#king badouin

[postcard-from-the-past]

Prince Baudouin Léopold Philippe Marie Charles Antoine Joseph Louis of Belgium

Belgian vintage postcard

[theroyalhousewhittingtonts4]

An appreciation post for the Queen who never was meant to be.

Elizabeth Victoria Frances Whittington was born on the 17th of October, 1959. The second youngest child of King Leonidas IX she had a knack for getting into trouble and getting her way. As she wasn't expected to be Queen she didn't have as many expectations which let the King be more lenient with her and her siblings after James and Charlotte were born. She was a straight A student with a special love for botany, painting, and wildlife. She went to the University of Britechster and excelled in her studies. It was there she met The Crown Prince of Windenberg, Stephan. Ironically enough he was at one point dating her sister Charlotte but that didn't work out and Charlotte met the Crown Prince Kiyoshi of the Royal House of Ito at a charity gala in San Myshuno. Months later, they began dating and eventually got married. Stephan went on to live a sort of playboy lifestyle after getting his heart broken by Charlotte but then he met Elizabeth. Not wanting to be messy he asked her brother who was by then The King, James I, for his blessing, seeing as he wasn't at fault with his and Charlottes relationship failing he didn't have an issue with him. But the King was privy to the Crown Princes antics and he wanted to be sure he wouldn't mistreat his little sister. He was quoted in saying "Such a grievous would certainly result in war between our families and neither of us want that" Stephan reassured the King that he wouldn't mistreat his sister and James reluctantly gave his blessing and they went on to get married on the 24th of August, 1985 In South Minster Abbey in Windenberg.

They had a lovely turnout with guests from all over coming out to celebrate the new union. Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip, The Prince and Princess of Wales, Queen Beatrix and Prince Willem Alexander of the Netherlands, King Fahd of Saudi Arabia with The Crown Prince Abdullah, King Badouin of Belgium, King Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden with his wife Queen Silvia, and King Hassan II of Morocco with his wife Queen Lalla and Crown Prince Mohammad. President Reagan was invited but his invitation was lost in the mail Vice President George Bush must have found it because he made his way with his wife Barbara along with former president Jimmy Carter who was ironically the only one actually invited besides the president.

After the royal wedding of Princess Elizabeth to Prince Stephan Von Windenburg, they had a successful marriage and reign for many years. Here you see the Royal Family posing for a portrait before the births of the princesses Olga and Helga with their daughter and heir presumptive Madeline Shortly after his coronation.

The people were hesitant seeing as she wasn't the Princess Royal, Charlotte, who actually went to marry the Crown Prince Kiyoshi of Japan. Elizabeth was so terribly misjudged as she was to become known as one of the most beloved Queen Consorts in all of Windenberg. Known for her humanitarian efforts and her leading the charge to fight world hunger, she became known as Mother Eliza.

[displayarchitecture]

MY PLAYGREEN MILANO

Timberland has teamed up with the King Baudouin Foundation to support the creation, maintenance or improvement of green spaces in order to expand their access to children and young people. In 5 years the grant program will reach 5 European cities: London, Milan, Berlin, Paris, and Barcelona. This year the fund will award urban greening projects in Milan. For each selected project, the competition provides financial subsidies up to € 5000.00. For more information on participation visit the website. Application is open until 07/09/2017!

Check meanwhile which projects were awarded last March in London. One of them is The Clitterhouse Farm Project, its mission is to protect a site with historic Victorian farm outbuildings from demolition and to transform it into a creative and sustainable hub. The project was awarded to develop a community garden.

[argyrocratie]

Hiver ’60 (Belgium general strike)

“The background to the strike was an economic crisis that hit Belgian capital as a result of  Congolese  independence.  At  the  start  of  the  1960s,  Hainaut was  still  a  highly industrialised  region  that  had  largely  retained  its nineteenth-century  character.305Under  the  management  of  financial institutions  a  few  corporations  dominated  key industries  (coal  in particular).The  lack  of  competition  meant  that  Belgian  capital was  reluctant to  invest  in  new  emerging  sectors  such  as  the  production  of  modern consumer goods.Instead Belgium had always relied on traditional industry to fund imports.  As  such,  the  country  was  greatly  affected  by  prices  on  the world  market. When  international  demand  for  its  commodities,  such  as coal,  was  high,  production soared, when it was low, as in the American recession of 1957-1958, it plummeted.Belgian capital had historically foisted the worst of these effects on to its colonies. The  decision  to  finally  award Congo  its  independence  in  June  1960  therefore demanded  that  the economy  be  restructured  in  order  to  maintain  the  normal  rate  of profit capital expected. 

A  liberal-conservative  coalition  under  the  Social  Christian  Prime  Minister Gaston Eyskens (1905-1988) was in power at that moment in time. Towards the end of the year the government announced a programme of structural economic reforms. It  was  no  accident  that  the  announcement  came  amid the  wedding  celebrations  of King Badouin of Belgium to Princess Fabiola of Spain that was to take place on the 15th of December 1960. A vote was planned in parliament the weekend after the royal wedding.  The  reforms  were to  be  voted  on all  in  one  bill  or  ‘loi  unique’  (later  to  be termed ‘la loi inique’ by workers). 

