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construction122 · 3 years

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Facts About Construction Uncovered

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If you want to start a construction firm, you require to read this. Concerning 90% of building and construction business fail in the first year or more. Why? It's not because they aren't great at the building side Yet it's due to the fact that they do not know exactly how to run a business. I understand a heap of specialists that are terrific on the field however don't comprehend exactly how to obtain even more leads, win jobs, and also take care of a team.

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If you soak up the methods below, you're almost ensured to construct your business on strong ground and also have unlimited possibility to expand. The primary step in starting your construction business is going to be choosing on a specialty. This is mosting likely to be based upon your experience as well as your general goals.

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General Service providers make 10% revenue, yet have a lot bigger agreements because they are taking care of 10-15 separate professions at work. There are pros as well as cons to both, however eventually you're going to intend to take a look at the list below variables when establishing what you desire to concentrate on: What do you have experience in? What is the most successful? What is high in-demand in your area? How quickly can you obtain your initial tasks? Many building and construction companies can operate in both residential and also industrial.

One of the benefits of dealing with I AM Builders that we can aid you locate the best tasks in your location using our national data source of tasks. The crucial to list building is to create a steady system of leads that you can always be bidding on tasks as well as landing brand-new jobs.

The Buzz on Construction

What I suggest is that if you have the budget, buy hiring an internal estimator and also established up an office for them so you can concentrate on running your service and satisfying brand-new clients. The biggest obstacle specialists have is a lack of time to approximate as well as satisfy brand-new customers.

youtube

By the way, I AM Builders is primarily an approximating business so we can aid you with your price quotes. As soon as you get your company up and running as well as you see Leeds being available in and also you're estimating tasks, currently is the moment that you need to ensure you have all of your licenses and insurance coverage.

Construction Things To Know Before You Get This

It is necessary to have every one of your licenses as well as insurance is set up, however it should not take you 6 months to do that prior to even obtaining your initial possible job. There is a time in between when you submit a quote as well as when they award it so in those couple of weeks or months you can be making an application for your permit and also obtaining every one of your insurance is set up.

You can call a business insurance policy agent and also they can set you up with that. For the license, this will certainly depend on your city or Region, or state, but often it's as basic as applying with your building Division so they can release you a license or certification. If you are going after a specialty or something like a general service provider, you may need to pass an examination before submitting an application.

The 8-Minute Rule for Construction

A great deal of contractors invest hrs creating a bid, submit it, and never comply with up to see where their prices in regard to their rivals, and even spend at any time in being familiar with the estimator or the job supervisor on the various other end. In my write-up on exactly how to expand a building service, I highlight the relevance of complying with up and constructing relationships with clients.

The 7-Second Trick For Construction

Numerous professionals do not do this due to the fact that it is extremely taxing, but I believe it's even more time-consuming to submit 10 bids and win one versus sending 4 proposals to win one. And also when you develop that partnership with the customer, they will certainly come back to you over as well as over as well as over.

7 Simple Techniques For Construction

With our consulting solutions, we can help you every action of the procedure consisting of obtaining you leads, estimating your projects, as well as also doing your follow-up. If you're interested, offer us a phone call and also we can review your firm in detail.

The Primary step Is to Determining Building Market Obstacles At the core of any construction profession is proficient labor. Any type of chance of success will need consistent, high quality, competent labor to complete the jobs at hand. Preserving and also growing a competent workforce will certainly be an on-going process that will should have substantial focus.

The Best Guide To Construction

Materials, labor, and consumer demands need to be stabilized to achieve the supreme goal, which is to finish a job in a timely manner without threatening high quality. Of all the difficulties, product expenses represent the obstacle that specialists can the very least control, however there are strategies as well as pre-planning that can minimize prices and boost margins of revenue, such as purchasing wholesale, expecting price increases by checking supply chains, and joining co-operatives for material getting.

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construction371 · 3 years

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Some Known Details About Construction

The Single Strategy To Use For Construction

Construction Fundamentals Explained

, you require to read this. Concerning 90% of construction companies fail in the very first year or two. It's not because they aren't terrific at the building and construction side However it's because they do not understand how to run a service.

