#niger navy recruitment June 2017

[thetens-blog1]

Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU) recruitment for Academic and Non-academic Staff, June 2017

Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU) recruitment for Academic and Non-academic Staff, June 2017

Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU) recruitment for Academic and Non-academic Staff, June 2017 The Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU), is a federal university of technology located in Bauchi, Northern Nigeria. Applications are invited from suitably qualified and patriotic Nigerians of high academic and professional qualifications with impeccable moral character to be employed as…

[morningusa]

ABUJA, Nigeria—In recent months, Islamist militant groups in Africa allied to the so-called Islamic State have been on the rampage—attacking communities, slaughtering aid workers and seizing important government assests.Since ISIS was squeezed out of its self-proclaimed caliphate in the Middle East last year, its offshoots—particularly those in West and Central Africa—seem to be waxing even stronger.In the last five months, about 100 Nigerian and Chadian soldiers have been killed in deadly attacks by the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) around the Lake Chad region (an area in the Sahelian zone of west-central Africa with a freshwater lake at the conjunction of Chad, Cameroon, Nigeria, and Niger). Since late July, the group has murdered several humanitarian workers in Nigeria and are suspected of slaughtering French aid workers in Niger. And after a series of attacks early this year in northwestern Nigeria, the Nigerian government was forced to admit last month that the terror group, which usually operates in the northeastern part of the country, does have a foothold in the northwest region.She Flew Missions Against ISIS-Backed Terrorists—and Died in a Suspicious ‘Accident’The Islamic State Central Africa Province (ISCAP), which is active in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and northern Mozambique, has been even more deadly in 2020 than any period of its existence. In the first half of this year, about 447 people died in jihadists attacks—far more than 2019, which saw 309 attacks result in 660 deaths, according to a report by the Babel Street which cited the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project. Much of ISCAP's attacks this year have been in rural and semi-urban communities in northern Mozambique. But last week's attack on the commercial town of Mocímboa da Praia in which many Mozambican soldiers were killed and the local port was seized indicates that the group is extending beyond its traditional areas of operation.One reason why ISIS-backed groups appear to be succeeding in Africa is because they adopt the approach of cultivating relationships with locals to exert great influence rather than fighting to gain territories and govern with brutality like the main Islamic State did in Iraq and Syria.In Nigeria, for example, ISWAP—which broke away from Boko Haram in 2016 because the latter failed to heed to instructions from ISIS, which included ignoring warnings against the use of children as suicide bombers—continually assures Muslims in the conflict-hit northeastern region of its commitment to protecting them from armed elements in the region so as to win their support and loyalty. The group learned from Boko Haram's loss of territorial control and influence in the northeast and does not at the moment seek to acquire land, which would make it easy to target. Rather, ISWAP is taking advantage of its relationship with the locals—offering them loans and allowing them to live freely in their communities—to recruit fighters and target Nigerian security forces in a way that makes it hard for its militants to be caught, as they blend in with the local population. And the fact that dozens of Nigerian soldiers, including 20 in June and 13 in July, have been killed in recent months indicates that ISWAP's plan is working and that the group is a major threat to the stability of the West African region. ISWAP's growth in Niger is another example of how it has built close ties with local communities to pursue its jihadist agenda. The U.S. felt the bad effect of this relationship when ISWAP fighters—then operating under the name Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS)—ambushed American Special Forces service members in an attack on Oct. 3, 2017 that left four Green Berets dead in the southwestern village of Tongo Tongo, after a villager tipped off militants to the presence of U.S. soldiers in the area. As I wrote for The Daily Beast after the attack, the ISGS won the hearts of the locals when it began to provide financial assistance to villagers and protection from rustlers who often stole their cattle and other livestock. The group then used the opportunity to convince these villagers to develop hatred for America, giving them the false impression that the U.S. was building a drone station in Central Niger to use to target the area. And as the world paid more attention to ISIS in Syria, the ISGS spread into neighboring Burkina Faso using the same method it adopted in Niger and tested on the Americans. Today, the group, which has adopted the ISWAP brand, has become a very complex unit to target, as it receives wide support from the local population. In Mozambique, ISCAP, which operates in the predominantly Muslim northern region that has long suffered from high levels of poverty and alleged government discrimination, took advantage of the economic and social marginalization suffered by people of the Kimwani tribe, where the majority of its fighters come from, to recruit members with financial incentives. One report noted that the promise of monthly wages to incoming members helped ISCAP, a group that emerged from the local sect, Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jamo (ASWJ) (“adherents of the prophetic tradition”), to expand its operations.The strategy is almost the same in Egypt where ISIS network of cells have blended into a number of Egyptian communities and use their presence there to wage a sectarian war in the country by killing Christians with the goal of denting the glue which holds Egypt together, thereby creating instability. And as long as the government continues to allow the country's security gap to expand, ISIS will continue to have its way. The terror organization is also active in Tunisia and Somalia where its franchises have inserted themselves into local conflicts. And even though they are not the dominating jihadist group in both countries, they play a crucial role to the instability in their respective regions. ISIS African affiliates are known to operate mostly in multi-border areas, where they capitalize on ethnic and religious divides to draw followers from bitterly aggrieved groups. Having an expansive area of operations in border territories, as a former Navy Signals Intelligence Analyst Brian M. Perkins noted in his article for The Jamestown Foundation, allows Islamic State groups “to more easily conduct hit and run style attacks, avoid head-to-head military operations, and draw from a larger recruiting pool.” And because controlling territories—like ISIS did in the Middle East—does not appear to be paramount to the Islamic State franchises in Africa, it is extremely difficult for government forces to target these groups, as their fighters have mixed with the local population in the places they are active. ISIS may have lost ground in the Middle East, but it is definitely not diminishing in Africa. The organization is taking a different shape in the continent. The new-look ISIS is not territory-drunk and is opening room for alliances with new groups including al Qaeda, as we've seen in the Sahel where a coalition of al Qaeda loyalists called Jamaat Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) and ISWAP are working hand in hand to dominate villages. And as long as sectarianism, political conflicts, and ethnic violence continue to increase in Africa, ISIS’ chances of expanding will grow even higher.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

from Yahoo News - Latest News & Headlines

[itssquidwarsjournal]

