#malacanang

[rhk111sblog]

Here is an Article about the recent, very, very explosive Revelation of Cathy Binag, a Socialite who was the Girlfriend for ten Years of the Business Magnate Antonio Floriendo Jr., one of President Bong Bong Marcos' (PBBM) closest Friends, and here are some selected Excerpts from the Article:

“Binag disclosed in her "Boldyak" Interview that Marcos had regular Cocaine Sessions with a smaller Set of this Circle and that she even saw the future President, as well as his other Friends, emerge from a Room with Cocaine Residue on their upper Lips.”

“She said she first found out about the Group's regular Cocaine Sessions when she chanced upon Marcos' Wife, Liza, in a Hallway of the first Couple's Residence after using the Restroom. The First Lady asked her who she was. When she replied that she was "with Tonyboy," she raised a small Container to her and asked her, "You want?" Binag said she replied: "I don't do that," meaning she doesn't take the Drug. Mrs. Marcos replied gruffly: "So, why are you here? You're not supposed to be here." And then she left her abruptly. "Maybe she assumed I was a Cocaine Addict, or why would I be there? Maybe it's because I was so thin at that time," Binag said.”

“But this is a very smart Woman. She revealed: "I've made about 50 USBs, which contain Names and what they've done in Government. I've given many of these to Friends who will release them to the Public if anything happens to me." Maharlika asks her, Will info on this USB be explosive? "Yes, maraming madadamay. Ang daming lalabas na kasama nila." So far, Malacañang hasn't issued a Statement over Binag's Accusations.”

Here is the Link to the Article at “The Manila Times” Website: https://www.manilatimes.net/2024/08/05/opinion/columns/marcos-definitely-was-a-cocaine-user-a-close-friends-ex-partner-reveals/1961837

SOURCE: Marcos definitely was a Cocaine User, a Close Friend's ex-Partner reveals {Archived Link}

[kristinemaebsnapshots]

You’ll never know what lies ahead of you, so just keep on track and you might be surprised what’s waiting for you at the end of the road. 3.10.2018 | 📸 @kristinemaeb

[justanothergeneralkrow]

Doing a literary analysis of a poem about PGMA (Gloria Macapagal Aroyo) and reading about how she wasn't impeached for the "Hello, Garci" scandal cause the house failed to get enough votes. On that very same article one of the reccomended articles was about the senators who opposed the contempt of court charged on Quiboloy (a pastor who's been accused of rape, child molestation and human trafficking.)

[kalakian]

‘Maid in Malacañang’ is the lowest-rated Filipino film of all time and the 36th lowest-rated film of all time on Letterboxd

It is also the 4th film with the most ½-star ratings of all time on Letterboxd.

Ang larawan ay kuha sa Letterboxd. Ang impormasyon ay kuha sa Twitter account ng Philippine TV & Film Updates

[dryedmangoez]

Good Ol' Review: Despite Its Polarizing Existence, "Maid in Malacañang" a Familiar, Run of the Mill Filipino Drama

TYPE OF REVIEW : GOOD OL’ REVIEW No spoilers. When it is a film that can illicit such contrasting feelings by so many people, it’s hard not to want to find out what all the fuss is about. That’s certainly the case for Viva Films and Darryl Yap’s Maid in Malacañang. Now, as a Filipino-American, I’m coming into this film knowing the basics of Philippine history, yet not having the personal…

[theroyalsandi]

Dutch Royal Family - Queen Maxima , in her capacity as the UN Secretary-General's Special Advocate for Inclusive Finance for Development (UNSGSA), visits President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. at Malacanang Palace in Manila, Philippines. (Photo by Patrick van Katwijk) | May 22, 2024

[aphroditesknife]

Zelensky's visit to the Philippines, a big joke—ILPS

Before this, they both attended the 21st Shangri-La Defense Summit in Singapore where Marcos boasted that he would consider a Filipino being killed in the disputed territories in the SCS an “act of war” by China. Zelensky, on the other hand, ventured into the conference in a “desperate attempt to scrounge support for the US-NATO war against Russia.” This is after the defeat of its “counter-offensive” against Russia last year.

The visit of Volodymyr Zelenskyy, president of Ukraine, to Ferdinand Marcos Jr in Malacanang on June 3 was a “big joke”, the International League of Peoples’ Struggle said. One is embroiled in a losing US-NATO proxy war against Russia, while the other is embroiled in a fast-developing US-China tension over the South China Sea. Both parrot US-manufactured war provocations and tensions.