Not known Incorrect Statements About Construction

If you take in the strategies listed below, you're nearly ensured to construct your firm on strong ground and also have endless potential to grow. The initial action in starting your building and construction firm is mosting likely to be making a decision on a specialized. This is mosting likely to be based on your experience as well as your overall objectives.

10 Easy Facts About Construction Shown

General Professionals make 10% profit, yet have a lot bigger contracts given that they are managing 10-15 different professions on the jobs. Exactly how swiftly can you get your first jobs? Many building and construction companies can work in both household and also industrial.

Among the bonus offers of functioning with I AM Building contractors that we can help you locate the appropriate projects in your location using our national database of projects. The essential to lead generation is to produce a consistent system of leads that you can constantly be bidding on projects and also landing new jobs.

Some Known Questions About Construction.

What I suggest is that if you have the budget, buy employing an internal estimator and set up a workplace for them so you can focus on running your organization and fulfilling brand-new clients. The greatest challenge professionals have is a lack of time to approximate as well as meet brand-new clients.

youtube

Incidentally, I AM Building contractors is mostly an approximating company so we can help you with your quotes. As soon as you obtain your service up and also running and you see Leeds can be found in and also you're estimating work, currently is the time that you ought to make certain you have all of your licenses and also insurance coverage.

The Facts About Construction Revealed

It's vital to have all of your licenses and insurance policy is set up, yet it shouldn't take you six months to do that before even obtaining your very first possible project. There is a time in between when you submit a proposal as well as when they award it so in those couple of weeks or months you can be applying for your license as well as getting every one of your insurance is set up.

You can call a business insurance policy representative and also they can set you up keeping that. For the license, this will rely on your city or County, or state, but occasionally it's as straightforward as applying with your structure Division so they can provide you a permit or certification. If you are pursuing a specialized or something like a basic service provider, you might require to pass an examination before submitting an application.

More About Construction

A great deal of service providers invest hrs producing a bid, send it, and also never adhere to up to see where their costs in regard to their competitors, or even spend at any time in obtaining to recognize the estimator or the job manager on the other end. In my post on exactly how to grow a construction organization, I highlight the relevance of complying with up and also building relationships with clients.

Indicators on Construction You Should Know

Numerous contractors don't do this since it is very taxing, however I assume it's more taxing to send 10 quotes and also win one versus submitting four bids to win one. As well as when you construct that connection with the client, they will come back to you over and also over as well as over.

Construction Things To Know Before You Get This

With our consulting services, we can assist you every step of the procedure consisting of getting you leads, approximating your projects, and even doing your follow-up. If you're interested, provide us a call as well as we can discuss your company thoroughly.

The Primary step Is to Determining Construction Market Difficulties At the core of any building and construction trade is proficient labor. Any possibility of success will require constant, high quality, knowledgeable labor to finish the jobs available. Preserving as well as growing a proficient labor force will be an on-going procedure that will certainly should have significant attention.

The Only Guide for Construction

Materials, labor, as well as customer demands need to be balanced to accomplish the ultimate goal, which is to complete a task on schedule without threatening quality. Of all the challenges, product prices represent the difficulty that contractors can least control, yet there are techniques as well as pre-planning that can reduce prices and enhance margins of revenue, such as buying wholesale, expecting rate increases by keeping track of supply chains, and participating in co-operatives for product acquiring.

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icanlondon-blog1 · 4 years

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We price fairly and honestly. Our ethos is - if we sell our goods to you at the most competitive price possible, this will in turn help your business grow. Everything we sell is 100% authentic and genuine. Please go through our catalog at www.icanlondon.com to find the items right for you!

Our wholesale cosmetics client base includes online and local retail shops, market traders, ebay traders, beauty salons, nail salons, pharmacies, party planners and anything in between.

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We don't stop there. We are an emerging cosmetics brand in the UK, making the best of luxury beauty available and accessible to everyone. From makeup and skincare to hair care and hair colour, our pioneering spirit leads our scientific excellence and restless innovation.