ABUJA, Nigeria—In recent months, Islamist militant groups in Africa allied to the so-called Islamic State have been on the rampage—attacking communities, slaughtering aid workers and seizing important government assests.Since ISIS was squeezed out of its self-proclaimed caliphate in the Middle East last year, its offshoots—particularly those in West and Central Africa—seem to be waxing even stronger.In the last five months, about 100 Nigerian and Chadian soldiers have been killed in deadly attacks by the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) around the Lake Chad region (an area in the Sahelian zone of west-central Africa with a freshwater lake at the conjunction of Chad, Cameroon, Nigeria, and Niger). Since late July, the group has murdered several humanitarian workers in Nigeria and are suspected of slaughtering French aid workers in Niger. And after a series of attacks early this year in northwestern Nigeria, the Nigerian government was forced to admit last month that the terror group, which usually operates in the northeastern part of the country, does have a foothold in the northwest region.She Flew Missions Against ISIS-Backed Terrorists—and Died in a Suspicious ‘Accident’The Islamic State Central Africa Province (ISCAP), which is active in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and northern Mozambique, has been even more deadly in 2020 than any period of its existence. In the first half of this year, about 447 people died in jihadists attacks—far more than 2019, which saw 309 attacks result in 660 deaths, according to a report by the Babel Street which cited the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project. Much of ISCAP's attacks this year have been in rural and semi-urban communities in northern Mozambique. But last week's attack on the commercial town of Mocímboa da Praia in which many Mozambican soldiers were killed and the local port was seized indicates that the group is extending beyond its traditional areas of operation.One reason why ISIS-backed groups appear to be succeeding in Africa is because they adopt the approach of cultivating relationships with locals to exert great influence rather than fighting to gain territories and govern with brutality like the main Islamic State did in Iraq and Syria.In Nigeria, for example, ISWAP—which broke away from Boko Haram in 2016 because the latter failed to heed to instructions from ISIS, which included ignoring warnings against the use of children as suicide bombers—continually assures Muslims in the conflict-hit northeastern region of its commitment to protecting them from armed elements in the region so as to win their support and loyalty. The group learned from Boko Haram's loss of territorial control and influence in the northeast and does not at the moment seek to acquire land, which would make it easy to target. Rather, ISWAP is taking advantage of its relationship with the locals—offering them loans and allowing them to live freely in their communities—to recruit fighters and target Nigerian security forces in a way that makes it hard for its militants to be caught, as they blend in with the local population. And the fact that dozens of Nigerian soldiers, including 20 in June and 13 in July, have been killed in recent months indicates that ISWAP's plan is working and that the group is a major threat to the stability of the West African region. ISWAP's growth in Niger is another example of how it has built close ties with local communities to pursue its jihadist agenda. The U.S. felt the bad effect of this relationship when ISWAP fighters—then operating under the name Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS)—ambushed American Special Forces service members in an attack on Oct. 3, 2017 that left four Green Berets dead in the southwestern village of Tongo Tongo, after a villager tipped off militants to the presence of U.S. soldiers in the area. As I wrote for The Daily Beast after the attack, the ISGS won the hearts of the locals when it began to provide financial assistance to villagers and protection from rustlers who often stole their cattle and other livestock. The group then used the opportunity to convince these villagers to develop hatred for America, giving them the false impression that the U.S. was building a drone station in Central Niger to use to target the area. And as the world paid more attention to ISIS in Syria, the ISGS spread into neighboring Burkina Faso using the same method it adopted in Niger and tested on the Americans. Today, the group, which has adopted the ISWAP brand, has become a very complex unit to target, as it receives wide support from the local population. In Mozambique, ISCAP, which operates in the predominantly Muslim northern region that has long suffered from high levels of poverty and alleged government discrimination, took advantage of the economic and social marginalization suffered by people of the Kimwani tribe, where the majority of its fighters come from, to recruit members with financial incentives. One report noted that the promise of monthly wages to incoming members helped ISCAP, a group that emerged from the local sect, Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jamo (ASWJ) (“adherents of the prophetic tradition”), to expand its operations.The strategy is almost the same in Egypt where ISIS network of cells have blended into a number of Egyptian communities and use their presence there to wage a sectarian war in the country by killing Christians with the goal of denting the glue which holds Egypt together, thereby creating instability. And as long as the government continues to allow the country's security gap to expand, ISIS will continue to have its way. The terror organization is also active in Tunisia and Somalia where its franchises have inserted themselves into local conflicts. And even though they are not the dominating jihadist group in both countries, they play a crucial role to the instability in their respective regions. ISIS African affiliates are known to operate mostly in multi-border areas, where they capitalize on ethnic and religious divides to draw followers from bitterly aggrieved groups. Having an expansive area of operations in border territories, as a former Navy Signals Intelligence Analyst Brian M. Perkins noted in his article for The Jamestown Foundation, allows Islamic State groups “to more easily conduct hit and run style attacks, avoid head-to-head military operations, and draw from a larger recruiting pool.” And because controlling territories—like ISIS did in the Middle East—does not appear to be paramount to the Islamic State franchises in Africa, it is extremely difficult for government forces to target these groups, as their fighters have mixed with the local population in the places they are active. ISIS may have lost ground in the Middle East, but it is definitely not diminishing in Africa. The organization is taking a different shape in the continent. The new-look ISIS is not territory-drunk and is opening room for alliances with new groups including al Qaeda, as we've seen in the Sahel where a coalition of al Qaeda loyalists called Jamaat Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) and ISWAP are working hand in hand to dominate villages. And as long as sectarianism, political conflicts, and ethnic violence continue to increase in Africa, ISIS’ chances of expanding will grow even higher.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

from Yahoo News - Latest News & Headlines https://ift.tt/3hqdMbA

[beautytipsfor]

