#placard integre

[quidittch]

Living Room Library

[darkficsyouneveraskedfor]

Paradigm Shift 1

Warnings: this fic will include elements, some dark, such noncon/dubcon, and other untagged triggers. Please take this into account before proceeding. It is up to curate your online consumption safely.

Summary: you get transferred to a new position but it's hardly a breath of fresh air. (plus!reader)

Characters: Loki, Bucky Barnes, this reader is known as Billie.

Author’s Note: Please feel free to leave some feedback, reblog, and jump into my asks. I’m always happy to discuss with you and riff on idea. As always, you are cherished and adored! Stay safe, be kind, and treat yourself💜

💼Part of the Bad Bosses AU💼

“So, I’m sending you over to logistics,” Mr. Odinson nearly knocks over your pen cup as he sits on the corner of your desk. He gargantuan figure makes you fear for the integrity of the furniture beneath him. “I trust you can keep things tidy there.” 

You want to ask why you but don’t dare. Thor can be pleasant enough. Personable, friendly even, but you’ve also heard how his voice turns to thunder when he’s angry. You’re not shy of the stories either. Wandering eyes and hands. You don’t think they’d ever find you but you’d rather steer clear of the risk. 

“Logistics?” You wonder. 

“Mm, yes, my brother and his new partner,” he waves his hand dismissively, “they’re in need of a desk jockey to mind their dates. When I tell you how many meetings I’ve shown up to and met only an empty table.” 

“Uh, yes, sir, that sounds... bad,” you eke out. 

“Mm, yes,” his eyes flick up and down, “as it were, Fandral said you did rather well on his little task force so you will go down and sort them out. I would warn you but it better you find out for yourself. Perhaps those two will not be so difficult for one such as yourself, eh?” 

He taps the tip of your nose and you blink in surprise. You’ve witnessed it before. A bit too touchy for HR’s liking but they don’t do anything about it. After all, if you make money, then who cares how you behave? 

“When do I... start?” You ask. 

“Now,” he shrugs, “suppose sooner is better.” 

“Now?” You can’t help the shock in your voice and he narrows his eyes, “yes, sir. Um...” 

“There are boxes in the copier room, pack up your things, they should be expecting you... I think,” he stands and scratches his beards, “who’s to say if they read the email.” 

You’re hardly feeling good about this. He hasn’t said one thing that’s made you confident in your reassignment. You prefer the familiar and after two years, this is finally comfortable. Of course you’re the sacrifice they’ve chosen. Now you have start all over again. 

You get up as Odinson leaves and you head off to the copy room. You find an empty paper back and return to your desk. You put your pen cup inside, your ergonomic keyboard and mouse, the next person can put in a request, and you empty your single drawer into the bottom. You put your bag and coat on top and bid a wordless goodbye to your cubicle. No one else even seems to notice as you pack up your laptop. 

Logistics. You’re not even sure where that would be. You stick to your little corner of the company and keep your head down. 

You look it up in the office directory. A whole floor down. You get on the elevator and bob impatiently as you descend. You step off and march toward your fate. You slow as you pass between the desks of clacking keys and the smell of stale coffee. No one looks very happy. Even if they gossip terribly upstairs, at least they’re lively. 

No one looks up as you stroll by. Right. Where exactly do you go. You’re not seeing a free desk. You near a door with a placard on it. Laufeyson, Odinson’s brother. You glance over to the next door. Barnes, a newly acquired consultant. Alright. 

You knock on the first door and wait. And wait. And wait. You tap a little harder and hear shuffling from within. You step back as the door opens with a harsh swing inward. 

“What do you--” The tall main with his oily black locks stops himself mid-sentence and tilts his head, “and who are you?” 

Your eyes round. Does he not know? Your brows arch and nearly meet in the middle. You frown. 

“Your brother--” 

“Secretary,” another voice grits like gravel from behind you. “Remember?” 

You turn as the blue-eyed man blows across a mug and tastes his coffee. His hair hangs around his square jaw, a thicker set than the other man. You glance between him and Mr. Laufeyson, “secretary? Well, not exactly, your brother sent me for clerical--” 

“Secretary,” Laufeyson insists, “very well. Suppose it will ease the burden of tracking those mindless check-ins,” he makes a sarcastic quotation with his fingers, “as you will. Send a ticket to IT, have them add you to my calendar.” 

The door closes as swiftly as it opened and you stagger back. You look over at the other man as he approaches the next office and rests his grip on the handle, “My partner, Loki Laufeyson; Bucky Barnes,” He motions to himself with his cup, “send that ticket in and add my name.” 

“Yes, sir, but er, wait, I--” 

He just as quickly dismisses you with the open and close of his door. You stand dumbly in the hall and look around. What a warm welcome. You look down toward the bullpen of desks and further down the hall. So, where are you supposed to work? 

You pace up and down the short hallway. You find a closet full of old mice and keyboards, and the breakroom with its worn-out coffee maker and humming fridge. You can’t exactly work in either.  

You sigh and return to the hall. You plunk yourself down between the doors of your new bosses and open your laptop to balance on the box. You sit on your jacket and keep your purse against your thigh as you sit on your feet. You open up the support portal and file the ticket; first task done. You have to wait for access until you can do anything else since neither of them seem to want to explain very much. 

You shake your head. Why on earth did you think it couldn’t get worse? It surely feels like a demotion to be sat on the carpet with cardboard for a desk.

You wonder why you? You suppose you’re not interesting enough for Mr. Odinson to keep around. Still, he doesn’t need to punish you for not being his type. 

Well, so long as you’re paid, you’ll just have to make it work. 

[biggulp3515-blog]

Too Big for a Boat

As a feeder, I often think about how large of a woman I could make you.  I think about the structural integrity items and when you will surpass their weight limit. The thought of you easily exceeding the capacity of any chair, ladder, or bicycle is intoxicating. Seeing your powerful mounds of blubber buckle and bend any frame put into your path will have me begging to be next. I recently started looking at purchasing a boat for the two of us so we can enjoy the coastal estuaries and I can watch your gut glisten in the sun. I began noticing that boat manufacturers drill placards on the helm that say, “2 PERSONS OR 450 LBS” and “4 PERSONS OR 700 LBS”. Now all I can dream about is buying you any number of these 17-foot skiffs and watching you sink them one by one beneath your heavy foot. Before you step aboard all the placards will need to be changed to “1 PERSON OR 700 LBS” or “1 GLUTTON OR 700 LBS”.

This fantasy has me drooling. Maybe one of you can help me come up with a clever boat name that is worthy of a fat queen.

[bsof-maarav]

Things I saw on my way to shul this Shabbat:

A house with tons of pro-Hamas signs in the window right next to a house with one huge sign that said "You Need Jesus"

A series of telephone poles covered in pro-Hamas posters, but one was torn one down and in the white residue it left behind, someone wrote Bring Them Home Now

Pieces left behind of stickers about antisemitism that had been torn down, with just a few words left readable, pleas for recognition that Israelis and Jews are human

The poster that's been up since October on a public electrical box that says "The world stands with Palestine" (which always makes me roll my eyes and think, yes, Jews know the world stands with whoever would like to eliminate us, this isn't news) was updated to also say Fuck Israel

The "Viva Palestina" sign depicting a terrorist with a gun that's been in the window of one house since October was updated to add more names of murderous terrorists that the homeowner wished to honor with a special shout-out

The huge banner outside of a church saying "Love demands a permanent ceasefire now!" with an image of a dove carrying an olive branch apparently offended the local bird population who didn't want their image associated with this message so they pooped all over it

Many, many signs campaigning for a candidate for city council who says she is a "recovering Zionist" who did "ancestral healing" so that she no longer feels a stake in the ancestral homeland full of refugees and can now be a Good Jew (her campaign slogan is about her compassion and integrity which is rich when you consider she's part of the mob screaming at Shoah survivors in city council meetings that they're lying and works with a white supremacist guy who literally calls Jews "zios" and pigs)

The most gorgeously lush and varied flower gardens that you could ever imagine gracing every sidewalk

Flowering trees everywhere

Birds, bees, butterflies, well fed squirrels, and prosperous housecats of all kinds

Gorgeous period architecture, much of it beautifully preserved

A homeless person under a freeway overpass, trying to snuggle into a comfortable position on the cement, in the exact place that another homeless person was recently found dead

Multimillion dollar houses in one of the wealthiest areas of a country that never gets bombed, covered in signs advocating their support for Israel to keep being bombed and terrorized

On a street full of houses with pro-Hamas placards, one solitary house with a mezuzah and a sign on its door saying שלום

[mariacallous]

An estimated several thousand people marched through the centre of the Serbian capital behind a rainbow-coloured banner on Saturday as the Belgrade Pride 2024 parade went off peacefully, protected by a high-profile police presence.