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luckylq15-blog · 4 years

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leedsvegboxuk · 2 years

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Where can you get the freshest fruits and veggies online?

It's not only frugal homeowners who can't afford to purchase fresh, high-quality produce. Many other establishments, like educational institutions, corporate workplaces, and eating establishments, need bulk purchases to be prepared to provide their patrons fresh, nutritious food at competitive prices. A shop owner who wants to maximize his earnings will also choose for bulk purchases.

You may obtain fresh produce in large quantities from a number of different sources at deep discounts. Here is a rundown of several local markets where you may stock up on produce.Fruit and Veg Delivery Leeds can be pretty easily found on the internet.

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First, you should check out one of the numerous specialized internet stores where you may buy fruits and veggies by the dozens. Online purchases were determined to be more cost-effective than in-store purchases. Either it will be sent right to your door, or you may go pick it up at a designated spot in your area. You may make your order by calling the specified number or sending an email.Fruit Office Delivery is always a plus thing if it is available within your area.

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swobe · 4 years

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crime, consumer culture and the city

In order to explore the interrelationship of crime, consumer culture and the city, this paper will focus its attention on the British night-time economy, using comparative ethnographic analysis of consumption-based leisure activities to explain how the city accepts and facilitates the normalised use of specific illicit drugs, and negotiates public opinion and moral panics (Cohen, 1971). This paper will firstly touch on the criminalisation of drug use in Britain (Coomber et al., 2013; Hadfield et al., 2015; Sanders, 2006; Shiner & Newburn, 1997; Stevens & Measham, 2014) and certain influential subcultural movements in its history (Mods, Rockers and Ravers) (Martin, 2009; St John, 2009; Thornton, 1995), and the impact of public opinion on drug policy (Cohen, 1971; Hitchens, 2012). This introductory section will act as the foundation of the piece, contextualising Britain’s culture of consumption, from whence we will move onto discussion of the evolution of a consumer-based economy (Hayward & Kindynis, 2013; Hayward, 2004; Aldridge et. al, 1998; Raymen, 2015). This discussion will seek to explore the hypothesis that the city has been made to adapt to the normalisation of subcultural drug trends and will assert that there is now wilful facilitation of the consumption of specific illicit substances. Such discussion feeds into the wider debate around securitisation, as well as the cost-benefit analysis of allocating police resources to deal with individual consumption, and will provide a theoretical framework for analysis of contemporary ethnographical accounts of the abundance and normalisation of illicit leisure activity within the urban night-time economy (Nayak, 2003; Treadwell & Briggs, 2013; Vorobyov, 2019).

In formulating a theoretical construction of the city as the foremost urban social space - and hence the centre of consumer capitalism in Britain (Hayward, 2004; Raymen, 2015; Treadwell & Briggs, 2013) - it is important to investigate the relationship between densely populated cities and the neoliberal context in which they economically operate, and are politically governed (Roy & Steger, 2010). Therefore, in exploring specific case studies of criminal activity occurring within the night-time economy, this paper will suggest that the free-market approach to urban city management and resource allocation influences public opinion on the acceptability of specific crime, and shapes the normalisation of consumption driven decision-making (Hayward & Kindynis, 2013), the impact of which has been observed most notably in cities which have experienced mass de-industrialisation: Leeds, Liverpool, London (Vorobyov, 2019), Manchester (Aldridge, Measham & Parker et al., 1998, 2001; Aldridge, Measham & Williams, 2011), Newcastle (Nayak, 2003), and Sheffield, cities whose efficient governance depends on social behaviour following ‘predictable patterns of orderly consumption’, unlike the ‘spontaneity’ associated with recreational drug consumption (Raymen, 2015: 502).