The Next Dangerous Front in ISIS’ Holy War

ABUJA, Nigeria—In recent months, Islamist militant groups in Africa allied to the so-called Islamic State have been on the rampage—attacking communities, slaughtering aid workers and seizing important government assests.Since ISIS was squeezed out of its self-proclaimed caliphate in the Middle East last year, its offshoots—particularly those in West and Central Africa—seem to be waxing even stronger.In the last five months, about 100 Nigerian and Chadian soldiers have been killed in deadly attacks by the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) around the Lake Chad region (an area in the Sahelian zone of west-central Africa with a freshwater lake at the conjunction of Chad, Cameroon, Nigeria, and Niger). Since late July, the group has murdered several humanitarian workers in Nigeria and are suspected of slaughtering French aid workers in Niger. And after a series of attacks early this year in northwestern Nigeria, the Nigerian government was forced to admit last month that the terror group, which usually operates in the northeastern part of the country, does have a foothold in the northwest region.She Flew Missions Against ISIS-Backed Terrorists—and Died in a Suspicious ‘Accident’The Islamic State Central Africa Province (ISCAP), which is active in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and northern Mozambique, has been even more deadly in 2020 than any period of its existence. In the first half of this year, about 447 people died in jihadists attacks—far more than 2019, which saw 309 attacks result in 660 deaths, according to a report by the Babel Street which cited the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project. Much of ISCAP's attacks this year have been in rural and semi-urban communities in northern Mozambique. But last week's attack on the commercial town of Mocímboa da Praia in which many Mozambican soldiers were killed and the local port was seized indicates that the group is extending beyond its traditional areas of operation.One reason why ISIS-backed groups appear to be succeeding in Africa is because they adopt the approach of cultivating relationships with locals to exert great influence rather than fighting to gain territories and govern with brutality like the main Islamic State did in Iraq and Syria.In Nigeria, for example, ISWAP—which broke away from Boko Haram in 2016 because the latter failed to heed to instructions from ISIS, which included ignoring warnings against the use of children as suicide bombers—continually assures Muslims in the conflict-hit northeastern region of its commitment to protecting them from armed elements in the region so as to win their support and loyalty. The group learned from Boko Haram's loss of territorial control and influence in the northeast and does not at the moment seek to acquire land, which would make it easy to target. Rather, ISWAP is taking advantage of its relationship with the locals—offering them loans and allowing them to live freely in their communities—to recruit fighters and target Nigerian security forces in a way that makes it hard for its militants to be caught, as they blend in with the local population. And the fact that dozens of Nigerian soldiers, including 20 in June and 13 in July, have been killed in recent months indicates that ISWAP's plan is working and that the group is a major threat to the stability of the West African region. ISWAP's growth in Niger is another example of how it has built close ties with local communities to pursue its jihadist agenda. The U.S. felt the bad effect of this relationship when ISWAP fighters—then operating under the name Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS)—ambushed American Special Forces service members in an attack on Oct. 3, 2017 that left four Green Berets dead in the southwestern village of Tongo Tongo, after a villager tipped off militants to the presence of U.S. soldiers in the area. As I wrote for The Daily Beast after the attack, the ISGS won the hearts of the locals when it began to provide financial assistance to villagers and protection from rustlers who often stole their cattle and other livestock. The group then used the opportunity to convince these villagers to develop hatred for America, giving them the false impression that the U.S. was building a drone station in Central Niger to use to target the area. And as the world paid more attention to ISIS in Syria, the ISGS spread into neighboring Burkina Faso using the same method it adopted in Niger and tested on the Americans. Today, the group, which has adopted the ISWAP brand, has become a very complex unit to target, as it receives wide support from the local population. In Mozambique, ISCAP, which operates in the predominantly Muslim northern region that has long suffered from high levels of poverty and alleged government discrimination, took advantage of the economic and social marginalization suffered by people of the Kimwani tribe, where the majority of its fighters come from, to recruit members with financial incentives. One report noted that the promise of monthly wages to incoming members helped ISCAP, a group that emerged from the local sect, Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jamo (ASWJ) (“adherents of the prophetic tradition”), to expand its operations.The strategy is almost the same in Egypt where ISIS network of cells have blended into a number of Egyptian communities and use their presence there to wage a sectarian war in the country by killing Christians with the goal of denting the glue which holds Egypt together, thereby creating instability. And as long as the government continues to allow the country's security gap to expand, ISIS will continue to have its way. The terror organization is also active in Tunisia and Somalia where its franchises have inserted themselves into local conflicts. And even though they are not the dominating jihadist group in both countries, they play a crucial role to the instability in their respective regions. ISIS African affiliates are known to operate mostly in multi-border areas, where they capitalize on ethnic and religious divides to draw followers from bitterly aggrieved groups. Having an expansive area of operations in border territories, as a former Navy Signals Intelligence Analyst Brian M. Perkins noted in his article for The Jamestown Foundation, allows Islamic State groups “to more easily conduct hit and run style attacks, avoid head-to-head military operations, and draw from a larger recruiting pool.” And because controlling territories—like ISIS did in the Middle East—does not appear to be paramount to the Islamic State franchises in Africa, it is extremely difficult for government forces to target these groups, as their fighters have mixed with the local population in the places they are active. ISIS may have lost ground in the Middle East, but it is definitely not diminishing in Africa. The organization is taking a different shape in the continent. The new-look ISIS is not territory-drunk and is opening room for alliances with new groups including al Qaeda, as we've seen in the Sahel where a coalition of al Qaeda loyalists called Jamaat Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) and ISWAP are working hand in hand to dominate villages. And as long as sectarianism, political conflicts, and ethnic violence continue to increase in Africa, ISIS’ chances of expanding will grow even higher.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

from Yahoo News - Latest News & Headlines https://ift.tt/3hqdMbA via Beauty Tips

from Blogger https://ift.tt/3lpNIQy

[batenchantingcollectorsong]