The march, described as the biggest ever by the organisers, paused along the route outside the Serbian government and parliament buildings to voice demands for the adoption of new laws on LGBTQ+ rights.

During the march, unknown persons hung a rainbow flag from a window of the parliament building, sparking cheers from the participants.

The organisers said that the LGBTQ+ community in Serbia is still waiting for the adoption of legislation legalising same-sex partnerships and a new law on gender identity.

“Politicians, with political will, could easily fulfil the demands. Of course, it is also important that these laws are then applied,” Goran Miletic, a representative of the Pride organisers, told media.

“The law on gender identity is not a matter of the rights of trans people, but of basic human rights,” said activist and trans woman Ana Jovanovic.

Serbian Minister of European Integration Tanja Miscevic told media at the Pride event that the government is “talking” about potential legislation on same-sex relationships, although she added that it is not in her mandate.

“The issue is protecting the rights of various citizens, which must be equalised with the rights that we all have,” Miscevic said.

To the beat of a troupe of drummers, marchers carried placards calling for LGBTQ+ rights, with slogans like “Love and Be Brave” and “Homophobia is Sooo Boring”.

But some also carried placards protesting against a controversial lithium-mining project in Serbia, which has raised environmental concerns among locals.

Among the marchers, Natalija, a 30-year-old who lives in Belgrade, told BIRN that she attended Pride “because I’m planning to leave this country and I’d like to leave it a little nicer when I leave”.

“The LGBTQ+ issue is one of the reasons I’m leaving because I don’t feel safe and I don’t see a future here for me and my girlfriend, or ‘roommate’, in the eyes of the law,” she explained.

Another marcher, Vukasin, a 34-year-old from the Serbian capital, told BIRN he thinks that the LGBTQ+ community in Serbia needs to fight more for its rights.

“We need one ‘serious’ protest [at the Pride event] before the march and concert,” he said.

The slogan of the event was “Pride is people”, which organisers said was intended to show that LGBTQ+ community members “are just people who suffer from the same problems as everyone else, but with additional challenges caused by homophobia and transphobia”.

The campaign group Da Se Zna! (Let It Be Known!) said in its most recent annual report on LGBTQ+ rights in the country that there was “almost no improvement in the status of queer people in Serbia” in 2023.

The report said that the security of LGBTQ+ people in Serbia is constantly under threat, citing 85 incidents of violence and discrimination motivated by homophobia or transphobia in 2023, as well as an attack on two young queer people in their apartment during a police search. Charges against the police officers were dropped.

Da Se Zna! also expressed disappointment that there has been no progress towards legislation legalising same-sex partnerships or a new law on gender identity, while a centralised database on hate crimes has still not been developed.

Although Saturday’s event went ahead without security problems, Belgrade Pride has been targeted with homophobic violence on several occasions in its history.

The city’s first Pride parade in June 2001 was attacked by members of right-wing organisations and sports fan groups. More than forty people were injured.

Attempts to revive the Pride event in 2004 and 2009 failed, but in 2010, a parade was held under the slogan “We Can Do It Together”, with more than 500 participants.

Although the authorities gave security guarantees to the organisers, street battles erupted between the police and football hooligans in central Belgrade, leaving 132 police officers and 25 members of the public were injured, while around 250 were arrested. The same year marked the first time Pride Week was organised, which went ahead without security issues, however.

Pride was banned in 2011 and 2012 by the authorities, who claimed that the state was unable to guarantee the safety of the participants. In 2014, the first Belgrade Pride without incidents and organised violence was successfully held, protected by a massive police presence.

In 2022, the city hosted Euro Pride, but only a curtailed march was allowed by the authorities, who again cited security fears. The Belgrade Pride organisers said that after the march, “up to five participants were attacked by hooligans and violent groups”. The 2023 Pride march went ahead without incident.

[thoughtportal]

Whiteness riots have familiar features: police partisanship, local and national media fomentation, moral panics about crime and ‘race-mixing’, followed by calls for new criminal and immigration legislation.

The riots in Southport are just the latest flashpoint in a long history of British reactionary politics. In Fractured, Michael Richmond and Alex Charnley move away from the ahistorical temper of the identity politics debate, exploring how historical class struggles were formed and continue to determine the possibilities for new forms of solidarity in an increasingly dangerous world.

In this edited excerpt the authors explore the relationship between street racism and the modernisation of policing and immigration controls.

Conservative reactions to anti-racist movements are sensitive to temporal shifts in street protests and uprisings. The most dangerous point in a movement cycle is when things quiet down. State functionaries and journalists work hard to alienate the integrity of the utopian moment by generating debates that trivialise its political nucleus, while police move in to make arrests. Conservatives are aware of this and choose their moments carefully. The conservative claim that anti-racism causes racism (or makes racism worse) can be convincing because the state and the press personalise its causes. The pitting of opinions about ‘race’ at the national level creates hypervisibility for racialised people in schools, workplaces and streets. Those who ‘innocently’ identify with Britishness are painted as victims of anti-racist ‘race-baiting’, with many people of colour alienated by the direction this discourse takes, and the dangers it presents. State racism cannot proceed without this kind of maintenance, the ultimate goal being to enhance state powers over the organisation of workers and working-class communities more generally.

After Colston, we saw precisely how this happened. Within days, thousands of white supremacists gathered to protect a Churchill statue. Similar marches engulfed memorial squares across the country. In Coventry, a viral video showed a mass of white male and female football fans mobbing two young Black men. Dozens approached them, hurling glass bottles and racist epithets. When police arrived, the crowd accused one of the Black men of having a knife, even as weapons were visible in the hands of those crowding them. Cops moved in to arrest the two men. As part of the fans’ celebrations, BLM placards, left behind in the town centre from two recent multiracial anti-racist marches, were destroyed. Police later announced the incident wasn’t ‘racially motivated’. Two weeks later, ‘WHITE LIVES MATTER’ was scratched onto a hill in huge letters in a Coventry park, a video showed someone wearing a KKK hood next to it.

One year on, the government commissioned a race report to find out if there was really a racism problem in Britain: ‘In many areas of investigation, including educational failure and crime, we were led upstream to family breakdown as one of the main reasons for poor outcomes.’ The report found prejudice had statistically declined and that a ‘highly subjective dimension’ entered into ‘references to “systemic”, “institutional” or “structural racism” ’. The Daily Mail heralded the report: ‘Britain’s Race Revolution: Landmark report says UK “a model to the world” on diversity – and finds NO evidence of institutional racism.’ Other threats were detected, however,

A strident form of anti-racism … reinforced by a rise of identity politics, as old class divisions have lost traction … tend to stress the ‘lived experience’ of the groups they seek to protect with less emphasis on objective data.

The same oppositions between ‘identity politics’ and class, inculcated on the left for decades, were used as part of a government offensive. If anything was systemic, it was ‘anti-racism’, and with exclusionary effects: ‘the UK is open to all its communities. But we are acutely aware that the door may be only half open to some, including the white working-class.’ Whereas data on various ethnicities were compared, horizontally, and related to cultural or familial explanations, the ‘white working class’ was the only identity where systemic injustice could be explained. The report was launched with an almost trollish smirk from politicians. They searched and searched but no structural racism could be found in the data (except for a disregarded white working class). All this commotion and yet Britain was more inclusive than ever? ‘BLM’ was wrong to make British people feel otherwise. The report was immediately repudiated and discredited, even by some falsely credited as authors. But the government just pushed through the media cycle and pressed harder.

That same month, the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill was proposed. This was an opportunity to rubberstamp the far right reaction to ‘wokeness’ with concrete legislation that could suppress future protest waves and direct action tactics. The bill had a broader outlook, however, threatening the very existence of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities, by awarding police – and landowners – new powers to criminalise trespass and seize transport, that is, homes. Digital surveillance powers were enhanced, stop and search, as well as legal barriers to protest, including ten-year sentences for vandalising statues. ‘Back to the 80s,’ wrote Liz Fekete, ‘into the kind of territory that led to … the 1981 and 1985 inner city rebellions, the 1984–85 miners’ strike, and the mass unrest that followed the introduction of the Poll Tax’. The Nationality and Borders Bill followed. It presented a heinous broadening of deportation powers. Clause 9 would allow the state to deport any of six million naturalised or dual national British citizens, ‘without notice’, if the decision corresponded with the ‘public interest’. Nisha Kapoor predicts, ‘disqualification from voting rights, the withdrawal of access to services and provisions – bank accounts, passports, driving lessons – already administered … in counterterrorism cases, may become more routine. And should citizenship deprivation come, offshore detention centres will be waiting.’ The verticalisation of far-right social media trends and mainstream policymaking deserves proper attention. Undoubtedly, fascism and electoral politics are aligning. The ramping up of state powers to police, prosecute, deport and brutalise, depends on money and media pressure organised through liberal, conservative and fascist elites. That being said, reasoning around these authoritarian turns can also be underwhelming when the charisma of authoritarians, or fascism more broadly, is isolated as the cause. Racist anti-immigration legislation has been built piece by piece, over time, by politicians of every stripe.