Section One - Neoliberal Priorities

Raymen states that the neoliberal approach to city governance: ‘dictated a need to ‘regenerate’ city centres as commercial spaces of consumption, leisure and business in order to make them relevant with affluent young professionals and to make these cities economically viable and competitive in a new post-industrial economic reality’ (Raymen, 2015: 501; Minton 2012). This consumer-based social order is upheld by state actors, whose policy approach remains focused on the reproduction of securitised social spaces. One example is the ‘Business Improvement Districts’ (BID), which enables businesses in a specific area to collaboratively invest in other privately-owned businesses in their area, maximising commercial interest and fortifying their local economy (Raymen, 2015; 501). Another example can be found in the actions of Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, whose hiring of London’s first Night Czar, that is, a city ambassador focused on diversifying a city’s night-time economy, was motivated by a desire to champion the cultural value of London’s night-life and further develop the vision of a ‘24-hour London’ (Mayor of London, 2017). This could also be seen as a response to the well documented closure of London nightclub, Fabric, whose doors were forced shut due to an investigation into the death of two young men at the club. Such action from the state actor governing Britain’s largest city represents an clear attempt to retain grassroots venues in the Capital, 35% of whom have been lost since 2007 (Mayor of London, 2017: 15). Sadiq Khan’s cultivation of a 24-hour London, consciously or unconsciously, contributes to the wider normalisation of illicit consumption-based leisure activities. Primarily, this results from the reliance on private securitisation in the city, or bouncers and security staff in this instance, who in theory free up state resources in the night-time economy. Consequently, such private security measures prioritise preventing violent crime, and the supply of illicit substances, over limiting the recreational consumption of illicit drugs by individuals, simplifying the process of illicit drug consumption.

Although evaluating the economic impact of Britain’s austerity state on the night-time economy is beyond the scope of this project, there is a distinct opportunity to investigate neoliberal governance of the city, and its accommodation of illicit consumption-based leisure activity. Neoliberal thought has dominated British politics for over three decades now, principally focusing on the financialisation of the state economy, the rolling back of the state welfare provision, an active search for the reproduction of neoliberal cityscapes, and reliance on a market-based approach to the voluntary, community, and social sectors (Hayward, 2004; Milbourne, 2013; Roy & Steger, 2010). This approach has led to a situation wherein policies regarding drug consumption remain vague or oversimplified, see UK govt. classification system, and barely begin to grapple with the reality and complexity of consumption in Britain. One can argue that this is because of the interplay between a general disregard for youth and subcultural movements in the late 20th century and a burgeoning resource allocation dilemma, manifesting in criminal gang activity (county lines, trafficking), online activity (dark-net markets), and small scale social supply and consumption (Taylor & Potter, 2013). Furthermore, Britain’s ‘resilient’ night-time economy is one of the few industries that has seen continuous growth over recent years, managing to maintain stability despite economic uncertainty (London First, 2018: 18; NTIA, 2015). These circumstances have resulted in the policing of inevitable illicit drug use becoming a problematic area for neoliberal policymakers, especially with current uncertainty around the UK’s exit from the European Union requiring state actors to prioritise sustainable markets, the night-time economy being a prime example (London First, 2018: 18).

Neoliberal ideology prioritises market competition and sustainability, seeking to minimise the role of the state in the provision of goods and services which are considered market friendly. In addition, through their focus on individual choice, neoliberal states claim that free-market economic sentiment looks out for the wellbeing of the public and reflects public opinion on community organisation (Roy & Steger, 2010). However, the rise of national populism within the UK (Eatwell & Goodwin, 2018), and discontent with the manner in which urban cities have been offered up to wholesale advertising, assessments of marketability, and various national and international investors and migration, have displayed that such governance is not without contestation. This approach, in favouring businesses and owners of capital who are most flexible to changing market circumstances, prides itself on its ability to adapt to public policy issues, yet, when it comes normalised illicit drug use and the night-time economy, there are a number of legal and academic disputes over the facilitation of consumption and ‘social supply’ of drugs (Shiner & Newburn, 1997; Taylor & Potter, 2013). This paper will examine contemporary examples of such disputes (Fabric, London; Phonox, London; Diamond Strip, Newcastle), and locate them within the ‘consumer-crime nexus’ (Hayward & Kindynis, 2013), displaying the unique interrelationship between contemporary consumerism, crime control and urban city management.

