notion of who can be Jewish be providing depth and authenticity to a different perspective.

Lastly, Catherine Albanese’s functional definition of religion as the effects it has in daily life, and how it aids people in dealing with the “ills” of living (Forbes & Mahan 17) is the essence behind Cindy’s conversion. The function of religion goes beyond merely obtaining kosher meals. Religion serves not only as a way to provide Cindy with a multifaceted storyline, but it also demonstrates her ability to exercise literal and metaphorical freedom and agency over her life when imprisoned. In this, Cindy’s religious journey is worth scrutinizing as it’s relatable and accessible to viewers. Where at its core, religion serves the same function inside or outside of prison: providing guidance and an escape from the struggles of everyday life. 

Works Cited 

Forbes, Bruce David. “Introduction: Finding Religion in Unexpected Places.” Religion and Popular Culture in America, edited by Bruce David Forbes andJeffrey H. Mahan, University of California Press, 2017, pp. 1 - 24. 

Harris, Jennifer A. “Introduction to Religion & Popular Culture.” 10 January. 2019, University of Toronto, Toronto. Class Lecture. 

Harris, Jennifer A. “’Reel Bad Arabs’: Representations of Muslims & Islam in Popular Culture.” 31 January. 2019, University of Toronto, Toronto. Class Lecture.

Harris, Jennifer A. and Hall, Stuart. “’It’s a Bird!’ Superheroes & Their Religious Roots.” 24 January. 2019, University of Toronto, Toronto. Class Lecture. 

Kohan, Jenji, creator. Orange is the New Black. Netflix, 2013.

“Fear, and Other Smells.” Orange is the New Black, season 3, episode 8, Netflix, 11 Jun. 2015. 

“Trust No Bitch.” Orange is the New Black, season 3, episode 13, Netflix, 11 Jun. 2015. 

“Where my Dreidel At.” Orange is the New Black, season 3, episode 9, Netflix, 11 Jun. 2015.

“Myths, Misfits & Masks: Sana Amanat at TedxTeen 2014.” Youtube, uploaded by Tedx Talks. 17 March 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o9lev9739zQ. 

Media Content 

Cindy Hayes, Lunch Line gif: https://giphy.com/gifs/oitnb-shabbat-shalom-26BkNHIQcJGbN2tAQ

Video I: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R3_f8h0MIbU

Video II: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jO94rhKJAR8