In his writing on the Notting Hill riots of 1958, Peter Fryer describes ‘thousands’ of whites storming migrant neighbourhoods. Rioters surrounded Black people’s cars, shouting ‘let’s lynch them!’ Tory and Labour MPs joined the press (and a returned Oswald Mosley) in calling on the government to halt ‘coloured’ immigration and demanding deportations. The Tory government’s solution to the unrest was the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act, ending automatic right of entry and settlement in Britain for Commonwealth subjects. Labour initially opposed the broadening of controls, though largely based on a colonial sentimentality about ‘Mother Country’ duties and maintaining good trade relations with Commonwealth states. Harold Wilson embraced controls once in government,* further restricting ‘coloured’ immigration with a 1965 white paper. Labour’s 1968 Commonwealth Immigrants Act built on this precedent. It was rushed through amidst government fears Britain would have to accept all Kenyan Asians made stateless by an independent Kenya’s ‘Africanisation’ policy. Restrictions didn’t apply to white Commonwealth settlers, because these ‘patrials’, as they were called, could trace their family lineage back to British blood and soil. Jim Callaghan, future Labour Prime Minister, told Tony Benn: ‘We don’t want any more blacks in Britain.’ The TUC supported Labour policy throughout.

The historical mutability of ‘whiteness’ is concretely determined by the peculiarity of the given racial regime and the stresses of the historical conjuncture. However, over time, best practises and rules of thumb are distinguished and generalised. What we refer to as ‘whiteness riots’ are ‘sparks’ of violence, routinely followed by ‘race reports’ and legislative reactions, designed to impart control through indirect means: the market, but also courts, social care, schools, border forces, policing. 

Through these instruments of the liberal democratic state, in the name of equality, racism is not only preserved, but also formalised, nationalised and modernised. It is important therefore to apprehend racist street violence – and the infantilising, innocent register used to explain it – as structural, indeed, as bordering, an action that seeks to incite and lobby for state violence further up the chain. This is why Sivanandan made racism central to his analysis of fascism, rather than isolating the fascist as an egregious extremist: ‘We have fought the idea that racism was an aspect of fascism – our take was that racism was fascism’s breeding ground.’

Whiteness riots have familiar features: police partisanship, local and national media fomentation, moral panics about crime and ‘race-mixing’, followed by calls for new criminal and immigration legislation. They have also operated as significant flash points for constituting the public interest as white. Labour passed a flurry of laws in the 2000s. Help for asylum seekers was cut. New detention centres were built to buttress a new ‘biometric’ regime. Deportations, including charter flights, accelerated with claimants having no right to appeal until they had been ‘returned home’.

Enoch Powell personifies the psychodrama of Britishness. He was an early adopter of post-war immigration as a minister, who later mourned an English race contaminated and in decline. The post-war moment has ever since remained the freezing point for British imaginaries of the migrant – as nation-builder, or nation-destroyer. Powell framed the colonial anxieties of post-war liberal democracy in his 1968 ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech. It infamously depicted a foreboding future of racial role-reversal, of who would soon hold the ‘whip hand’. He referenced the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. and the riots that followed in the USA, warning similar would befall Britain unless immigration was halted. Powell’s dismissal from the Tory front bench for his speech was met with solidarity strikes by East End dockers. In an era when strike action was invariably economistic, a ‘political’ strike in support of a Tory politician was extraordinary. Over a thousand dockers and several hundred meat-porters from Smithfield Market marched to Westminster with signs saying: ‘We back Enoch!’ and ‘Back Britain, not Black Britain’. Harry Pearman led the strike, demanding a ‘total ban on immigration because there were enough already here’. After meeting Powell, he declared: ‘It made me feel proud to be an Englishman … We are representatives of the working man. We are not racialists.’ Powell’s popularity with a section of the working class, as Shilliam explains, is due to a perennial ‘defence of the ordinary, deserving working class as the white working class’. Tory legislation in 1971 and 1981,23 as well as its 1972 accession to what would become the EU, cemented Britain’s racist immigration policy.

[eretzyisrael]

That was the slogan on a placard brandished by a protester outside a home in Jerusalem’s Old City section, denouncing last week’s removal of illegal Arab squatters from the property.

On one level, it was just another ordinary real estate dispute, the kind that is heard in courts every day in every city in the world. Except that this one involves Arabs, Jews and racists who believe that Jews should not be allowed to live in mostly Arab neighborhoods—like the guy with the “Welcome to Apartheid” sign.

That’s right—the same people who are trying to keep members of one ethnic group out of a neighborhood, which is the very definition of “apartheid,” were standing there with signs accusing the Israeli authorities of “apartheid.”

This one deserves to be added to the dictionary, next to the word “Orwellian.”

In George Orwell’s famous novel 1984, the ironically named Ministry of Truth has three slogans: “War is Peace,” “Freedom is Slavery” and “Ignorance is Strength.” The meaning of words has been reversed to serve an ideological purpose. People are taught that those words actually mean the exact opposite of what they thought they meant. In the Jerusalem case, integration is now called “apartheid.”

This remarkable story began in 1948 when the Jordanian army conquered and illegally occupied Jerusalem’s Old City, the section where the Temple Mount, the Western Wall and the ancient Jewish Quarter are located.

The Jordanians expelled every Jew from the Jewish Quarter, at gunpoint. That’s apartheid.

During the 19 years to follow, the Jordanians refused to allow any Jews to return to their homes. That’s apartheid.

Jews were not even allowed to pray at the Western Wall, which the Jordanians used as a garbage dump. That’s apartheid.

Local Arabs moved into the homes in the Jewish Quarter. Does that seem like a reasonable thing to do? If a racist government in the United States expelled African-Americans from some neighborhood, would it be reasonable for their white neighbors to just move in and take over their homes?

Of course not. That’s called “squatting.” It’s illegal. Police throughout the world are constantly evicting squatters from other people’s properties. And most local governments are far less patient than the Israelis in dealing with such situations.

The Jerusalem case dragged on in Israel’s courts for an incredible 45 years. Israeli judges patiently heard appeal after appeal. They listened to lawyers for the squatters insist they had a right to the property on the grounds that they had been living there since the 1950s.

Think about that. A racist government expelled the Jews. Squatters then occupied the Jews’ property. And they demanded the right to stay there because they stole it a really long time ago. As legal arguments go, that’s not much of a case. So finally, earlier this year, Israel’s left-leaning Supreme Court ruled that the squatters had to leave. And this week, the police made them do so.

After suffering from 70 years of apartheid, the rightful heirs of the original Jewish owners can finally move back to their property. Since most of the people currently living in the immediate vicinity are Arabs, Jews moving back to the property means integrating the neighborhood.

Supporters of Arab apartheid are crestfallen. So, they took out their cardboard and magic markers this week, and set to work making signs to wave at their demonstration. There was just one problem: They couldn’t be honest. They couldn’t make signs that expressed their true feelings. They couldn’t use slogans such as “Jews Keep Out” or “Arabs Only.” (Or that infamous one from America’s past, “No Jews or Dogs Allowed.”) Because being honest would make them look bad.

So, they decided to go Orwellian: “Welcome to Apartheid.” Integration is apartheid. Ethnic coexistence is racism. Diversity is exclusion. Orwell’s Ministry of Truth couldn’t have said it any better.

[lotus-flower-writes-history]

The Unofficial Black History Book

Ruby Bridges (1954-Currently Living)

In 1960, a six-year-old African American girl unknowingly desegregated a white elementary school, paving the way for civil rights action in the South.

This is her story.

Ruby Nell Bridges was born on September 8th, 1954, the eldest of five children of Lucille and Abon Bridges, in Tylertown, Mississippi. She grew up on a farm with her parents and grandparents, who were sharecroppers. Her parents relocated to New Orleans when she was two years old in search of better job opportunities.

In 1954, the United States Supreme Court issued its decision in Brown v. The Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, which ended racial segregation in public schools. Even so, southern states continued to oppose integration. When Ruby was in kindergarten, she was one of many African American students who were chosen to take a test determining whether or not she could attend a white school. 

The test was designed to be particularly difficult so that students would struggle to pass it. Essentially, the plan was that if all of the African American children failed the test, New Orleans schools would be able to remain segregated for a longer period of time. However, Ruby and five other students passed the exam.