During Zelensky’s meeting with Marcos, he asked the Philippines to send “mental health workers” to Ukraine. The ban on sending Filipino workers to Ukraine has been in effect since 2022.

The proxy war of the US has taken a heavy toll on the Ukrainian people, ILPS said. After two years, its casualties reached 60,000 soldiers and 10,000 civilians. The local economy is devastated, as is the livelihood of Ukrainians.

Despite this, US funding continues to prolong the war. Just last month, US president Joseph Biden authorized the pouring of $175 billion in war aid to Ukraine. Its NATO partners have pledged 32 billion euros in support.

Oh look, two puppets of USA, having a puppet party.

[archivist-crow]

On this day:

On October 24, 1593, Gil Perez of the Filipino Guardia Civil was reporting for sentry duty in Manila, Philippines, when he was unexplainably teleported to the Zócalo in Mexico City, nearly nine thousand miles away. He soon drew attention because his uniform was quite dazzling compared to the local dress, he carried an unusual musket, and his manner was somewhat dazed.

When questioned by the Mexican viceroy and his council, as well as by officers of the Inquisition, Perez insisted that moments earlier he was reporting to the Malacanang Palace. He also said that Philippine governor Don Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas had been assassinated by a axe in his head while in the Spice Islands. Perez had received his sentry orders on October 25—a date that was current in the Philippines, but in Mexico was still twenty-four hours in the future. Two months later, a ship arrived from the Philippines with news that Manila's governor had, in fact, been assassinated, and one of the passengers testified that they had seen Gil Perez in Manila at the time. Perez was returned to Manila.

Text from: Almanac of the Infamous, the Incredible, and the Ignored by Juanita Rose Violini, published by Weiser Books, 2009

[hudgenssource]

Vanessa Hudgens has been named a Global Tourism Ambassador for the Philippines in a ceremony at the Malacanang Palace on Thursday March 30th

[rhk111sblog]

Former President Rodrigo Roa Duterte (FPRRD) made an explosive revelation recently when he said in a Public Speech that the current sitting President, Bong Bong Marcos (BBM) was and still is a Drug Addict

[arkipelagic]

“When Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia came to Manila in the 1950s, the Tausug princesses and my mother were invited for dinner at Malacanang. According to my mother, they had a good laugh a day later when the Manila papers described them as Indonesian princesses. Apparently, Manila journalists did not believe that there were princesses in the Philippines.”

Excerpt from “My Mother and The First ‘Modern’ Moro Women” by Jamal Ashley Abbas (April 4, 2012)

[whatisonthemoon]

Private Armies of Mindanao

From Filipino Free Thiners Private Armies of Mindanao Faraj Pangeran April 2, 2010 The Rise of Private Armies

Ever since the brutal slaughter in Maguindanao, it raised again the issue of private armies. Private armies exist everywhere in the Philippines and was an issue as far back as the early years of the American colonial regime in the Philippines. After independence was re-established in 1946, private armies were seen as essential to safeguarding the republic from the Huks. Since that time, private armies were seen more of a blessing to Malacanang Palace with the exception of Ramon Magsaysay who saw private armies not only as a lawless element but a threat to military readiness. According to the Philippine National Police, there are over 170 private armies in the Philippines and about 68 are found in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).

Land Struggles

The genesis of private armies in Mindanao can be traced to the discrimination experienced in the land system. Since time immemorial, both Lumads and Moros had a communal land system which meant that essentially as long as one took care of a piece of land, it was yours. When there was a dispute, a datu, chief, or sultan settled it for you and created a deed or edict.

With the establishment of American rule in Mindanao, a new land tenure system was imposed. This included “nationalizing” (really confiscating) ancestral communal lands of the Lumads and Moros into “public lands” under the Public Land Law of 1903. Lumads and Moros now had to register their land claims in Spanish or in English to the American authorities either in Zamboanga or in Manila and non-Christians were allowed only to claim up to 10 hectares while Christians could claim up to 16. It also voided any deeds or land claims made by sultans, chiefs, and datus. Furthermore, all Moros, Lumads, Igorots, and Aetas came under the supervision of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes of the Department of the Interior under the Governor-General. This meant in certain circumstances, a Moro or Lumad needed permission to even apply for a land title from the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes. With the Public Land Act No. 2874, enacted in November 1919, this was increased to 24 hectares. At the same time, Moros and non-Christians were only allowed to claim up to 8 hectares. The amended public land law of 1936 reduced the homestead size back to 16 hectares, and cut the land claims for Moros and non-Christians to four hectares.