Beneath  the  rhetoric  of  structural  reform  and  progress  was  a  brutal austerity programme. It proposed a number of new taxes, 85% of which hit workers hardest, a 3 billion franc reduction in the public sector, the extension of the retirement age from 60  to  65,  and  a  25%  increase  in  pension contributions.The  ‘loi  unique’  also threatened   the   welfare   system.   It   proposed   to   exclude   certain   workers   from unemployment and health care after a number of weeks. These measures were to be accompanied by a ‘système d’inquisition’ aimed at people on benefits. 

The response of the official left to these moves was either underwhelming or simply  in  tune  with  the  government. La Gauche,  the  weekly  organ  of  the left-wing minority  of  the  Parti  Socialiste  Belge  (PSB),  claimed  that  these changes  were  a technical and not a political problem. The Fédération générale des travailleurs belges (FGTB),  the  central  authority  that organised the  majority  of  trade  unions,  agreed  to limited  industrial  action  after immense  pressure  from  its  base.  They  demanded, however, that any strike-action be kept to the ‘Communaux et Provinceaux’, or public sector, workers.

On  the  20thof  December 1960  workers  began  to  go  on strike  throughout Belgium, in both Flanders and Wallonia. Workers from across all sectors, not just the public  sector,  went  on  strike,  in  open  opposition  to  the  orders  of the  FGTB  and  the policy of the workers’ parties. Among the first to strike spontaneously, that is to say, workers  organising  themselves  outside mediating  union  and  party  structures,  were dockworkers in Anvers, metalworkers in Charleroi and teachers. In factories in almost every part of the country, but particularly Hainaut and Liège, workers organised their own  strike committees  and  general  assemblies.  In  effect,  workers  had  created  an alternative,  directly  democratic,  form  of  organising  that  was  outside  union or  party control.  Union  reps  that  condemned  these  moves  were  met  with open  hostility  and condemned  as  ‘jaunes’  or  scabs.  In  at  least  one recorded  instance  a  union  delegate was beaten so badly that he had to be hospitalised.

The  strike  slowly  brought  the  whole  of  Wallonia  to  a  standstill  as  it spread. The   general   response   of   the leftist   leadership   was   to   invoke  ‘la   dignité’,   ‘la discipline’,  ‘la  calme’  and  to  blame  certain ‘irresponsables’.Such  language  did little,   however,   to   combat   the   general   enthusiasm   workers   felt   in   the   real empowerment that they had created in self-organising or the sense that the leadership was simply obstructing any effective action. One correspondent recorded that he had heard  workers  respond  to  these mots  d’ordre with  the  pithy  phrase,  ‘la dignité,  je l’emmerde’. The face off with the unions reached such a height that, on the 22nd of December,  around  200  hundred  workers  amassed  outside FGTB  headquarters  in Liège. They were furious at the refusal of the officials to support the strike. Rocks were thrown at the building and some workers even attempted to force their way in.

Very  quickly  the  original  cause  behind  the  strike,  the  famous  ‘loi  unique’, faded into the background as the movement took on a revolutionary character. In the daily  demonstrations  throughout  the  country  the  most  common  cry was  ‘les usines aux ouvriers!’ Workers already controlled much of the infrastructure and the many strike committees embodied an alternative power structure, a genuine dictatorship of the  proletariat,  outside  state,  party  or union  control.  In  effect,  the  real  organising  of workers had produced an historical moment that went beyond a simple response to a government  austerity  programme.  The  sense  of  empowerment  is  palpable  in  the statements of those taking part: 

La   Loi   Unique,   c'est   important,   mais   les   causes   sont beaucoup   plus profondes’.‘On en a marre, tu comprends’.‘Ils se foutent de nous!’‘Même si on n'obtenait rien, on leur a quand même montré qu'on les emmerde’,‘ils ont la  frousse’. ( the  Loi   Unique is important, but the causes are much deeper. '' We're fed up, you understand. '' They do not care about us! '' Even if we did not get anything, we still  show them  'they are scared')

Un  vieux  cheminot:‘J'ai  jamais  connu  une  ambiance  comme  ça, on n'a jamais été aussi heureux’. Ils sont tous très fiers que le mouvement soit de la base. ( An old railway worker: 'I have never known an atmosphere like that, we have never been so happy'. They are all very proud that the movement is grassroot.)