The Bridges family lived only five miles from an all-white school, but Ruby attended an all-black segregated school that was several miles away. Her parents were conflicted about sending her to an all-white school. Her father feared for his daughter’s safety, but her mother wanted Ruby to have a better education and better opportunities than her parents were denied.

NAACP officials informed Ruby's parents in 1960 that she had passed the test and would be the only African American child to attend the William Frantz School. Two other students decided not to leave their school at all, and the remaining three were assigned to the all-white McDonough Elementary School.

The school district went so far as to purposefully postpone Ruby's admission until November 14th. Ruby and her mother were escorted to school by four Federal Marshals on November 14th, 1960. They instructed Ruby not to look at the crowd. 

As they approached the school, Ruby was met by a large group of white adults gathered behind barricades, as well as police stationed in front of the school. They hurled objects at Ruby, shouted racial slurs at her, and even expressed death wishes.

Ruby, being young and naïve, initially mistook it for a Mardi Gras parade. “I was really not aware that I was going to a white school; my parents never explained it to me. I stumbled into the crowds of people, and living here in New Orleans and being accustomed to Mardi Gras, the huge celebration that takes place in the city every year, I really thought that’s what it was that day. There was no need for me to be afraid of that.” Ruby states.

Every day, irate protesters, mostly white parents and children, as well as reporters and photographers, gathered outside. The crowd chanted and waved placards while yelling slurs. One sign read: “All I want for Christmas is a clean white school.” And there was a woman holding up a miniature coffin with a black doll inside. It was the only time Ruby was afraid. 

In Ruby's own words, she said:

“That, I would have nightmares about, I would dream that the coffin was flying around my bedroom at night.” 

Ruby spent her first day at school in the principal's office as a result of the chaos caused by angry white parents pulling their children out of school. Dedicated segregationists withdrew their children for good. Ruby had to bring her own lunch to school every day because she was afraid of being poisoned. 

A woman from the crowd would yell out threats about poisoning and lynching Ruby. This was not revealed to her parents until much later. 

All of the white parents eventually withdrew their children from school, and the entire faculty refused to teach Ruby.

The only teacher willing to accept Ruby was Barbara Henry, a white Boston native. For the first year, she was the sole student in the classroom. “We knew we had to be there for each other.” Says Bridges. Ms. Henry was also shunned by the rest of the faculty for agreeing to teach a young black student. 

Ruby ate lunch alone in the classroom because she wasn’t allowed in the cafeteria. She wasn’t allowed to go to recess with the other kids, so she sometimes played with Ms. Henry. The Marshalls even escorted her to the bathroom.

Robert Coles, a white child psychiatrist who had witnessed the events outside the school, volunteered to help Ruby and her family. He would visit the home on a weekly basis to talk to Ruby.

Coles went on to pursue a career studying the effects of school desegregation on children. It was later revealed that one of his relatives had sent Ruby new school clothes that her family could not afford. 

Some families supported Ruby's bravery, and some Northerners sent money to help her family, while others protested throughout the city against them. Her entire family would soon pay the price for their bravery. Her father, Abon, a Korean War veteran, had lost his job as a gas station attendant. Her mother, Lucille, lost her job as a domestic worker, and grocery stores refused to sell food to Lucille to feed her children. Even Ruby’s friends couldn’t come over to play anymore.

The NAACP, which had played an important role in Ruby's case, had advised Ruby's father not to go out and look for work for his own safety. Her sharecropping grandparents, who had lived on their farm for 25 years, were also evicted. And her parents eventually separated. 

“I remember writing to Santa Claus and asking him to give my father’s job back, and that he didn’t have a job because I was going to school. So I guess somehow I did feel some blame for it.”

After an incident in which Ruby was stashing her food in the classroom during lunch because she was tired of eating alone, which resulted in a mouse infestation, Ms. Henry began sitting with Ruby during lunch.

Her eating habits had also changed at home; after Robert informed Ruby's parents about the white heckler outside the school and her threats to poison Ruby, she now only eats packaged food.

Things began to change gradually but steadily over the course of the first year. A small number of white parents allowed their children to return to school. They were initially separated from Ruby. In her own words, “The principal, who was part of the opposition, would take the kids, and she would hide them so that they could never come in contact with me.”  

Ruby was finally allowed to be in a small class with other six-year-old children near the end of the year, thanks to Ms. Henry's persistence. Ruby recalls a little boy saying to her, “My momma said not to play with you because you’re a nigger.”  

“And the minute he said that, it was like everything came together. All the little pieces that I’d been collecting in my mind all fit, and I then understood: The reason why there’s no kids here is because of me, and the color of my skin. That’s why I can’t go to recess. And it’s no Mardi Gras. It all sort of came together: A very rude awakening. I often say today that really was my first introduction to racism.” Bridges says.

She later realized that it was also a perception of the origins of racism. “The way that I was brought up, if my parents had said: ‘Don’t play with them - he’s white, he’s Asian, he’s Hispanic, he’s Indian, he’s whatever - I would not have played with him.” The young boy was merely explaining why he couldn't play with her; he was unaware that he was being racist toward her.

In Ruby’s words, “Which leads me to my point that racism is learned behavior. We pass it on to our kids, and it continues from one generation to the next. That moment proved that to me.”

One day, while being escorted to school, Ruby stopped to face the crowd, which was something she was instructed to do. Ms. Henry later asked her what she said. And Ruby said that she wasn’t talking; she was praying. Ruby would pray for the crowd of people who hated her. She forgot until she was in the midst of the crowd that morning. 

“Please, God, try to forgive those people. Because even if they say those bad things, They don’t know what they’re doing. So you could forgive them, Just like you did those folks a long time ago when they said terrible things about you.” A prayer that she would say before and after school.

By the second year of school, the tension had gradually subsided. There were no protests, and she was in a normal-sized class with mostly white kids, though a few African American kids had joined by then. Eventually, Ms. Henry left William Frantz Elementary, which saddened Ruby. Regardless, they became lifelong friends.

She even adopted Ms. Henry's strong Boston accent and was chastised for it by her new teacher, one of those who had refused to teach her the previous year. 

Every year, an increasing number of black students enrolled at William Frantz. High schools had been desegregated for nearly ten years when Ruby was in her teens, but black and white students still did not mix, and Ruby faced a lot of racial tension throughout high school. 

The South's racist legacy remained strong. Despite being desegregated, her high school was named after a former Confederate general, Francis T. Nicholls. Its sports teams were called the Rebels, and their logo featured a Confederate flag, which black students fought to change. The school was renamed Frederick Douglass High School in the 1990s, and the team is now known as the Bobcats. 

Ruby graduated from high school with no clear career path in mind, but she did know she wanted to leave Louisiana.  

“I was really more focused on how to get out of Louisiana. I knew that there was something more than what I was exposed to right there in my community.”

She applied for jobs as a flight attendant before working as an American Express travel agent for 15 years. During that time, she got to see the world.

In her 30s, she married Malcolm Hall in 1984 and had four sons. She began to feel restless around this time. 

“I was asking myself: ‘What am I doing?’ Am I doing something really meaningful?’ I really wanted to know what my purpose was in life.” She stated. 

In 1993, Ruby’s brother was shot dead on a street in New Orleans, and she took in his four daughters, who also attended William Frantz Elementary. 

In 1995, Robert Coles, Ruby's childhood psychiatrist who was now a Harvard professor, published his children's book, 'The Story of Ruby Bridges,' which reintroduced Ruby to the public eye. 

Ruby's story was never really discussed in New Orleans. She explains in the same way that, for years, people in Dallas didn’t talk about the Kennedy assassination. 

“You have to understand, we didn’t have Black History Month during that time. It wasn’t like I could pick up a textbook and open it up and read about myself.” 

Ruby promoted Coles' book by speaking in schools across the country, and it went on to become a best-seller. In 1998, Disney made a biopic of Ruby Bridges, in which she acted as a consultant. “I think everybody started to realize that me, Ruby Bridges, was actually the same little girl as in the Norman Rockwell painting.” 

The proceeds from the book aided Ruby in establishing her foundation. When she returned her nieces to William Frantz, she noticed a lack of after-school arts programs and decided to start her own. She continued touring schools across the country, telling her story and promoting cultural understanding. 

She recently released a new book, 'This is Your Time,' which tells her story for today's youth. 

After Hurricane Katrina damaged it in New Orleans in 2005, William Frantz was slated for demolition. As a result of Ruby's successful campaign to have the school listed on the National Register of Historic Places, funds were freed up to restore and expand it. In addition, there is a statue of Ruby in the school courtyard. 