What this essentially did was not only to  strip away the ancestral domains of Moros, Lumads, and every other indigenous group in the country, but made religion even a basis to gaining a land title. It also became a land bonanza for American corporations (i.e., Dole, Goodyear, etc.) and Filipino landed families including the Cojuancos, the Arroyos, and many others.

Beginning in 1912, landless peasants from the Visayas and Luzon were shipped to Mindanao and allowed easy access to claim land while Lumads and Moros were forcibly put into re-settlement programs on non-agricultural lands and monitored by the Philippine Constabulary. Christians on the other hand were encouraged to settle in the more productive lands especially along the coasts and corporations were given tax breaks and other measures to develop in Mindanao. This in turn also attracted a number of landed families particularly from Cebu and Manila who saw the opportunities, in particular, logging and mining.

Since technically a Christian person could only claim a certain amount of land, what some Filipino politicians and landlords in the Visayas and Mindanao did was to have their workers claim the land that they wanted, have their connections in Manila process the claim, and then the worker would “sell” that claim to them. Sometimes the workers were not even aware that they had even processed a claim. In this way, some families were able to establish huge estates and plantations in Mindanao without being in violation of the Public Land Laws.

This was compounded with the fact that Moros and other “non-Christians” could not vote, which is one of the reasons why there were no elected Moro, Lumad, Aeta or Igorot politicians during the Commonwealth. The non-Christians were supposedly represented through the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes which were always staffed by Roman Catholics and never headed by a non-Christian.

During the resettlement programs under Magsaysay, Garcia, and Macapagal settlers were given land for free or simply had to pay a processing fee. These factors are actually the root of the conflict in Mindanao.

In the 1950s, friction began to occur not with just the indigenous populations of Mindanao and the new settlers but between competing politicians. Malacanang began to see the potential of Mindanao in giving that extra–often controversial–votes during elections; private armies had enjoyed support from whomever was president who naturally also came from a political dynasty. Thus, private armies in Mindanao had a two fold purpose: to maintain the political and economic power of political dynasties; and to legitimize the land claims of Christian settlers. In turn, this also would ensure that Mindanao would be part of the Philippine nation-state–something that many Moros still contest–and eventually be “Christianized”. In addition, there were new problems arising from the rise of Communism which gave the Armed Forces of the Philippines an excuse to supply private armies as a counter-insurgency measure.

Generally speaking, warlordism is most pronounced in Sulu, North Cotabato, Davao provinces, Lanao del Sur, South Cotabato, Surigao, Zamboanga, South Cotabato, Sarangani, and Sultan Kudarat–all areas where competition for agricultural land and natural resources is very high. Except for Sulu, North Cotabato, Lanao del Sur, and Sultan Kudarat, these private armies have been recognized at one time or another as a CVO or CAFGUs and are all employed by mining companies, plantations, and/or political dynasties.

Some of the more well known private armies in Mindanao include the Kuratong Baleleng of Ozamis City Mayor Ronaldo O. Parojinog. The Kuratong Baleleng was also instrumental in both Aquino and Estrada’s all out war in Minandao. In North Cotabato vice Governor Emmanuel Piñol maintains another private army. His private army includes its own factory in Mlang and produces mostly M-79 grenade launchers and improvised M-14 armalite rifles. North Cotabato Mayor Roger Taliño has several groups registered as Civilian Volunteers Organization (CVOs) and/or Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Units (CAFGUs), which means it received official backing and were given supplies by Armed Forces of the Philippines or directly by the Department of National Defense.

Not to be outdone, Muslim politicians–particularly in areas where land is contentious–began to arm themselves. “The Barracuda”, the private army of the late Lanao del Norte Governor Ali Dimaporo, is one such example. Dimaporo’s army was reputed to have more firearms than three army brigades and would make Ampatuan’s army look like a boy scout troop. Again, it should be remembered that many of these private armies–whether Muslim or Christian–were encouraged and supplied by our own government and therefore our own taxpayers’ money helped to pay for these armies.

Vigilantes and Liberation Fronts

A by-product of these private armies and the land situation led to the formation of the various Moro liberation fronts as well as the introduction of the New People’s Army (NPA) and vigilante groups in Mindanao. From a Moro perspective, the loss of land was not just seen as an alienation from one’s ancestral ties but as a deep humiliation. The Sultanates of Sulu, Maguindanao, and Lanao were symbols of resistance to foreign rule. But these sultanates were basically gutted by the Public Land Laws and everything else Moro were belittled by the Commonwealth and later the Republic of the Philippines. This was exasperated by the settler programs in the 1950s and 1960s where over a million people from especially the Visayas region displaced the indigenous populations and became the new majority on lands that were part of the Sultanate. Then to further highlight the position of Moros in the country, the Jabidah Massacre occurred in 1968 where 28 Moro recruits were executed by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) after the AFP decided to abandon its plan to invade Sabah and destablize Malaysia.