Section Two: Criminalisation and Stigmatisation of Recreational Drug Use in Britain

In keeping with the broader theme of neoliberal city governance, and its focus on ‘individualization and responsibilization’ (Raymen, 2015: 501), this section will address shifts in public opinion and new moral concerns regarding the use of illicit recreational substances and their prevalence in the British night-time economy. Which will allow for discussion of the Situational Crime Prevention (SCP) strategies utilised by clubs and bars, the difficulties of policing recreational drug use, and the public health aspects of consumption.

A number of scholars have investigated the role of recreational drugs in contemporary club culture (Measham et al., 2001; St John, 2009; Thornton, 1995). Despite their prohibited status and the general view of their ‘essentially problematic’ nature (Coomber et al., 2013: 9), recreational consumption of illegal substances has been pivotal in the development of Britain’s urban night-time economy. There is a general consensus that public perception of these substances operates within a complex moral continuum (Cohen, 1971), with normalised substances, alcohol, tobacco, and cannabis, being viewed as less immoral when compared to other ‘dirtier’ drugs like cocaine, heroin, ketamine, and MDMA. The moral classification of substances among the population is significantly more complex than the UK Government’s scheduling system portrays, though classification primarily hinges upon the public health aspect of drug use or, in other words, the ‘risk’ of a specific substance (Measham et al., 2001). On the ground, situational crime prevention and CPtED (Crime Prevention through Environmental Design) strategies are clear to see. Raymen (2015) offers an example of this moral categorisation in action within urban city management, in the installation of ‘anti-homeless spikes’ and designing of benches and public spaces that seek to prevent young people and those without homes from sleeping or congregating around certain areas of the city centre at night (Raymen, 2015: 502). Raymen’s account of urban city socialisation asserts that for criminological understanding to stratify how social spaces which accommodate criminal activity are cultivated, it is necessary to approach multifaceted nature of crime through analysis of ‘the underlying drives, subjectivists and motivations to commit crime.’ (Raymen, 2015: 498)

For the most part, the focus of public policy is on the pursuit of organised crime in the supply of recreational drugs, with particular media attention placed on the current campaign to target county lines drug rings. As a result, a moral panic surrounding drug trafficking and emerging online forms of drug accessibility in the UK (Taylor & Potter, 2013; Volteface, 2019) has emerged, which has provoked suppression of debate around the ‘normalisation’ (Aldridge et al., 1998) of certain substances - in particular, debate around the impact decriminalising cannabis consumption may have on organised criminal activity. This has led to an inconsistent policing approach throughout British cities, where individuals in one city may receive a mark on their criminal record for illicit consumption-based activity that is practically decriminalised in other cities. A pertinent example of this can be seen in Durham, where in 2015, following orders from the late Durham Police and Crime Commissioner, Ron Hogg, cannabis was effectively decriminalised, accompanied by an increase in public support of council funded consumption rooms for drug addicts. Hogg’s justification for this was modelled on the Scandinavian approach to drug addiction. Despite Durham Constabulary’s suggestion that this approach succeeded in reducing crimes associated with problematic drug use, Hogg’s reorganisation of force’s priorities was met with apprehension in the right-leaning press: “State-funded crack dens: Addicts could soon be injecting heroin at taxpayers’ expense in police-run city centre drug rooms” (Daily Mail, 2013).

This form of media sensationalism, pertaining to stories about illicit drug use has a history within the British press. The archetypal example of which can be explored in the reporting of Leah Betts’ death (1995), this event displayed the political capacity of print media to manufacture moral panics and influence political debate. Stanley Cohen (1972) explores this in the third edition of his seminal work ‘Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers’ (2011), wherein Cohen details the media’s response to the death of Betts, who fell into a coma and died after consuming ecstasy in a London nightclub at the age of 18. Cohen suggests that beyond the obvious tragedy of the story, few reports acknowledged the evidence surrounding her condition. The inquest that followed her death concluded that her death had not in fact been caused by the consumption of ecstasy, but instead her excessive consumption of water, which when combined with MDMA’s potential to reduce the ability to urinate, resulted in Hyponatremia, and swelling of the brain. A clear victim of the government’s insufficient provision of drug education, Betts’ case preceded the Public Entertainments Licenses (Drug Misuse) Act 1997, which provided councils with the power to close down licenses venues if police believed illicit drugs were being consumed ‘at or near’ venues (Collin & Godfrey, 1998: 309). Which displays the manner in which public opinion can be shaped and potentially manipulated by media actors, resulting in changes to public policy.