Ruby was not aware of Norman Rockwell's 1964 painting of her, 'The Problem We All Live With,' until much later in her life. It is not a faithful recreation of the scene; it is closer to John Steinbeck's eyewitness account in his 1962 book 'Travels with Charley in Search of America,' but, unlike Rockwell's earlier Cherry Americana, it captures the rage and drama: The N-word and “KKK” are scrawled across the wall, along with the splattered tomato behind young Ruby Bridges.

When Barack Obama was elected president, Ruby suggested that the Rockwell painting be hung in the White House to commemorate the event's 40th anniversary. He invited Ruby and her family to its unveiling and even gave her a big hug. 

“It was a very powerful moment,” she says. “As we embraced, I saw people in the room tearing up and realized that it wasn’t just about he and I meeting; it was about those moments in time that came together. And all those sacrifices in between he and I. He then turned to me and said: ‘You know, it’s fair to say that if it had not been for this moment, for you all, I might not be here today.’ That in itself is just a stark reminder of how all of us are standing on someone else’s shoulders. Someone else that opened the door and paved the way. And so we have to understand that we cannot give up a fight, whether we see the fruit of our labor or not. You have a responsibility to open the door to keep this moving forward.” 

Ruby explains that the white population began to leave the area in the middle of the 1960s, partly as a result of the damage caused by Hurricane Betsy in 1965, but also as a result of the district's changing demographics. As a result, William Frantz's student body is now entirely black. 

It is happening right now in New Orleans: "White flight" has effectively resulted in a form of re-segregation in schools across the US, making it one of the city's poorest and most dangerous neighborhoods. 

Ruby now sees this as her next activist battle. 

Ruby Bridges, the six-year-old girl who bravely desegregated William Frantz Elementary, is now a Civil Rights activist who, at the age of 68, is bringing about change through education. 

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[beardedmrbean]

Chancellor Olaf Scholz says he's "ashamed and outraged" at recent antisemitic attacks in Germany.

He was speaking at an event to mark the anniversary of the November pogroms of 1938, sometimes known as "Kristallnacht."

Berlin's staunch diplomatic support for Israel is often described as a matter of historic responsibility.

But, as fighting continues between Israel and Hamas, social discord is emerging in Germany.

I meet a woman called Noa at a Berlin synagogue where she tells me how she has family who survived the Holocaust by hiding in Poland.

Some Jewish people in today's Germany, she says, are now hiding their identity.

"It's scary. Why should I live and be afraid of who I am?"

Aaron doesn't feel comfortable showing items traditionally worn by Jewish men in public, either his kippah or his tzitzit, the tassels of his prayer shawl.

Having fled the war in Ukraine, he believes Berlin is unsafe because "a lot of people support terrorist organisations".

Fears about a rise in antisemitism, since the outbreak of hostilities between Hamas and Israel, are widespread across Europe.

For Germany, incidents such as two petrol bombs being thrown towards a Berlin synagogue in October spark acute anxiety due to the nation's Nazi past.

Cases of antisemitism were, according to preliminary police figures, already on the rise this year before the Hamas attacks - the majority committed by the far right.

Since 7 October, senior politicians have urged people, particularly from parts of the political left and Muslim backgrounds, to distance themselves from the actions of Hamas.

Israel's security is a fundamental cornerstone of German foreign policy with the former chancellor, Angela Merkel, declaring it to be a Staatsräson - reason of state - in 2008.

On a recent visit to Israel, Olaf Scholz said: "In such difficult times there is only one place we can be: at Israel's side."

But Germany's state doctrine is being visibly challenged on the streets of cities like Berlin.

"Your staatsräson sucks!" read one placard at a recent pro-Palestinian demonstration.

This march was permitted to take place whereas many have been banned.

Nadim Jarrar, who attended the 9,000-strong demo, tells me he's frustrated by the "one-sided" narrative.

Half-German, half-Palestinian - he thinks Germany must be more prepared to talk about the actions of Israel.

"It's a healthy process for every nation to get criticised and to have a discussion about what's going on."

Any German discomfort with that debate, he believes, cannot lead to shutting it down.

Sami, who has family in the West Bank and lives in Stuttgart, says people must be able "to show we are in pain about what's happening in Gaza".

"What's been done to the Palestinians since 1948... We've all seen the videos of what they're doing to our children."

In a widely viewed video message, Germany's vice-chancellor, Robert Habeck, said that criticism of Israel is "of course allowed" but its right to exist must not be "relativised".

"Israel's security is our obligation," he said.

Some demonstrations have led to violent clashes between police and protesters.

The authorities are investigating reports that black and white banners, which are used by jihadist groups and feature the Islamic statement of faith, were flown at a march in the city of Essen.

There was outrage when one group, subsequently disbanded by government, appeared to be celebrating the Hamas atrocities of 7 October on the streets of Berlin.

Felix Klein, the government's Commissioner for Jewish life in Germany, says it has become apparent that there is a big problem in Germany's integration policy.

"It is problematic when it turns into antisemitic and anti-Israel hate where people shout 'From the river to the sea, Palestine shall be free' - which would deny Israel's right to exist."

However, there has been criticism that the messages coming from the government have veered towards stoking anti-Muslim sentiment.

Debate about the German government's foreign and domestic positioning is likely to persist for as long as the conflict between Israel and Hamas lasts.

"Every time there's a war in Israel," says Noa, "it just hits us again and again that we are not a full part of the society".

"We will always be different. We will always be the ones that are not fully German."

There is real anguish in Germany, rooted in its past, that Jewish people don't feel safe. But there is also an anger, bubbling in some communities, about a perceived reluctance by the political classes to break a German taboo and criticise Israel.

[religion-is-a-mental-illness]

He turned on the car radio and the Bradford burning was at the top of the news. Then they were home, and the present engulfed him. He saw on television what he had spent the day trying to avoid. There were perhaps a thousand people in the demonstration, and all of them were male. Their faces were angry, or, to be precise, their faces were performing anger for the cameras. He could see in their eyes the excitement they felt at the presence of the world's press. It was the excitement of celebrity, of what Saul Bellow had called “event glamour.” To be bathed in flashlight was glorious, almost erotic. This was their moment on the red carpet of history. They were carrying placards reading RUSHDIE STINKS and RUSHDIE EAT YOUR WORDS. They were ready for their close-up.

A copy of the novel had been nailed to a piece of wood and then set on fire: crucified and then immolated. It was an image he couldn't forget: the happily angry faces, rejoicing in their anger, believing their identity was born of their rage. And in the foreground a smug man in a trilby with a little Poirot mustache. This was a Bradford councilor, Mohammad Ajeeb—the word “ajeeb,” oddly, was Urdu for “odd”—who had told the crowd, “Islam is peace.”

He had been sent a T-shirt as a gift from an unknown admirer. BLASPHEMY IS A VICTIMLESS CRIME. But now the victory of the Enlightenment was looking temporary, reversible. Old language had been renewed, defeated ideas were on the march. In Yorkshire they had burned his book.

Now he was angry, too.

-- Salman Rushdie, “Joseph Anton: A Memoir”

“Joseph Anton: A Memoir” is Salman Rushdie’s memoir from his time in hiding, during which he used the pseudonym Joseph Anton. Interestingly, it’s written in the third person. 

Partly, it covers the firestorm that erupted upon release of The Satanic Verses that lead to this reclusion. This passage in particular refers to the book burning that 1000 Muslims conducted in Bradford. None of whom had actually read it. Among the fallout of this event was that a number of public people - politicians, authors, journalists, commentators and the like - who should have known better, and who hadn’t read the book, discarded all of their principles in order to side with a radical Islamist mob who hadn’t read it either. In the name of sensitivity.

“When the Ayatollah Khomeini offered money - money in his own name, without shame, for the suborning of murder of a novelist, the Cardinal Archbishop of New York, the chief Rabbi of Israel the Archbishop of Canterbury, all condemned what?

The novel! The author, for blasphemy!

Now, get used to this, because you may be living in the last few years where you can complain about it.

In other words, ladies and gentlemen, the barbarians are not at the gate. They’re not at the gate. They’re well inside, and who held open the door for them? The other religious did.”

– Christopher Hitchens

This mistake and betrayal - and it was both - set the precedent, and in doing so, authorized the protection of religious sentiments over everything else. Opening the door for the Charlie Hebdo and Jyllands Postens attacks, through to the Hamline University Associative Vice President of Inclusive Excellence grovelling that “respect for the observant Muslim students in that classroom should have superseded academic freedom.” This was a moment of truth, a test of integrity. And the west blinked.

The message was clear: like the Dark Ages prior, fragile religious sentiments were guaranteed primacy, and religious blasphemies were once again unutterable and punishable.