ABUJA, Nigeria—In recent months, Islamist militant groups in Africa allied to the so-called Islamic State have been on the rampage—attacking communities, slaughtering aid workers and seizing important government assests.Since ISIS was squeezed out of its self-proclaimed caliphate in the Middle East last year, its offshoots—particularly those in West and Central Africa—seem to be waxing even stronger.In the last five months, about 100 Nigerian and Chadian soldiers have been killed in deadly attacks by the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) around the Lake Chad region (an area in the Sahelian zone of west-central Africa with a freshwater lake at the conjunction of Chad, Cameroon, Nigeria, and Niger). Since late July, the group has murdered several humanitarian workers in Nigeria and are suspected of slaughtering French aid workers in Niger. And after a series of attacks early this year in northwestern Nigeria, the Nigerian government was forced to admit last month that the terror group, which usually operates in the northeastern part of the country, does have a foothold in the northwest region.She Flew Missions Against ISIS-Backed Terrorists—and Died in a Suspicious ‘Accident’The Islamic State Central Africa Province (ISCAP), which is active in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and northern Mozambique, has been even more deadly in 2020 than any period of its existence. In the first half of this year, about 447 people died in jihadists attacks—far more than 2019, which saw 309 attacks result in 660 deaths, according to a report by the Babel Street which cited the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project. Much of ISCAP's attacks this year have been in rural and semi-urban communities in northern Mozambique. But last week's attack on the commercial town of Mocímboa da Praia in which many Mozambican soldiers were killed and the local port was seized indicates that the group is extending beyond its traditional areas of operation.One reason why ISIS-backed groups appear to be succeeding in Africa is because they adopt the approach of cultivating relationships with locals to exert great influence rather than fighting to gain territories and govern with brutality like the main Islamic State did in Iraq and Syria.In Nigeria, for example, ISWAP—which broke away from Boko Haram in 2016 because the latter failed to heed to instructions from ISIS, which included ignoring warnings against the use of children as suicide bombers—continually assures Muslims in the conflict-hit northeastern region of its commitment to protecting them from armed elements in the region so as to win their support and loyalty. The group learned from Boko Haram's loss of territorial control and influence in the northeast and does not at the moment seek to acquire land, which would make it easy to target. Rather, ISWAP is taking advantage of its relationship with the locals—offering them loans and allowing them to live freely in their communities—to recruit fighters and target Nigerian security forces in a way that makes it hard for its militants to be caught, as they blend in with the local population. And the fact that dozens of Nigerian soldiers, including 20 in June and 13 in July, have been killed in recent months indicates that ISWAP's plan is working and that the group is a major threat to the stability of the West African region. ISWAP's growth in Niger is another example of how it has built close ties with local communities to pursue its jihadist agenda. The U.S. felt the bad effect of this relationship when ISWAP fighters—then operating under the name Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS)—ambushed American Special Forces service members in an attack on Oct. 3, 2017 that left four Green Berets dead in the southwestern village of Tongo Tongo, after a villager tipped off militants to the presence of U.S. soldiers in the area. As I wrote for The Daily Beast after the attack, the ISGS won the hearts of the locals when it began to provide financial assistance to villagers and protection from rustlers who often stole their cattle and other livestock. The group then used the opportunity to convince these villagers to develop hatred for America, giving them the false impression that the U.S. was building a drone station in Central Niger to use to target the area. And as the world paid more attention to ISIS in Syria, the ISGS spread into neighboring Burkina Faso using the same method it adopted in Niger and tested on the Americans. Today, the group, which has adopted the ISWAP brand, has become a very complex unit to target, as it receives wide support from the local population. In Mozambique, ISCAP, which operates in the predominantly Muslim northern region that has long suffered from high levels of poverty and alleged government discrimination, took advantage of the economic and social marginalization suffered by people of the Kimwani tribe, where the majority of its fighters come from, to recruit members with financial incentives. One report noted that the promise of monthly wages to incoming members helped ISCAP, a group that emerged from the local sect, Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jamo (ASWJ) (“adherents of the prophetic tradition”), to expand its operations.The strategy is almost the same in Egypt where ISIS network of cells have blended into a number of Egyptian communities and use their presence there to wage a sectarian war in the country by killing Christians with the goal of denting the glue which holds Egypt together, thereby creating instability. And as long as the government continues to allow the country's security gap to expand, ISIS will continue to have its way. The terror organization is also active in Tunisia and Somalia where its franchises have inserted themselves into local conflicts. And even though they are not the dominating jihadist group in both countries, they play a crucial role to the instability in their respective regions. ISIS African affiliates are known to operate mostly in multi-border areas, where they capitalize on ethnic and religious divides to draw followers from bitterly aggrieved groups. Having an expansive area of operations in border territories, as a former Navy Signals Intelligence Analyst Brian M. Perkins noted in his article for The Jamestown Foundation, allows Islamic State groups “to more easily conduct hit and run style attacks, avoid head-to-head military operations, and draw from a larger recruiting pool.” And because controlling territories—like ISIS did in the Middle East—does not appear to be paramount to the Islamic State franchises in Africa, it is extremely difficult for government forces to target these groups, as their fighters have mixed with the local population in the places they are active. ISIS may have lost ground in the Middle East, but it is definitely not diminishing in Africa. The organization is taking a different shape in the continent. The new-look ISIS is not territory-drunk and is opening room for alliances with new groups including al Qaeda, as we've seen in the Sahel where a coalition of al Qaeda loyalists called Jamaat Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) and ISWAP are working hand in hand to dominate villages. And as long as sectarianism, political conflicts, and ethnic violence continue to increase in Africa, ISIS’ chances of expanding will grow even higher.Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.

from Yahoo News - Latest News & Headlines https://ift.tt/3hqdMbA

[thisdaynews]

Trump’s newest ‘central casting’ general

New Post has been published on https://thebiafrastar.com/trumps-newest-central-casting-general/

Trump’s newest ‘central casting’ general

President Donald Trump talks with Army Gen. Mark Milley during the annual Army-Navy football game in Philadelphia, Dec. 8, 2018. | Susan Walsh/AP Photo

defense

‘He’s loud, he’s bombastic, he’s salt of the earth.’ And now Mark Milley is preparing for confirmation to lead the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Army Gen. Mark Milley headed to the White House in November to be interviewed for the top military job in Europe.

He emerged from the meeting with an even loftier prize: President Donald Trump asked Milley if he wanted to be the next chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Story Continued Below

Milley’s steeper-than-expected promotion came despite the fact that then-Defense Secretary Jim Mattis was grooming the Air Force’s chief of staff, Gen. Dave Goldfein, for the Joint Chiefs post. But Milley had champions in the president’s inner circle, including Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Trump campaign alumnus David Urban, who thought Milley’s personality would jell with Trump’s, according to four sources with knowledge of the meeting.

In the end, “POTUS was prepped to ask the question, ‘Why not chairman?’” said one defense officialwho, like the others, spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal conversations.

Milley faces his next crucial job interview Thursday, when the Senate Armed Services Committee holds his confirmation hearing. But the November episode demonstrated many of the traits that Milley would bring to the job: sky-high ambition, an ability to take over the room and a willingness to use his Trumpworld connections to get what he wants.

Few who know Milley,a 61-year-old who has seencombat from Panama to the Middle East, are surprised he’s made it this far. Well-readand brash, Milley has had his eye on the chairmanship for years. POLITICO spoke to 13 people who have either worked with or for Milley, and the interviews portray him as atough-talking warrior-thinker:He’s Princeton-educated, an officer for whom books on Thucydides’ Trap are “light reading.” He’s also a hockey player with a thick frame, stern gaze and boundless energy, known to bend others to his will.