Section Three - Subcultural Movements and the Commodification of Club Culture

Folklore has it that the early proponents of the country’s acid-house rave scene were influenced by an ecstasy fuelled adventure in Ibiza, an island notorious for its commercialised EDM (Electronic Dance Music) scene, where they were able to witness the emerging electronic dance scene, and experience the excess of ‘empathogenic MDMA’ for the first time (Coomber et al., 2013; St John, 2009: 3). Their experience influenced a new wave of British ravers, and what followed was an explosion of subcultural phenomena under the umbrella of acid house. Unlicensed events in abandoned warehouses, factories and rural fields were organised weekly, with dancers fuelled mostly by amphetamines. The rural nature of the scene made it especially difficult to police, effectively enabling it to ‘blossom into a substantial movement’ within British youth culture (Coomber et al., 2013: 53).

The movement was shaped by the socialising effects of new recreational substances and a collective identity offset by the emergence of neoliberal politics and Thatcherism, and despite events operating with limited violence or extraordinary deviance, the amorphous nature of the scene and its embrace of drug consumption and supply resulted in government sanctions progressively dismantling the movement, and by the early 90s, ‘raves were beginning to be subsumed into mainstream culture’ (Coomber et al., 2013: 53), marking the transition to the commercialised club culture of contemporary Britain.

This transition was characterised by an increase in licensed venues marketing popular music-driven club experiences to the masses, and an inflow of private securitisation measures (Hadfield et al., 2015), with a small number of underground clubs gaining licenses in deindustrialised cities. One particularly draconian signifier of the transition came in the form of Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994, which opposed the playing of music ‘containing a succession of repetitive beats’ (Colin & Godfrey, 1997: 222). Akin to the subsuming of punk into popular rock, acid-house raves were co-opted by commercial investment and interest (Collin & Godfrey, 1997; Hesmondhalg, 1998). This transition was welcomed by local governance and police forces, who, along with the public, were growing concerned about the involvement of organised criminal activity within and outside the scene’s subcultural hierarchy (Hesmondhalg, 1998; Thornton, 1998).

Section Four – Britain’s Culture of Consumption and Contemporary Frictions

In establishing the subcultural value of recreational substances, and their relationship with the contemporary club culture we see in urban British cities today, this paper looks to assess the way in which criminal activity, or morally deviant behaviour, i.e. drug consumption, operates within the moral continuum that Cohen delineates (Cohen, 1972; Thornton, 1995). This also portrays drug consumption for what it is, a constant in British life, a social issue that supersedes class structure, and one whose fatalities do not discriminate. For city planners and state actors, this type of consumption-driven leisure creates a plethora of issues that diverge from the securitisation issues of the urban shopping mall (Hayward, 2004).

Hayward and Kindynis’s (2013) construction of the ‘crime-consumerism nexus’ provides an ideal framework through which to approach contemporary examples of friction in the urban night-time economy. The new forms of ‘concomitant subjectivity based around desire, individualism, hedonism, and impulsivity’ that are cultivated by Britain’s culture of consumption present urgent public policy conflicts for state actors. These subjectivities, in their impulsive nature, are difficult to regulate, and logistically create an invisible enemy for city planners who wish to avoid the potential negative press of a club shutting down or a clubber dying as a result of drug use. An example of the way in which the night-time economy in a major British city outside of London and Manchester that facilitates the consumption and supply of recreational drugs is Newcastle upon Tyne. Newcastle’s subcultural attachment to licit substances, like alcohol and tobacco, and illicit substances, like cocaine and MDMA, have been documented by sociologist Anoop Nayak (2003), who explores the material negotiations of young men from the area in the face of changing local and global economic times (Nayak, 2003: 7). Nayak approaches the relationship between social groups, recreational substances, and neoliberal environments noting that ‘despite transformations, the participants observed exuded a self-righteous confidence in the face of the economic situation’ (Nayak, 2003: 21). This confidence in the face of bleak economic conditions, Nayak suggested, was due to immovable cultural values and traditions which the city’s working class male population maintained: ‘loyalty to the region through the support of NUFC, and the perseverance of working-class manliness exhibited through drinking, fighting, humour, and alleged sexual prowess’ (Nayak, 2003: 21). This ethnographic account of subcultural resistance to the commercialisation of the urban cityscape presents an interesting comparative opportunity, and a chance to approach the embedded nature of drug consumption and supply in Britain, and the private securitisation conflicts that have surfaced.