[unvindiaannouncements]

ᴛʜᴇ ɴᴀᴛɪᴏɴᴀʟ ᴜɴ ᴠᴏʟᴜɴᴛᴇᴇʀꜱ ɪɴᴅɪᴀ

𝗡𝗔𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡𝗔𝗟 𝗨𝗡𝗜𝗧𝗬 𝗗𝗔𝗬

ᴏᴄᴛᴏʙᴇʀ 31

National Unity Day, celebrated on October 31st in India, is a great opportunity to promote unity and integrity among students. Here are some engaging ideas for celebrating this day in schools and colleges:

1.𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗠𝗮𝗿𝗰𝗵

Organize a Unity March where students and staff can walk together, holding banners and placards promoting unity and national integration. This can be a powerful visual representation of solidarity.

2.𝗖𝘂𝗹𝗿𝘂𝗿𝗮𝗹 𝗽𝗲𝗿𝗳𝗼𝗿𝗺𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗲𝘀

Host cultural performances that showcase the diverse traditions and cultures of India. This can include dance, music, and drama performances that highlight the theme of unity in diversity.

3.𝗘𝘀𝘀𝗮𝘆 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝘀𝗽𝗲𝗲𝗰𝗵 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗲𝘁𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝘀

Encourage students to participate in essay writing and speech competitions on topics related to national unity and the importance of staying united as a nation. This helps in fostering a sense of patriotism and understanding among students.

4. 𝗣𝗼𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗿 𝗺𝗮𝗸𝗶𝗻��� 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗮𝗿𝘁 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗲𝘁𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝘀

Organize poster making and art competitions where students can express their ideas about unity and national integration through creative artwork. Display these artworks around the school or college campus.

5. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗽𝗹𝗲𝗱𝗴𝗲

Conduct a Unity Pledge ceremony where students and staff can take a pledge to uphold the values of unity and integrity. This can be a meaningful way to start the day’s celebrations.

6. 𝗤𝘂𝗶𝘇

Host quiz competitions focusing on the history, culture, and achievements of India. This can help students learn more about their country and appreciate its diversity.

7. 𝗚𝗿𝗼𝘂𝗽 𝗱𝗶𝘀𝗰𝘂𝘀𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻𝘀 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗱𝗲𝗯𝗮𝘁𝗲𝘀

Facilitate group discussions and debates on topics related to national unity, such as the role of youth in promoting unity, the impact of diversity on national integration, etc. This encourages critical thinking and active participation.

8. 𝗖𝗼𝗺𝗺𝘂𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝘀𝗲𝗿𝘃𝗶𝗰𝗲 𝗮𝗰𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗲𝘀

Organize community service activities where students can work together on projects that benefit the local community. This can include cleaning drives, tree planting, or helping out at local shelters.

9. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗯𝗮𝗱𝗴𝗲𝘀 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗿𝗶𝗽𝗽𝗼𝗻𝘀

Distribute Unity Day badges and ribbons to students and staff to wear throughout the day. This can help create a sense of belonging and participation in the event.

10. 𝗚𝘂𝗲𝘀𝘁 𝗹𝗲𝗰𝘁𝘂𝗿𝗲𝘀 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝘄𝗼𝗿𝗸𝘀𝗵𝗼𝗽𝘀

Invite guest speakers to talk about the importance of unity and national integration. Workshops on team-building and leadership can also be beneficial in promoting the values of unity.

11. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝘄𝗮𝗹𝗹

Create a Unity Wall where students can write messages, quotes, or draw pictures that represent unity and harmony. This can be a collaborative art project that grows throughout the day.

12. 𝗥𝗼𝗹𝗲 𝗽𝗹𝗮𝘆𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗮𝗰𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗲𝘀

Organize role-playing activities where students can act out historical events or figures that played a significant role in promoting national unity. This can be both educational and engaging.

13. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗽𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗱𝗲

Host a Unity Day Parade with students dressed in traditional attire from different states of India. This can be a colorful and vibrant way to showcase the country’s diversity.

14. 𝗜𝗻𝘁𝗲𝗿𝗳𝗮𝗶𝘁𝗵 𝗱𝗶𝗮𝗹𝗼𝗴𝘂𝗲𝘀

Facilitate interfaith dialogues where students can learn about different religions and cultures. This can promote understanding and respect for diversity.

15. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝘀𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁𝘀 𝗲𝘃𝗲𝗻𝘁𝘀

Organize sports events that require teamwork and collaboration, such as relay races, tug-of-war, or team sports. This can help build camaraderie and a sense of unity among students.

16. 𝗗𝗼𝗰𝘂𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗮𝗿𝘆 𝘀𝗰𝗿𝗲𝗲𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴𝘀

Screen documentaries or films that highlight the theme of national unity and the importance of staying united. Follow up with discussions to reflect on the messages conveyed.

17. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗳𝗮𝗶𝗿

Set up a Unity Day Fair with stalls representing different states of India, showcasing their unique cultures, cuisines, and crafts. This can be an interactive and fun way to learn about the country’s diversity.

18. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝘁𝗿𝗲𝗲 𝗽𝗹𝗮𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗻𝗴

Plant a “Unity Tree” on the school or college campus, symbolizing growth and unity. Students can take turns caring for the tree, fostering a sense of responsibility and community.

19.𝗖𝗼𝗹𝗹𝗮𝗯𝗼𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲 𝗽𝗿𝗼𝗷𝗲𝗰𝘁𝘀

Encourage students to work on collaborative projects that require input from different groups or classes. This can include creating a mural, writing a collective poem, or developing a community service project.

20. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗰𝗲𝗿𝘁

Host a concert featuring performances by students, staff, and local artists. The concert can include songs, dances, and skits that celebrate unity and diversity.

21. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗺𝗼𝗯𝗶𝗹𝗲 𝗳𝗮𝗹𝘀𝗵

Organize a flash mob where students suddenly gather and perform a choreographed dance or song related to unity. This can be a fun and surprising way to engage everyone.

22. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝘆 𝘁𝗲𝗹𝗹𝗶𝗻𝗴

Invite students and teachers to share stories or personal experiences that highlight the importance of unity and togetherness. This can be a powerful way to connect on a personal level.

23. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗽𝗼𝗲𝘁𝗿𝘆 𝘀𝗹𝗮𝗺

Host a poetry slam where students can perform original poems about unity, diversity, and national integration. This can be a creative outlet for expressing their thoughts and feelings.

24. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗰𝗵𝗮𝗿𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗲𝗿𝗶𝘃𝗲

Organize a charity drive where students can collect donations for a cause that promotes unity and helps those in need. This can include food drives, clothing donations, or fundraising for a local charity.

25. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗰𝗼𝗼𝗸𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗲𝘁𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻

Host a cooking competition where students prepare dishes from different regions of India. This can be a delicious way to explore and appreciate the country’s culinary diversity.

26. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝘁𝗮𝗹𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝘀𝗵𝗼𝘄

Organize a talent show where students can showcase their unique talents, whether it’s singing, dancing, magic tricks, or any other skill. This can highlight the diverse abilities within the student body.

27. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗯𝗼𝗼𝗸 𝗰𝗹𝘂𝗯

Start a book club focused on reading and discussing books that promote themes of unity, diversity, and national integration. This can encourage thoughtful discussions and a deeper understanding of these concepts.

28. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝘀𝗰𝗶𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗳𝗮𝗶𝗿

Host a science fair where students can present projects that demonstrate the importance of working together and collaborating for the greater good. This can include experiments, models, and presentations.

29. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗮𝗿𝘁 𝗶𝗻𝘀𝘁𝗮𝗹𝗹𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻

Create a large art installation or mural that represents unity and diversity. This can be a collaborative project where students contribute different elements to a larger piece.

30. 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝘆 𝗱𝗮𝘆 𝗱𝗶𝗴𝗶𝘁𝗮𝗹 𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗽𝗮𝗶𝗴𝗻

Launch a digital campaign on social media where students can share posts, videos, and stories about what unity means to them. This can extend the celebration beyond the school or college campus.

𝗣𝗹𝗲𝗮𝘀𝗲 𝗳𝗼𝗹𝗹𝗼𝘄 𝗮𝘀 𝘂𝘀𝘂𝗮𝗹 𝗽𝗿𝗼𝗰𝗲𝗲𝗱𝗶𝗻𝗴𝘀. 𝗪𝗲 𝗮𝗹𝗹 𝘀𝘂𝗽𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝘁𝗲𝗻 𝗽𝗿𝗶𝗻𝗰𝗶𝗽𝗹𝗲𝘀 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗨𝗻𝗶𝘁𝗲𝗱 𝗡𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝘀

[dragontrailz]

'Peaceful protest' is a meaningless term designed to disempower us

Can I just say for the record I detest the use of the term 'peaceful protest'.

If you mean non-violent direct action then state that.

If you mean non-violent civil disobedience then state that, but it's a different kind of protest often with different aims, which has been co-opted by groups like XR and Just Stop Oil, who are more aligned with US Colour Revolution tactics. Usually the sort of groups who adhere to this blueprint and who largely don't practice direct action are co-opted. They are disruptive for the sake of being disruptive. Often this isn't militancy, it's stupidity.