The MNLF

In light of all of this, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was formed in the 1970s and began waging a protracted war for independence. The chairperson of the MNLF, Dr. Nur Misuari, was a former professor at the University of the Philippines-Diliman and had been a member of the Kabataan MakaBayan (KMB) of Jose Sison. The KMB members later formed the nucleus of the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Since the beginning of the armed struggle, the MNLF made it clear that their main issues in Mindanao were not religious in nature but were for self-determination and for the social and political inequalities that existed not just in Philippine society but within the BangsaMoro themselves. In the late 1970s as the MNLF began to spread through the Moro majority areas of Mindanao, the Communist Party of the Philippines at the same time began operations in non-Muslim areas in Mindanao.

This in turn led further government support of CAFGUs and escalated the violence, leading to the creation of right wing Christian vigilante groups whose goal was to wipe out both the Muslims and the Communists. These included the Alsa Masa, NAKASAKA, Causa Manifesto, Tadtad, and the Davao Death Squads. The Tadtad group was infamous for its practice of ritual cannibalism and keeping the ears of their victims as souvenirs.

Despite all of this, these groups got official approval not only from the government but also from the Roman Catholic Church who refused to condemn the killings or the death squads. The Auxiliary Bishop of Cebu, Msgr. Manuel Salvador, for example, said in 1986 that ”We really cannot blame these civilians who decide to arm themselves.” Certain other groups were also heavily supported by other Christian churches such as Rev. Sun Myung Moon’s Unification Church, and by anti-communist groups in the US. With the rise of right wing Christian groups, this lead also to the formation of fundamentalist Islamic groups such as the Abu Sayyaf.

One of the Legacies of President Aquino

One of the great ironies of all is that most of these right wing groups–both Christian and Muslim–did not form during the martial law, but during the administration of President Aquino. In 1987, President Aquino praised such groups as a ”concrete manifestation of people power”. The roots of the armed struggle in Mindanao was not originally rooted in religion but in the social inequalities and discrimination until the rise of groups such as the Alsa Masa which occurred during Aquino’s presidency. Likewise, it should be remembered that many of the Muslim politicians like the Ampatuans received their start in politics by being appointed to office by President Aquino and these same people continued to build their private armies with the support of Ramos, Estrada, and Arroyo. Many of these vigilante groups and right wing paramilitary forces still exist today.

The MILF

In 1986, the MNLF and the Aquino administration entered into talks and the MNLF gave up its goal of independence. This gave birth to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the Moro National Liberation Front-Reformist, and other smaller groups. The Moro Islamic Liberation Front, in particular, is not secular. It not only believes in BangsaMoro self-determination but also in “Making the Word of Allah Supreme”.

It is also an open secret that the MILF is supported by elements within the Prime Minister’s Office of Malaysia and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Malaysia in their special “Moro Desk”. The Malaysian government has a vested interest in the MILF not only because of the Philippine government’s past support of Indonesia during the Konfrontasi but also because the MILF is predominately Maranaw. The MNLF on the other hand traditionally has its mass support from the Tausugs. The Tausugs have claims to Sabah and have been close to Brunei and Indonesia–Malaysia’s rivals. The Maranaw do not have any territorial claims to Malaysia and traditionally have been close to Malaysian royalty. So the struggle between the MNLF and the MILF is not only an ideological struggle (i.e. secular versus Islamic, integration into the Philippine nation-state versus independence, etc.) but also in a way a proxy war between Malaysia and the Philippines over Sabah.

Dismantling the Private Armies

With the outburst of public anger about the massacre in Maguindanao, the current president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, vowed to dismantle private armies. Of course the same sentiments had been said since the time of the Commonwealth. However, the roots of the conflict in Mindanao, the rise of private armies, and the formation of right wing groups are all tied together because it is all based on the social inequalities existing in the entire country (especially regarding land), on the weakness of the judicial system, and to a degree prevailing cultural and religious arrogance. Until there is genuine land reform, genuine electoral reform, a fairer distribution of resources for Mindanao, mutual cultural acceptance, and an efficient, fair and independent judiciary where no one is above the law–the country will always have Communist guerrilla fighters, right wing factions, private armies, and other CAFGUs types.