“He’s very thoughtful, very smart, very learned, reads a ton of books, very studied and is a big thinker,” Urban, a friend of Milley’s, told POLITICO. “He doesn’t get credit for the big thinker part because he’s got the tough hockey player exterior.”

A former government official whohas worked with Milley said the general’s demeanor is a plus with Trump, who delights in spinning tales involving “my generals” who come from “central casting.”

“I think that he ended up in the job in no small measure [because] there’s a lot of aspects to him that Trump likes: He’s loud, he’s bombastic, he’s salt of the earth, he is also at the same time Ivy League-educated,” the former official said.

Former CIA paramilitary officer Ron Moeller, who worked with Milley first in Afghanistan and later at the Pentagon, said he can see Milley meshing with Trump despite being “different in temperament and background.”

“He tells the truth, even if it is unpleasant, and he listens as well — a rare trait among senior leaders,” Moeller said. “He is loyal and repays that loyalty if he can. He’s decisive. He’s smart as a whip despite his gruff appearance.”

Milley, now the Army’s top officer, has already begun making an impact even beyond his current role.

He has spoken to Trump by phone about the southern border issue more than once, according to one Pentagon official — edging out currentJoint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Joe Dunford. (The direct outreach is “completely out of the ordinary,” the official said.) Blunt and loquacious, he dominates meetings in the Pentagon’s secure briefing room, known as the “Tank,” which sometimes grates on other top brass.

This spring, his intervention with then-acting Defense Secretary Pat Shanahan succeeded in heading off criminal punishments for officers who may have been at fault in the 2017 deaths of four soldiers during an ambush in Niger, two defense officials told POLITICO.

Like many top military leaders, Milley is less hawkish than some of Trump’s top civilian aides, most notably national security adviser John Bolton — a trait that may mesh with the president’s own reluctance to entangle the U.S. in overseas conflicts. But Milley has also publicly contradicted Trump’s claims that transgender troops threaten the effectiveness of the military, in comments that opponents of the president’s policy have cited in multiple court filings.

Some who know Milley acknowledge that he can “come off as a bully” — even by the standards of senior military leaders. He also has a tendency to micromanage and fail to see major decisions through, they say.

“He’s probably a dominant personality because he already understands the dynamics, and so yes, to some he may be perceived as a bully,” according to a person who has worked for him.

“Those people who worked for him I think feel a little bit bullied,” said another former senior Defense Department official. “He was tough on them without necessarily giving them the decisions that they needed to get done what they were expected to do.”

“There’s not a lot of finesse with Mark Milley,” the former official said, while adding that ”he’s smart and strategic, but he’s also unconventional in his approach, which is what the military needs.”

A spokesperson for Milley, Col. Kathleen Turner, declined to comment on the characterizations.

One aspect of Milley’s leadership style that he may need to change is how quickly he handles incoming requests that require sign-off.

“A lot of things went into his office but didn’t come out of his office,” recalls the former official. “A lot of things just got stuck there. Sometimes he was decisive too quickly, other times he wasn’t decisive at all.”

Milley also wanted to be part of the approval process for every step of every acquisition program, which encompasses thousands of Army programs — an unusual approach for a chief of staff.

Yet as Army chief, Milley has been credited with pulling the service out of a “readiness hole,” said Jeffrey Schloesser, a retired Army major general. Milley served as Schloesser’s deputy with the 101st Airborne Division in Afghanistan.

Milley has testified that more than half the Army’s 31 combat brigades are trained and ready for a major ground war — up from just three of the brigades when he took over as chief in 2015. With more money flowing into the Army under the Trump administration, Milley made boosting that number a top priority, as well as turning undermanned units into overmanned ones and building new adviser brigades to free up traditional units from small wars in Afghanistan, the Middle East and Africa.

Milley also takes to heart each of the 242 troops who have died under his command in Iraq and Afghanistan since 2001, including some who perished “within arm’s reach of me,” he said in a speech last year.

But Milley is also known to be fiercely protective of friends and of Army interests, as shown in his intervention into the Niger investigation.

Shanahan moved this spring to reopen the investigation into the 2017 attack, originally intending to appoint a general withthe power to recommend criminal punishments for any commanders who were at fault, according to two defense officials. But Milley “talked him off the ledge,” according to a military officer, and Shanahan instead appointed a different general whom Milley suggested, who lacked that authority. That general essentially prepared a “glorified book report” review of the investigations, the officer said.

Some people saw Milley’s actions as a soldier protecting his own — Mattis and others had wanted to see high-ranking officers held accountable for mistakes that had been pinned on the lower ranks. But another Defense Department official said Milley “felt strongly that he didn’t want the institution to get hung out to dry.”

Turner, the Army spokesperson, said Milley did not weigh on in the scope of the investigation. “Gen. Milley provided his best military advice on the selection of the senior leader to conduct the review and how to best support the review effort, not the scope of the review itself,” she said.

The investigation could still pose a problem for Milley with lawmakers, said Moeller, the former CIA officer.

“In my opinion, the only thing that could potentially trip Milley up during his confirmation hearings is the whole Niger incident,” Moeller said. “The Army didn’t do itself any favors with the fallout from that tragedy.”

One area where admirers and critics see two different sides of Milley is with Trump’s ban on transgender troops.

Milley caused major problems for the president’s policy in April 2018, when he told Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) that he had “received precisely zero reports of issues of cohesion, discipline, morale” caused by transgender people in the service. Trump’s critics have cited those words at least 16 times in lawsuits against the administration.

Yet according to documents obtained by POLITICO, Milley took a much harder line on the issue during the Obama administration. At the time, he argued for a policy that would have disqualified the vast majority of transgender people from serving in the military, according to a memo that then-Deputy Defense Secretary Robert Work later sent to Mattis in June 2017.

“During policy development, General Milley argued we shouldrequireall transition plans to end with gender reassignment surgery to align ‘top and bottom,’” Work wrote, referring to the service members’ anatomy. Mattis had commissioned the memo to bring him up to speed on the debate as the Pentagon was facing a July 1 deadline to begin accepting transgender recruits.