Peaceful protest suggests someone standing by the roadside with a placard who isn't disrupting or interfering with anything.

That's fine to make your point and build capacity, but that sort of protest doesn't usually win campaigns. Campaigns often require more assertive direct action or legal action in order to win.

If we're restricted to 'peaceful protest', which is non-disruptive then all we're doing is requesting that power accede to our demand. Power usually won't concede to these demands, unless we have a large majority of people who are already onside, along with other institutions of civil society and a media who are sympathetic to the cause. These pillars often usually only come on board after protest becomes more disruptive. If disruptive protest is prevented due to authoritarian anti-protest laws, then we are only really left with legal action and perhaps a few brave people who are prepared to risk prison to affect change.

Just Stop Oil aren't heroes for going down this route, they are idiots who are being led astray by narcissist fanatics with a prison-fetish like Roger Hallam. They've all read the training manuals written by Gene Sharp, Srda Popovitch, Erika Chenowerth and the others and somehow don't seem to understand that each of these people and Hallam himself have links to the US Deep State, notably NATO and the Atlantic Council in the case of Chenoweth. If you need evidence of that, then read 'Extinction Deception'. If you haven't read 'Extinction Deception' and are still pushing back, then I do wonder why you can't be bothered to read it. You're obviously not someone who genuinely wants to understand this. If you aren't aware of what the Atlantic Council, the 77th Bridge, Bellingcat or the Integrity Initiative are and you consider yourself a frontline activist, then perhaps that's your blindspot and that's where you need to do some research. Presumably you're also not aware of the Undercover Policing Inquiry which resumes on 30th September in London.

Lots of work still to do it seems as even some people who are well aware of the Undercover Policing Inquiry still seem to think that Just Stop Oil are genuine. The Integrity Initiative (which was exposed late in 2018) and its parent organisation, the Institute for Statecraft, is effectively a private arm of MI5/MI6, which is run by mercenaries who used to be in the British Army. I can help people join the dots, but you will need to find this out for yourself. There is a vast architecture of influence that these people exert, who effectively now control Lammy, Starmer and Corbyn's Peace and Justice project, and Collective.

In addition to the NATO influence, there is also significant capture of Labour politicians and flanks of the Labour Party apparatus e.g. Momentum by Mossad and Zionist 'Jewish' organisations. It's about time that people woke up to this and stopped pretending it's not a problem. The much larger problem within British society is Islamophobia.

This is what's driving us towards a hotter war with Russia in Ukraine and deepening our involvement with the conflict in the Middle East which is now spreading into Lebanon. Netanyahu won't stop until he's stopped. The same with Kamala Harris and Keir Starmer. Neither Harris nor Starmer are the lesser evil. They are the evil. If you oppose the Tories, you ought to also oppose Starmer. If you oppose Trump, you also ought to oppose Harris. This really is quite simple. If you're confused about this it's likely you haven't spent much time looking into it and/or are getting most of your news from the BBC, the Guardian or BylineTimes.

The blueprint we should be following is Palestine Action, not Just Stop Oil. Why risk imprisonment by blocking the motorway network, when it's not going to stop UK oil and gas production. How many onshore oil and gas sites have Just Stop Oil shutdown? The answer is zero. Indeed they have not explicitly targeted any of them, despite the fact that the threat of onshore hydrocarbon expansion is ongoing. 2019's fracking moratorium hasn't stopped conventional oil and gas production. Neither has it stopped more extreme methods of extraction, which operate outside the bounds of the Infrastructure Act (2015) definition of fracking. The expansion has been most notable across the county of Lincolnshire. Only legal challenges have had any real impact since 2020. The recent 'Finch Judgement' has curtailed activity at a number of sites, including Horse Hill in Surrey and Biscathorpe in Lincolnshire. It's also stopped a coal mine development in Cumbria and may also help halt expansion of activity in the North Sea at the two largest undeveloped oilfields of Rosebank and Cambo.

In contrast to the ineffectiveness of Just Stop Oil, Palestine Action have been able to shut down several Elbit Systems factories and continue to ramp up their actions, using a tried and tested direct action campaign, which assertively targets Elbit sites, suppliers who are linked to them and the banks who fund them. Of course their activists also risk imprisonment and 16 of them are now in jail. We should salute their bravery and do everything we can to amplify their narratives and support their ongoing court cases. Those who are bold enough are welcome to step forward and take action with them. They are continuing to build capacity and train new activists who are prepared to take direct action. Not everyone needs to directly risk arrest, there are support roles within such a resistance movement which mitigate these risks. However, we should under no illusions.

It's been no surprise to see the state's response to Palestine Action, in the way they have recently targeted Sarah Wilkinson and Richard Barnard, which shows how fanatically anti-protest Starmer is and how aligned his interests are with the Zionist Israeli state. This should come as no surprise to anyone who has been monitoring his actions ever since he became an MP in 2015.

I'll be writing much more on all this over the autumn and winter. Get ready for some big revelations about Just Stop Oil, BylineTimes, George Monbiot and anyone who is acting as an obstacle to progress.

'There's no progress without friction' as a friend of mine once said.

[tejastravels]

Effortless Airport Transfers: The Tejas Tours and Travels Airport Cab Service

Air travel can be exhilarating, but the journey from the airport to your destination can be a daunting task. The chaos of navigating unfamiliar surroundings, coupled with the stress of finding reliable transportation, can quickly dampen the excitement of your journey. That's where Tejas Tours and Travels' cab booking airport solution steps in, offering a seamless and enjoyable experience.

The Art of Convenient Travel

Imagine being greeted by a courteous driver, holding a placard with your name, and whisked away to your destination in a comfortable, air-conditioned vehicle. Tejas Tours and Travels' airport cab service makes this vision a reality. Their intuitive online platform allows you to:

- Easily search and book cabs in advance

- Choose from a diverse fleet of vehicles, tailored to your needs

- Receive instant confirmation and travel updates

Tailor-Made Transportation Solutions

Tejas Tours and Travels understands that every traveler has unique requirements. Their cab booking airport services cater to:

- Solo travelers seeking economy options

- Families and groups requiring spacious vehicles

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Their extensive network of licensed drivers and well-maintained vehicles ensures a safe and enjoyable journey, allowing you to focus on the excitement of your trip.

The Benefits of Booking in Advance

By opting for Tejas Tours and Travels' airport cab service, you can:

- Avoid last-minute hassles and long queues

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Expert Guidance and Support

Tejas Tours and Travels' dedicated team is committed to ensuring your airport transfer is nothing short of exceptional. Their travel experts offer:

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When it comes to cab booking airport, safety is paramount. Tejas Tours and Travels prioritizes:

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Seamless City Transfers

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Conclusion

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Book your next airport transfer with Tejas Tours and Travels today and embark on a journey that exceeds your expectations!

Get in Touch

Reach out to Tejas Tours and Travels through phone - 9980277773 Email : info@tejastravels.com  website : https://www.tejastravels.com/airport-transfer-bangalore Enquiry: Provide travel dates, destination, and preferences Confirmation: Receive a detailed information and payment instructions Payment: Pay through convenient online or offline modes

[ohstrainingafrica]

Dangerous Goods Training in Durban: Ensuring Safety and Compliance

In today's rapidly evolving industrial landscape, the handling, storage, and transportation of dangerous goods have become critical aspects of operations across various sectors. From manufacturing and logistics to chemical processing and retail, the presence of hazardous materials necessitates stringent safety protocols. For businesses operating in Durban, where the bustling port and industrial activities are integral to the economy, ensuring the safe management of dangerous goods is paramount. This is where OHS Training Africa steps in, offering comprehensive Dangerous Goods Training designed to equip your workforce with the knowledge and skills to handle hazardous materials safely and in compliance with local and international regulations.

Understanding Dangerous Goods

Dangerous goods, also known as hazardous materials (HazMat), are substances or items that pose a significant risk to health, safety, property, or the environment. These include flammable liquids, corrosive substances, toxic chemicals, explosives, and radioactive materials, among others. The improper handling, storage, or transportation of these materials can lead to catastrophic incidents, including fires, explosions, environmental contamination, and severe injuries or fatalities. In Durban, where the shipping and transport of goods are integral to the economy, dangerous goods are regularly encountered. This makes it essential for businesses to prioritize safety training and compliance to prevent accidents and avoid legal repercussions.

The Importance of Dangerous Goods Training

The risks associated with dangerous goods cannot be overstated. Without proper training, employees may be unaware of the potential hazards, leading to accidents that could have been easily prevented. Dangerous Goods Training serves as a vital tool in mitigating these risks by educating employees on the safe handling, storage, and transportation of hazardous materials.