Originally posted here: https://filipinofreethinkers.org/2010/04/02/private-armies-of-mindanao/

[kalakian]

Libreng Lecture ni Ambeth Ocampo

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Kung hindi gumagana ang link na nakalagay sa IG post ni Ambeth Ocampo, mangyari lamang na subukang puntahan ang link na ito.

U-M CSEAS Lecture Series - "Fruit of the Poisonous Tree: The Marcos DiariesAmbeth Ocampo

Mar 11, 2023 07:00 AM

In his haste to evacuate the presidential palace, Malacanang, in February 1986 Ferdinand E. Marcos left behind many papers that included handwritten diaries that cover the years 1969-1984. While the originals are in the custody of the Presidential Commission on Good Government, unofficial copies have been circulating for years. Collating from different manuscript sources, validating and annotating each entry from contemporary newspapers, the Official Gazette, and declassified U.S. State Department records preparing the diaries for publication work is not just an exercise in documentary editing but being critical of Marcos' self-referential and biased view of events. In the light of current rewriting of the first Marcos presidency these documents are double-edged, fruit of the poisonous tree.

[ignaciokatelyn123]

Hi hello my name is Katelyn Ignacio welcome to my blog

1st ever blog

The bridge is very beautiful and aesthetic. Explore near Patapat Bridge: Where to Stay, Eat, and Visit.

My family's igancio bonding

2nd stop, Patapat Viaduct. We just took our pictures here. It is one of the tourist spots for its zigzag road.

The sunset of Pagudpud, Ilocos Norte beach offers a stunning view of the largest Wind Farm of Southeast Asia. 

was my dream when I was a child to visit a palace. This became a reality when we had our Malacanang fam tour with the other people.

[mint-moon25]