Obama administration Defense Secretary AshCarter had heard these arguments and “didn’t find them persuasive,” Work wrote. “As a practical matter, he rejected a requirement to compel sexual reassignment surgery as both overly extreme (statistically, only a small portion of the TG population seeks ‘bottom’ surgery) and illegal (we could not compel someone to have surgery if they did not need it).”

Milley also contended in a July 27, 2017, interview at the National Press Club that transgender service members had caused “a variety of issues” for the Army — the opposite of what he would tell Gillibrand the following year.

“The short answer to your question is, yes, we’ve had to deal with problems,” Milley said during the National Press Club appearance, which occurred a day after Trump tweeted his opposition to transgender service. “We don’t put it in the media. We deal with it professionally and quietly, with dignity and respect for the individual and the institution.”

Turner did not respond directly to Work’s memo or to the conflicting public statements, saying merely that Milley “participated” in discussions with senior leaders as the policy was being developed.

“He fully supports DoD’s current transgender policy and has always believed the opportunity to serve should be afforded to anyone who can meet Army standards as outlined by existing policies, laws, and regulations,” Turner said.

A Pentagon official who has worked with Milley saidhe suspects that the general hasn’t changed his earlier views, and that when he answered Gillibrand’s question he was already thinking ahead to his confirmation as chairman.

“He was angling to be chairman and he did not want to say anything that would damage his chances before the Senate,” this official said.

But the Palm Center, which advocates on behalf of transgender service members, told POLITICO that Milley has evolved as he has learned more about the issue.

“It is no secret that Gen. Milley was not an early supporter of transgender service, so these 2017 documents are not surprising,” Palm Center Director Aaron Belkin said. “After experiencing what open service was actually like, Gen. Milley never revisited his early concerns. Instead he confirmed that inclusive policy did not, in fact, compromise readiness, and he called repeatedly for respect for transgender service members.

“We give Gen. Milley credit for making that shift and acknowledging the success of inclusive policy,” Belkin said.

Another Defense Department official agreed that Milley has truly changed his opinion as he learned more, and cites his speeches saying all of those who are qualified should serve.

“For a while, you’re thinking, OK, he’s got this talking point down, it’s an inspiring speech, but does he really believe it?” the official said.“He really believes it. He really does. He’d write a lot of that stuff himself and it comes from the heart.”

As chairman, Milley would not only be the highest-ranking officer in the military. He would also become Trump’s principal military adviser. It’s a relationship that’s expected to go more smoothly than the one between Trump and Dunford.

“Dunford has almost no relationship with POTUS,” said a Defense Department official, who added that the Marine general is seen by some at the White Houseas an extension of Mattis’ “obstructionist” approach — prone to steering Trump away from his more extreme positions.

“The sense at the White House is that when Milley becomes chairman, the Joint Chiefs will not be nearly as confrontational with the White House,” the official added.

Dunford’s spokesman disputed those assertions.

“The statement from your anonymous source is inaccurate and ill-informed,” said the spokesman, Col. Pat Ryder. “Gen. Dunford has a very effective relationship with the President and has ample opportunities to provide his military advice on a regular basis.”

Those who know him say Milley won’t be a “yes man” for Trump. Nor is he expected to push the president in a more hawkish direction.

As an example, the former senior Defense Department official cited a “really long” speech Milley gave at the Association of the U.S. Army’s convention in 2016.

“It talked about the blood of war, and how difficult [war] would be,” the ex-official said. “So in that sense, he might align well with the president, the president’s instincts to avoid war and a lot of entanglements.”

Dunford and Milley might not prove that different after all in how they lead the Joint Chiefs, said retired Marine Maj. Gen. Arnold Punaro, a former staff director of the Senate Armed Services Committeewho is helping Milley prepare for his confirmation.

“I think he’s going to be very much in the mold of a Joe Dunford and recent chairmen,” Punaro said. “He’s highly skilled, combat vet, very knowledgeable on policy, very knowledgeable on the building, has excellent working relationships with the other senior military leaders including the combatant commanders. … I think he’s going to be a superb chairman.”

Read More

[itsasif007-blog]

The US Military Is Now Recruiting Soldiers To Fight In A War That Started Before They Were Born

New Post has been published on http://liststories.com/the-us-military-is-now-recruiting-soldiers-to-fight-in-a-war-that-started-before-they-were-born/

The US Military Is Now Recruiting Soldiers To Fight In A War That Started Before They Were Born

"id": 121782408

AFP Contributor / AFP / Getty Images

New recruits take their oaths.

"id": 121773287

Today, for the first time in history, a young American can enlist to fight in a US war that started before he or she was born.

As the war in Afghanistan enters its 18th year and the US Army falls thousands short of its recruiting goals, the Pentagon is recognizing it has to do something different to recruit an age group that does not remember 9/11 and for whom the “war on terror” has been background noise their entire lives. This includes rethinking some of its traditional military PR, which has unintentionally turned the corner from inspiring to morbid by highlighting that some of the young people enlisting today are taking over the same tasks in the very same places their parents fought almost a generation ago.

This has led to a strangely poignant overlap between real military press releases and the brutal satire of The Onion. A story this summer titled “History Repeats: Son Follows Father’s Footsteps Into Army Service” celebrated a recruit who was joining the same unit his father had previously been assigned to in Afghanistan. A few months earlier, a widely shared satirical article had been titled “Soldier Excited to Take Over Father’s Old Afghanistan Patrol Route.”

The grim reality was not lost on the military.

“There’s a New ‘Father and Son Served in Afghanistan’ Puff Piece, and Boy Is It Depressing,” read the headline on Task & Purpose, a news site run by military veterans.

"id": 121773299

Ben King for BuzzFeed News / Via Defense Department data

Percentage of military recruits in 2015 with military family members.

"id": 121773287

But this underscores a very real concern for military leaders — that the cost of the US “war on terror” is being borne by an increasingly smaller number of families, isolated and unnoticed by the rest of the country. At the same time, the US military footprint across the globe has expanded rapidly since former president George W. Bush ordered US troops into Afghanistan in Operation Enduring Freedom on Oct. 7, 2001. The US still has 15,000 troops in Afghanistan, but last year Americans also died in combat in places like Yemen, Niger, Syria, and Somalia, where most people back home — including some members of Congress — were not even aware the US was fighting.