OHS Training Africa recognizes the importance of this training and offers specialized programs tailored to the specific needs of businesses in Durban. Our Dangerous Goods Training courses are designed to:

1. Enhance Safety Awareness: The training provides participants with a deep understanding of the potential hazards associated with dangerous goods. By recognizing the risks, employees are better equipped to handle materials safely and respond effectively to emergencies. 2. Ensure Regulatory Compliance: Dangerous goods are subject to strict regulations at both national and international levels. Our training ensures that your business complies with the relevant laws, reducing the risk of legal penalties and reputational damage. 3. Improve Operational Efficiency: Proper training enhances employees' confidence and competence in handling dangerous goods, leading to more efficient operations and reducing the likelihood of costly incidents. 4. Promote Environmental Responsibility: Safe handling of dangerous goods also minimizes the risk of environmental contamination, contributing to your company's sustainability efforts.

What Does Dangerous Goods Training Entail?

At OHS Training Africa, our Dangerous Goods Training courses cover a wide range of topics to ensure comprehensive knowledge and practical skills. Key components of the training include:

• Classification and Identification: Participants learn how to correctly classify and identify dangerous goods according to their hazard type. This includes understanding labeling, marking, and placarding requirements as per the Globally Harmonized System (GHS) and other relevant standards. • Packaging and Storage: The training covers the proper methods of packaging dangerous goods to prevent leaks, spills, and other forms of contamination. It also includes guidelines for safe storage practices, ensuring that hazardous materials are stored in suitable conditions to mitigate risks. • Handling and Transportation: Employees are trained in the correct handling procedures to avoid accidents during the transportation of dangerous goods. This includes loading and unloading protocols, securing cargo, and understanding the regulations governing the transport of hazardous materials by road, rail, sea, and air. • Emergency Response and Spill Control: In the event of an accident or spill, quick and effective response is crucial. Our training equips participants with the skills to respond to emergencies, including spill containment, evacuation procedures, and first aid measures. • Regulatory Compliance: The training provides an overview of the legal framework governing dangerous goods, including the Occupational Health and Safety Act (OHSA) in South Africa, the International Maritime Dangerous Goods (IMDG) Code, and other relevant regulations. This ensures that participants are aware of their legal obligations and can help their organizations remain compliant.

Why Choose OHS Training Africa?

OHS Training Africa is a leading provider of occupational health and safety training in Durban, with a proven track record of helping businesses achieve and maintain high safety standards. Our Dangerous Goods Training is delivered by experienced professionals who are experts in the field, ensuring that your team receives the most up-to-date and relevant information.

We understand that every business is unique, which is why we offer flexible training solutions tailored to your specific needs. Whether you're a small business or a large corporation, our courses are designed to accommodate various levels of experience and expertise.

By choosing OHS Training Africa for your Dangerous Goods Training, you're not just ensuring compliance—you're investing in the safety and well-being of your employees and the long-term success of your business.

Conclusion

In Durban's dynamic industrial environment, the safe handling of dangerous goods is not just a regulatory requirement but a critical component of operational success. OHS Training Africa is committed to providing the highest quality Dangerous Goods Training Durban to help businesses navigate the complexities of hazardous materials management. With our expert training, you can enhance safety, ensure compliance, and protect both your workforce and the environment.

[pashterlengkap]

Kamala Harris is a strong candidate, but we still need to help her stand tall

Kamala Harris’s life as vice president took a 180-degree turn in 24 hours: She went from stumping for President Joe Biden in Provincetown, an LGBTQ+ culture hub and haven, on Saturday, July 20 to becoming a potential presidential nominee on Sunday, July 21,  when the news broke of Biden leaving the race.  The crowd at the Biden Victory Fund event at the Pilgrim Monument and Provincetown Museum last Saturday showed their enthusiasm about a possible November win for the Biden-Harris ticket. As the keynote speaker, Harris was wildly welcomed to P-town with placards that read “VP-Town!” The entire Biden team at the event was on message — however, most attendees hoped Biden would exit the race. Related The Democrats are quickly unifying behind Kamala Harris as their presidential choice Democrats are quickly shaking off the paralysis of Biden’s failing campaign and getting excited about his VP’s chances. So when the news hit that Harris was now a potential presidential nominee for the head of the ticket, enthusiasm swelled. Both the Black and Asian American Caucuses immediately endorsed her. Within 30 minutes of her announcement, One Silicon Valley,  a software engineering consulting firm, raised more than $1 million for her candidacy. Dive deeper every day Join our newsletter for thought-provoking commentary that goes beyond the surface of LGBTQ+ issues Subscribe to our Newsletter today Hours later, a national Zoom call from the D.C.-based Black women’s organization #WinWithBlackWomen — a national intergenerational and intersectional sisterhood of black diasporic women who leverage talent, influence, and networks to support Black women — had over 40,000 sistahs in attendance. In three hours, these women raised over $1 million to support Harris, which TV personality Star Jones, the campaign chair, spearheaded.  It’s not easy being one of the first Black women running for president When I heard the news of Harris running for president, I immediately thought about how my deceased Brooklyn Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm would be proud of this moment. Chisholm was the first African American woman to campaign for the presidential nomination in 1972 on the Democratic ticket. A woman of temerity and integrity, her slogan was “Unbought and Unbossed.”  Confronted with racist and sexist opposition, Chisholm lost the nomination. In 2024, similar concerns arise for Harris, too.  When news broke that Kamala was in the race for the White House, Black Twitter was abuzz with exuberance and trepidation.” Much of Black Twitter is on board with Kamala as a candidate, but unsure if America feels the same way, the Black media outlet The Root reported.  “Okay, so now it’s Kamala. Every white person who wanted him to drop out needs to figure out how to defend a Black woman in person and online for the first time in their lives. That’s the job now. I’d like to see it, but I never have,” comedian and podcaster Akilah Hughes wrote on Twitter.  Okay so now it’s Kamala. I think—AGAIN—every white person who wanted him to drop out needs to figure out how to defend a Black woman in person and online for the first time in their lives. That’s the job now. I’d like to see it, but I never have. https://t.co/CMukwoDb2X— Akilah Hughes (@AkilahObviously) July 21, 2024 Prominent Democratic donor John Morgan of Florida emphatically stated he would not fundraise for Harris. “She would not be my first choice,” Morgan said in The Hill. “The donors holding the 90 million can release those funds in the morning. It’s all yours. You can keep my million. And good luck,” he continued. Striking the right balance with white Americans is difficult — for both Republican and Democrat politicians — in this polarized era, especially for a woman of color in power who identifies as black. The “angry black woman” trope hovers over all sisters of African descent. Harris is attacked for her laugh. She runs the risk of being perceived as too loud, too forceful, not knowing her… http://dlvr.it/TB2XRB

[calliopesink]

My whirlwind trip to Adamson

Some people find travelling from the south to Adamson University stressful but for me, it's a norm. So let me take you on my usual travels!

First, we leave the house two hours early to avoid traffic jams. Starting in General Trias, the first vehicle we will see is a jeep headed to Pala-Pala it's a long drive but no worries, there are plenty of treasures to see along the way in Cavite. We will see stunning sights in Langkaan, and the roadside is the breathtaking structure of St. Paul Parish while on our first ride.

Upon arrival at Pala-Pala, I usually get off at the crosswalk to walk to the bus station then ride the bus with "Lawton" written on the placard, as it directly drives along Kalaw.

Along the way, the bus routed to Manila will pass by Dasmarinas. Famous for its butterfly festival, we might be lucky enough to see various butterfly species. Also, we will pass by the historical Immaculate Conception Church, which was a site of significant bloodshed during the Philippine War against Spain. We will also drive by Imus, Cavite which is known as the Flag Capital. Then, we arrive at Bacoor. It is a beautiful city, famous for its seafood.

After passing the Parañaque Integrated Terminal Exchange (PITX), next on the route is Pasay. You can catch a glimpse of the Double Dragon Hotel and Dream Play along the way. Pasay is the home of the Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) which features an architectural design inspired by a toilet, that is one magnificent toilet if you ask me.

After the long ride, we finally arrive at our destination, Kalaw. Upon arriving, the infamous walkway will greet us. As we walk down the path, let us adore the various paintings depicting the core values of Adamson University along the walls of the path. As we exit the walkway, we will encounter St. Vincent de Paul church, the historical Saint Vincent building, and across from it is the Saint Therese building, and the all-time favourite of Adamsonians, the Estero de Balete that connects the Saint Therese and Cardinal Santos buildings.

It's always a tiring yet exciting trip from Cavite to Adamson University, a trip filled with history, charm, and beauty at every turn.

Written By: Bianca Heraldo

Pubmat By: Cathleen Jasmine Marfil