3 Places You MUST VISIT in HONG KONG! 🇭�� (Amazing scenery and delicious ...

DEAR - PHILIPPINE - ISLANDS,

COMING - 2 - PILIPINAS

FR - MALACANANG PALACE

AS - U - KNOW - IMELDA WAS

STABBED - AND - STABBED BY

RUSTED - KNIFE - BY - PINOY 2

SAW - PINAY - FEMALE - SHE

ALLOWED - THIS - ANGRY YES

VISIBLE - 2 - COME - NEAR HER

AS - PINAY - WOMEN - NONE

WERE - MARTIAL ARTS - YES

EXPERTS - WHY - WERE THEY

HIRED - MANE - PINAY - LIVE

ALLOWED - ANGRY - PINOY 2

COME - NEAR - HER - 2 STAB

AND - STAB - WITH - RUSTED

KNIFE - THE - WHOLE WORLD

CHOSE - 2 - SAY - IMELDA

MARCOS - STOLE - PHILS

TAXES - 2 - BUY - 3,000 SHOES

PHILIPPINE - GLUE - NO - ONE

TALKED - ABOUT - SHE - WAS

STABBED - BY - RUSTED KNIFE

AS - KID - I - SAW - THAT - LIVE

LARGE - COLOR - AMERICAN

ZENITH - TV - SAW - LIVE AS

KID - ALONE - THEN - MY YES

PHILIPPINE - UNIFORMED

MAID - JOINED ME AS WE

CRIED - AS - WORLD - YES

LAUGHED - IMELDA - WITH

HER - 3,000 - PAIRS - SHOES

MARCOS - THIEVES - OF THE

TAXES - OF - PHILIPPINE PPP

MONEY - THUS - 4 - HER

COMING - 2 - PILIPINAS

THE - IMELDA MARCOS

SHOES - INCENTIVE

COMING - IN - FUTURE - NO

ONE - WILL - PAY - TAXES ON

SHOES - SANDALS - SLIPPERS

HIGH HEELS - FOOT APPAREL

BABY - SHOES - ALL - SHOES

WILL - B - TAX - FREE

FOREVER - IN - PILIPINAS

ALL - SHOES - SANDALS

SLIPPERS - FOOT WEAR

WILL - B - TAX - FREE - IN

PHILIPPINE - ISLANDS

COMING - 2 - PILIPINAS

THE - IMELDA MARCOS

TAX - FREE - PROGRAM

NO - MORE - TAXES - ON

SHOES - HIGH HEELS

SLIPPERS - SANDALS

BABY - SHOES - TRUE

ALL - SHOES - WILL B

TAX - FREE - IN - PILIPINAS

THE - MONEY - 4 - TAXES

WILL - B - PAID - BY - OUR

INTERNATIONAL - FUNDING

INTERNATIONAL - FUNDS

WILL - PAY - 4 - SHOES

TAXED - SA - PILIPINAS

DON'T - CRY - CUBAO

MANILA - PILIPINAS

ALL - TAXES - ON - SHOES

INTERNATIONAL - FUND'G

INTERNATIONAL - FUNDS

PAY - 4 - SHOES - TAXES 2

THE - IMELDA MARCOS

NEW - TAX - PROGRAM

NO - MORE - TAXES - ON

SHOES COMINNG 4 EVER

ALL - TAXES - WILL B PAID

INSTEAD - INTERNATIONAL

FUNDS - FUNDING OUR YES

GIFT - 2 - IMELDA MARCOS

FUTURE - NO - MORE - TAX

ON - SHOES - SANDALS ALL

KINDS - OF - FOOT WEAR IN

PHILIPPINE - ISLANDS

IIMELDA MARCOS NEW

TAX - PROGRAM

ALL - TAXES - ON - SHOES

PAID - BY INTERNATIONAL

FUNDS - COMING - SOON

2 - PHILIPPINE - ISLANDS

MABUHAY - KABABAYANS

[aphroditesknife]

Oldest Filipino political prisoner turns 85, appeals for executive clemency

via Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas - KMP Facebook Page

Yesterday, April 23, 2024, Tatay Gerardo Dela Pena turned 85 years old. Tatay Gerardo is the country's oldest political prisoner. As the oldest political prisoner, Tatay Gerardo suffers from medical conditions including hypertension, deteriorating eyesight, and hearing impairment, further exacerbated by his advancing age. Last year, the Department of Justice’s Board of Pardons and Parole (BPP) issued Resolution No. OT-08-02-2023, which states that "Persons Deprived of Liberty (PDLs) who are 70 years old and above, and even if they are considered high-risk, shall be considered for executive clemency if they have already served 10 years of their sentence. This consideration is especially applicable if they are suffering from old age, sickness, terminal or life-threatening illnesses, or other serious disabilities.” It is evident that Tatay Gerardo Dela Peña perfectly fits the criteria for executive clemency outlined in this resolution. Who is Tatay Gerardo Dela Peña? Gerardo Dela Peña is a Martial Law veteran and survivor. Just like many other martial law victim-survivors, Tatay Gerardo hails from the peasantry in the province of Camarines Norte in Bicol. Tatay Gerardo, as he is affectionately called, dedicated himself to activism and organizing within his community, standing up against the oppressive dictatorship of Marcos Sr. In 1982, Tatay Gerardo was subjected to arrest, torture, and detention by police and military forces. Trumped-up charges of subversion and robbery were filed against him, he later was acquitted of these charges. While in detention, Tatay Gerardo ran for Barangay Captain and won, a move that ultimately facilitated his release in 1983. Following his freedom, he continued his service to his community by instituting programs dedicated to peace and order, dispute resolution, and access to justice at the barangay level, among others. Later, with the downfall of the Marcos dictatoship and the founding of Samahan ng Ex-Detainees Laban saDetensyon at Aresto, (SELDA) Gerardo Dela Pena served as a founding member of SELDA and later as the chairperson of its provincial chapter in Camarines Norte. Tatay Gerardo remained steadfast in his commitment to peasant organizing and human rights advocacy within his home province. However, on March 21, 2013, at the age of 74, he was once again arrested, this time by the 49th Infantry Battalion in Brgy. Matango, Vinzons, Camarines Norte, on fabricated charges of murder. Ten months after his arrest, on December 12, 2013, Gerardo Dela Peña was convicted of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment, with a term of 20 to 40years. He is now serving his sentence at the New Bilibid Prisons in Muntinlupa. Human rights organizations both locally and internationally have fervently advocated for his immediate release, citing not only his deteriorating health but also his innocence. These organizations have tirelessly campaigned for his inclusion on the list of candidates for executive clemency submitted to the Board of Pardons and Parole (BPP) for the December 2023 review. Despite all the efforts, Tatay Gerardo Dela Peña’s inclusion for executive clemency was denied by Malacanang. Tatay Gerardo's fervent wish is to spend his remaining years with his beloved wife and family. It is our collective hope that he receives the immediate freedom he deserves, not only for humanitarian reasons but also in recognition of his innocence and unwavering dedication to justice and human rights. # Free Gerardo Dela Pena! Free all peasant political prisoners! Photo from KAPATID.