“Most Americans are only vaguely aware that we’re still fighting overseas, and the reason for that is that they don’t have any skin in the game,” retired Army Lt. Gen. David Barno, a former US commander in Afghanistan, told BuzzFeed News. “That’s not a very healthy thing for a society, if it becomes the same 1% doing this from generation to generation while the rest is relatively oblivious.”

Seven US service members have died in combat in Afghanistan this year, part of more than 2,300 Americans who have been killed there since October 2001. Nearly 21,000 have been wounded.

A “family business”

There’s a reason that the US Army itself promotes service as a “family business.” Having a relative who served in the military has long been a key indicator of whether young people will consider enlisting. Roughly 83% of young Americans who enlisted in 2015 had a family member who served in the military, and more than a third had a parent who did so, according to Defense Department data.

And that group is shrinking. More than three-quarters of adults over the age of 50 said they had an immediate family member who had served in the military, according to a Pew Research Center survey from 2011. Only a third of those ages 18–29 did.

The same pattern also influences who gets to positions of leadership. A 2009 analysis of Defense Department data showed that 65% of white officers had a father who served in the military.

It’s not unusual for children to follow in their parents’ footsteps — the children of doctors and lawyers also are more likely to enter those professions — but it’s different when that “war has become the family business,” said Amy Schafer, who wrote a report on the issue at the Center for a New American Security.

"id": 121783693

Gregory Bull / AP

New Army recruits take part in a swearing-in ceremony in San Diego, June 4, 2017.

"id": 121773287

“What is different here is that this professional inheritance has created a warrior caste, which is wielding force on behalf of a democracy while the rest of the country isn’t involved,” she told BuzzFeed News.

Young Americans now becoming eligible to enlist have seen primarily two portrayals of military service in their lives — either the heroics of Navy SEALs taking out high-profile terrorists or soldiers coming back with post-traumatic stress disorder in films such as American Sniper or The Hurt Locker, she said. One makes all military service seem unrealistic for most, the other a terrifying ordeal that ruins lives. This increases the likelihood that those who do enlist come from families and communities where they have been exposed to a more realistic image, and the range of options, she said.

“There is this huge respect and admiration for the military [in the US public], and very little real understanding,” she said.

“A looming crisis”

Since the US eliminated the military draft in 1973, the military has worked hard to maintain the all-volunteer force, upping enlistment and reenlistment bonuses and offering shorter contracts. But the new generation presents unprecedented challenges.

Last month, the US Army announced that it had missed its recruiting goals for the first time since 2005 despite pouring an additional $200 million into incentives, such as bonuses, and waiving some mental health and other requirements. It fell short 6,500 soldiers of the 76,500 new active-duty recruits it was seeking to grow the force after years of downsizing.

More than 70% of young Americans between 17 and 24 — the Army’s prime recruiting demographic — are ineligible to serve due to not meeting fitness standards; having medical, mental health, or substance abuse issues, substance abuse, or a criminal history. Of the 1.7 million left, US Army Recruiting Command estimates that only roughly 136,000 would be interested, partly due to the booming economy. For most of those who don’t have family ties, recruiters say it’s a struggle to get them to consider the military as a top choice for their future, not a last resort.

This year’s shortfall of 6,500 was just the “canary in the coal mine of a looming crisis,” said Thomas Spoehr, a retired Army three-star general who is the director for national defense at the conservative Heritage Foundation.

“That initial rush of patriotism after 9/11 is over, and polls show that many US citizens don’t really perceive serious threats to America — so they think, ‘maybe the need for me is not that great, maybe my country doesn’t need me,’” he said. Even those with family connections may be put off joining “a super long war to do the same thing your dad did,” he said.

Since many recruits tend to prefer the Marine Corps and Air Force over the Army, they have mainly been shielded from the Army’s recruitment problems for now, he said.

“Something for other people to do”

Military leaders have been warning for more than a decade that there would be a recruiting impact from the limitation of military service to a relatively small group of Americans.

“Even after 9/11, in the absence of a draft, for a growing number of Americans, service in the military, no matter how laudable, has become something for other people to do,” then-defense secretary Robert Gates said in a well-known speech about the widening gap between the military and civilians at Duke University in 2010.

"id": 121783744

John Moore / Getty Images

A 10th Mountain Division sergeant passes a live hand grenade to a fellow soldier during a training exercise on May 18, 2016, at Fort Drum in New York.

"id": 121773287

Those “other people” disproportionately come from only some regions of the US. What the military measures as “propensity to serve” is more heavily concentrated in the South and Mountain West, while major cities, the Northeast, and the West Coast are desert zones for military recruiters. About 44% of 18- to 24-year-olds who enlisted in 2016 came from the South, according to a Defense Department–commissioned report.

While being careful to note that a family tradition of military service is a positive thing, it’s the continued recruiting from the same parts of the country — and the same families — that military leaders and analysts worry will become a problem for the all-volunteer force.

“You get to a point where you have such a rift between the military and the rest of the American people that you now have in this country a US public not even aware of the sacrifice that is being made,” Sen. Tammy Duckworth, a Democrat from Illinois and combat veteran who lost both her legs in the Iraq War, told BuzzFeed News. She said that rift came into sharp relief for her when some of her fellow lawmakers weren’t even aware of a recent combat death, surprised as it was mentioned in passing.

“We’ve had more discussions about people kneeling during the national anthem than we have about when the war in Afghanistan is going to end,” Duckworth told an audience at an event in Washington last month titled “A Generation at War.”

“These decades have changed the psychology of American citizens”

Military analysts who study recruitment say the impact of endless counterterrorism wars on who enlists and why remains to be seen, but it’s clear that family service will continue to be a main motivator.

Last year, all three of Anne Wilson’s children reported to basic training within weeks of each other. Her 18-year-old daughter, Cadi, and her twin 22-year-old sons, Dominic and Maveric, all enlisted in the US Navy after their stepfather, a US Army veteran, encouraged them to take advantage of the educational benefits and travel that would enable them to leave their construction jobs in the small town. They were 2 and 5 years old, respectively, on 9/11.

"id": 121782860

Courtesy of Anne Wilson

Anne Wilson and her children, Cadi, Dominic, and Maveric, who all enlisted in the US Navy last year.

"id": 121773287

“There’s nothing where we live, there are no good jobs,” said Anne, who also wanted to enlist when she was young but was stopped by her father, a veteran, who worried about the treatment of women in the military.