In August 2019, nine men were sentenced at Newcastle Crown Court for involvement in serious drugs offences. These men were staff of the city’s notorious ‘Diamond Strip’, working as management, PR, and door staff, and were accused of conspiring to supply cocaine and MDMA through their clubs. Operation Doncaster was launched to investigate increasing evidence of the link between drug use and violence in the city centre (Chronicle, 2018), and saw the clubs receive temporary suspensions over the Christmas period. However, the threats to these ‘high-end’ bars of the removal of their licenses came to nothing, despite clear evidence of the businesses’ staff peddling illicit drugs and taking advantage of their subcultural positions as those ‘in the know’, converting their subcultural capital into economic capital (Thornton, 1995).

The accommodation of recreational drug use in the urban cityscape is amorphous: its presence as a policy approach is too hard to pin down. However, there is clear evidence that, within Britain, consumption of recreational drugs is welcome in certain social spaces. To conclude, the paper will look at the example of underground London club, Phonox, whose downstairs chill-out space with accessible water taps typifies the urban space adapted to the drug user. This, coupled with the club’s online guidelines for their events, which state: ‘Enjoy the party; please avoid using phones or cameras to take photos: our dance floor’s for dancing’ (Phonox, 2019), show a clear desire to facilitate the hedonistic club experience associated with British club culture. Such policy enabled individuals to enjoy their experience, sober or not, without fear of judgement or damage to their social world. This policy approach from the club fits succinctly into the blind-eye approach to club security, which we have previously discussed, prioritises the prevention of violent crime and supply of substances, over the individual consumption of recreational drugs, which contributes to the wider normalisation debate.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the complex interrelationship between crime, consumer culture, and the city, presents a unique challenge for contemporary criminologists. As this paper showed, through its focus on consumption-based leisure activities, and their subcultural relationship with the contemporary club scene, the role of state actors and political representatives in the accommodation of deviant behaviour is blurred, with the city offering a range of normalised consumption-based leisure opportunities, whilst simultaneously stigmatising others.

#nightime economy #sociology #criminology

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eforfun11 · 5 years

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Intel Unveils New Design, Engineering Centre in Hyderabad

Expanding its innovation footprint in India, global chip-making giant Intel on Monday unveiled its new design and engineering centre which was inaugurated by Telangana's Information Technology Minister K. T. Rama Rao.

Spread across 300,000 square feet, the centre can accommodate 1,500 people. The state-of-the-art facility comprises six LEED Platinum certified floors, modern amenities and an incubation centre for hardware and systems start ups in the IT corridor of the city.

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The design and engineering centre was opened in the presence of Raja M Koduri, Senior VP, Chief Architect and GM of Architecture, Graphics and Software at Intel Corporation and Nivruti Rai, Country Head, Intel India and Vice President, Data Centre Group, Intel Corporation.

"Exascale for everyone is an exciting vision and it requires fundamental disruptions across the technology stack. Intel's design and engineering centres will play a critical role in driving this mission and I look forward to the new centre in Hyderabad delivering breakthrough technologies to propel the company's growth," Koduri added.

The design centre will contribute to computing and communications technology innovations geared towards addressing critical challenges in today's data-centric world and advance the firm's engagements with the city's technology ecosystem by fostering entrepreneurship and a research mindset.