“He said you sign those papers, you won’t be breathing anymore,” she remembered, laughing. “So I get to live it through my kids, which is really nice. Their grandfathers, who both served in the Army, are proud as peacocks.”

But she acknowledged that without their family ties it would have been extremely unlikely that they would have been exposed to military service as an option. None of their friends in East Bethany, New York, were in the military. After all three of her children enlisted, and one of them deployed abroad, many of Wilson’s friends and neighbors in the small town told her they would be “worried sick” if their children joined the military.

However, the deepening split between generations of military families and the rest of the country is unlikely to be resolved soon. Most of the half dozen current and former military officials interviewed by BuzzFeed News said they did not see it changing unless the US enters another major conflict that requires the return of the draft.

“These decades have changed the psychology of American citizens,” Barno said. “If suddenly they were expected to enlist, it would send shock waves through the American public. They now basically assume that they can rely on these people who want to volunteer, but that it’s not a responsibility of citizenship to do so.”

"data": "label-char-limit": 31, "links": ["article-url": "https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/verabergengruen/these-us-troops-were-killed-in-combat-during-trumps-first", "author": "Vera Bergengruen", "category": "USNews", "id": "4713053", "published": "1514466063", "title": "These US Troops Were Killed In Combat During Trumpu2019s First Year In Office"], "title": "More on this", "title-char-count": 12, "formatName": "related_links", "renderKitUrl": "https://www.buzzfeed.com/static-assets/buzz-format-platform/related_links/js/render_kit.230a7cb75451ef67e212.js", "subbuzzId": "121785455"

Source link

[thetens-blog1]

Mabco-Dee Investments Limited Vacancy for an Operations Manager/Branch Manager, Nigeria 2017

Mabco-Dee Investments Limited Vacancy for an Operations Manager/Branch Manager, Nigeria 2017

Mabco-Dee Investments Limited Vacancy for an Operations Manager/Branch Manager, Nigeria 2017 Mabco-Dee Investments Limited is a dynamic entity that has been in existence for the past 7 years, operating in the Nigeria construction industry and committed to being a one stop shop for major building and construction products that is known for modernization, accountability, brilliance, consistency,…

[thetens-blog1]

Giant Beverages Limited Graduate Trainee recruitment 2017

Giant Beverages Limited Graduate Trainee recruitment 2017

Giant Beverages Limited Graduate Trainee recruitment 2017 Giant Beverages Limited is a new manufacturing company engaged in the production of natural and healthy non-alcoholic beverages. As a corporate entity, we produce products of the highest quality and are committed to delivering quality service to our customers. Giant Beverages drinks are produced with the finest natural ingredients to meet…

[thetens-blog1]

Recruitment at Malaria Consortium, June 2017

Recruitment at Malaria Consortium, June 2017

Recruitment at Malaria Consortium, June 2017 Malaria Consortium is one of the world’s leading non-profit organisations, which is dedicated to the comprehensive control of malaria and other communicable diseases in Africa and Southeast Asia. Malaria Consortium (MC) works to improve lives in Africa and Asia through sustainable, evidence-based programmes that combat targeted diseases and promote…

[thetens-blog1]

First Bank of Nigeria Limited recruitment, June 2017

First Bank of Nigeria Limited recruitment, June 2017

First Bank of Nigeria Limited recruitment, June 2017 Job Vacancies at First Bank – First Bank of Nigeria Limited (FirstBank) is Nigeria’s largest financial services institution by total assets and gross earnings. With more than 10 million customer accounts, FirstBank has over 750 branches providing a comprehensive range of retail and corporate financial services. The Bank has international…

[thetens-blog1]

Kempt Harkulson Nigeria Limited recruitment for Ticketing & Reservations Executives in Port Harcourt & Abuja 2017

Kempt Harkulson Nigeria Limited recruitment for Ticketing & Reservations Executives in Port Harcourt & Abuja 2017

Kempt Harkulson Nigeria Limited recruitment for Ticketing & Reservations Executives in Port Harcourt & Abuja 2017 Kempt Harkulson Nigeria Limited (KHNL) was set up to provide logistics support for both local and foreign companies in Nigeria. We have been offering such services for over 10 years with a growing clientele base. We have grown from a logistics support company to complete oil service…

[thetens-blog1]

Association for Reproductive and Family Health (ARFH) recruitment for Graduate Field Data Collectors/Interviewers, June 2017

Association for Reproductive and Family Health (ARFH) recruitment for Graduate Field Data Collectors/Interviewers, June 2017

Association for Reproductive and Family Health (ARFH) recruitment for Graduate Field Data Collectors/Interviewers, June 2017 Association for Reproductive and Family Health (ARFH) is one of the leading Nigerian Non-Governmental Organizations implementing programs for improving Reproductive Health and Family planning (RH/FP), Care and Treatment of HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis (TB) and Malaria etc. We…

[thetens-blog1]

Urgent Vacancy For Contract Staff for The ICA National Credit Managers Conference 2017

Urgent Vacancy For Contract Staff for The ICA National Credit Managers Conference 2017

Urgent Vacancy For Contract Staff for The ICA National Credit Managers Conference 2017 Institute of Credit Administration (ICA) urgently requires the services of contract staff to drive the above stated high profile conference, being organized by the Conference Organizing Committee of our Institute of Credit Administration (ICA), the Nigeria’s only national body for credit management. This…

[thetens-blog1]

Latest Jobs at McTimothy Associates, June 2017

Latest Jobs at McTimothy Associates, June 2017

Latest Jobs at McTimothy Associates, June 2017 McTimothy Associates is a full service Management consulting, Recruitment and Business Training firm that enables business greatness and effectiveness through customer-centric innovative solutions. We provide leading edge management strategy and HR infrastructure support with exceptional customer service leading to improved performance of our client…

[thetens-blog1]

Airtel Nigeria Graduate Job Recruitment, June 2017

Airtel Nigeria Graduate Job Recruitment, June 2017

Airtel Nigeria Graduate Job Recruitment, June 2017 Airtel Nigeria (Airtel Networks Limited), a leading mobile telecommunication services provider in Nigeria and a member of Airtel Africa Group, is committed to providing innovative, exciting, affordable and quality mobile services to Nigerians, giving them the freedom to communicate, rise above their daily challenges and drive economic and social…