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How Morrisons is expanding through multichannel and wholesale – and how the Co-op is developing its food delivery

Morrisons today set out how it would expand the multichannel services on offer to its direct customers, while growing wholesale partnerships with retailers including Amazon to £1bn a year as it reported a sharp rise in pre-tax profits.

Morrisons, a Top50 retailer in IRUK Top500 research, reported revenues of £8.8bn in the half-year to August 4. That’s up by 0.4% on the same time last year. Like-for-like sales excluding fuel and VAT were up by 0.2%. Pre-tax profits were 48.5% ahead at £202m.

Morrisons chief executive David Potts said: “We stayed focused on our Fix, Rebuild and Grow strategy and were pleased to maintain the momentum of the turnaround against strong comparatives last year. Sales and profit progress was robust and we again invested in improving our competitiveness for customers.

“News today of new wholesale initiatives, including a further extension of our partnership with Amazon and of another special dividend again shows how new Morrisons continues to become broader and stronger for all stakeholders and how progress can be meaningful and sustainable even in more testing trading conditions. Such progress is only made possible by Morrisons’ exceptional team of food makers and shopkeepers.”

Online and multichannel services

Morrisons runs its online grocery service in partnership with Ocado, but following the fire at Ocado’s Andover customer fulfilment centre (CFC) it has given up its space in Ocado’s Erith CFC until January 2021 and is instead delivering from more of its stores as it expands its online deliveries to new areas including parts of Scotland, the South West and the North West. In a new looser relationship Ocado is no longer Morrisons’ exclusive digital partners and Morrisons says that will give it “other significant opportunities and partnerships” and “ more strategic flexibility to improve the digital offer for customers in this important growth area for us.”

Morrisons now offers returns and collection for third-party retailers via operator Doddle in more than 375 stores.

Across its business the retailer is now working to make its prices more competitive and it is refitting stores while introducing its Nutmeg clothing range to more of them.

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Morrisons said it was on track to meet its target of turning over £1bn a year through wholesale as it expands its relationship with Amazon. The supermarket said it was currently making more than £700m a year through selling to other retailers – in addition to its own direct sales to shoppers – and that it expects that to hit £1bn “in due course”.

Morrisons has agreed a new multi-year agreement to find new ways to improve the shopping experience for both Morrisons and Amazon customers. The partnership is in in addition to its existing supply of the Morrisons at Amazon online grocery home delivery service, which continues to expand. Shoppers using the service can order a Morrisons shop online that is picked at a local store and delivered by Amazon, with one-hour delivery an option for many, although not all, customers. The service is currently available in Leeds, Manchester, Birmingham, and parts of London and the Home Counties. In 2019 it will start to become available in Glasgow, Newcastle, Liverpool, Sheffield and Portsmouth and will expand further in coming years.

Morrisons is also selling via wholesale partnerships with petrol station operators Harvest Energy and Rontec and is opening Morrisons Daily convenience stores on their sites. Some McColls convenience stores are also coverting to Morrisons Daily stores, while the supermarket is expecting to new wholesale customer Y-International, part of the Middle East grocery chain Lulu.

The Co-op expands food delivery innovation

The Co-op pointed to digital innovations in its food business including extended online food delivery trials in London using zero emission cargo bikes, and in partnership with Deliveroo, as it reported revenue of £5.4bn in the six months to July 6, up by 12% from £4.8bn at the same time last year. Pre-tax profits of £25m were down from £44m last time. The retailer has also started to trial click and collect, using lockers within Co-op food stores.

Co-op chief executive Steve Murrells said: “Our food business continues to perform strongly in a highly competitive market and has now recorded 22 consecutive quarters of like-for-like sales growth. As our largest business it is providing the fuel for our growth in terms of member value and community impact.”

Total food sales were up by 3% in its latest half-year, and like-for-like sales by 1.7%.

Looking ahead, the Co-op said it was planning and preparing for Brexit despite ongoing uncertainty. “In the event of a no deal Brexit there is an increased risk of some disruption to our supply chain,” it said, “however we will do all we can to protect our customers and members from this impact.”

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