While  confrontations  with  the  leadership  were  not  entirely  new,  the  scale and  extent to which workers had simply organised the struggle on their own was on a level that had rarely,  if  ever,  been  seen  before  in  Belgium.  Among  other  novel  aspects  of  the strike was the importance of youth. School children, students and young workers were some  of  the  most aggressive  and  revolutionary  participants.  With  them  were  the blousons noirs,  a  new  sub-cultural  group  of  young  rebels  influenced  by  rock  ‘n’ roll and  films  like Rebel Without a Cause(1955),  who  rode  motorcycles  and wore  black leather jackets. The JGS, the same communist youth group Vaneigem had attended as a child, was one of the most combative leftist tendencies. Disdain for the leadership was  at  its  height  among  these  young people.  After  one  union  boss  had  claimed  ‘les travailleurs  wallons  ne voulaient  pas  êtres  les  fellaghas  d’Alger-sur-Meuse’  (the Meuse is the main river that goes through Hainaut), protesting students were heard to shout ‘Nous voulons êtres les fellaghas d’Alger-sur-Meuse’.

Events reached a peak on the 27th of December when some 700, 000 workers were  on  strike.  Normal  everyday  life  in  Wallonia  and  many  parts  of Flanders  had completely  stopped.  Factories  were  occupied,  roads  blocked and  workers  sabotaged infrastructure.  Even  Christian  workers,  usually  the least  combative  had  joined  in opposition to their union. A statement was published in La Wallonie that called on the army to fraternise with workers, to not fire on them and to refuse to break strikes. The government  arrested  the authors  and  stopped  the  press  but  it  was  soon  pasted  up  in copies on town walls. The threat of mutiny was such that in Charleroi, always at the centre of events, the police had to be used in order to stop workers and soldiers from fraternising. One  interviewer  who  spoke  to  a  soldier  was  told  straight  out that  he would refuse to shoot if ordered.The government’s greatest fear was that workers would march en masse for Brussels, as had happened in 1950, or that they would arm themselves.  The  army  was  sent  in  to  protect  arms manufactories  and  cultural buildings.

Had  workers  continued  to  control  the  organisation  of  the  movement  of Hiver ’60 there is really no way to say how far it may have gone. However, this is not what happened.  The  union  leadership  began  to  look  for  ways  to take  control  of  what  had become a reality despite their original opposition. Among the first was André Renard who, after the fact, declared the FGTB in Liège in supportof the general strike on the 21st of  December.  The  central body  of  the  FGTB  had  formally  declared  itself  in favour of strike action by the 27th of December but still only in Anvers and Wallonia. It was the start of a process of seizing control of the organisation of the movement. In Flémalle, Liège,  union  reps  refused  to  recognise  the  strike  committee  there  and hunted  down  its  members  so  that  they  could  be  ejected  from  the union. Gradually the unions replaced the spontaneous forms of organisation with its own bureaucracy. Now  in  control  they  were  better  able  to  shape  the discourse  such  as  limiting  the insurrectionary  character  of  the  movement to  a  simple  critique  of  Prime  Minister Eyskens  and  ‘la  loi unique’. Moreover,  there  was  now  no  organising  body  through which workers could directly and collectively realise their intent.

A speech delivered by André Renard was by far the most disastrous of all the attempts  to  stop  the  movement.  Earlier  Renard  had saved  face  because he had been one of the first union leaders to support the strike. For some he had therefore emerged as  one  of  the  few  leaders  worth  listening  to. Renard  argued  that  the  real  impetus behind  the  movement  had  been  the historic  ethnic  divide  between  Flanders  and Wallonia.  The  strike  had been a  call  for  Wallonian  independence  from  the  yoke  of Flanders.  The speech should  be  considered  in  the  historical  context  where  Flanders had never been as industrially developed as Wallonia. As such, the Flemish working class were,  traditionally speaking,  less  well-organised  and  influential.  In Parliament this  translated  into  a  dynamic  where  the  right-wing  politics  of Flanders  was  used  to suppress the left-wing politics of Wallonia. Renard’s speech was to bethe death knell of  Hiver  ’60  and  would  in  many  ways define  Belgian  politics  of  the  future  that  is based on ethnic division rather than the tradition of solidarity among the class across ethnic boundaries. 

It was most ironic that Renard had made this speech given that the workers of Anvers  in  Flanders  had  been  among  the  most  radical  and  some  of  the first  to  go  on strike.  The  speech  was  a  serious  blow  to  the  solidarity that had  existed  between Walloon and Flemish workers and that had been key to the generalness of the strike. Too many Walloon workers it seemed listened to Renard and workers in Flanders felt betrayed.  The  strike  waned  through January  1961  as  workers  began  to  take  up  work again. In Wallonia certain sectors held out until near the end of the month but by the 18th of January Hiver ’60 had come to an end. The only result, declared a victory by the unions and parties, was that some of the leftist leaders were allowed to meet with the  king  to  discuss  their  opposition.  The  revolutionary  moment  had  passed  and  even the merely reformist aspirations of the movement had failed to be realised.”

- The Radical Subject: An Intellectual Biography of Raoul Vaneigem (1934 -Present)

see also on the subject

Belgium: the general strike account by Maurice Brinton

[organicgardendreams]

The relatively small Sainte-Chapelle is one of the most beautiful churches that I have ever seen! It is a jewel of Gothic church architecture and was build from 1242 - 1248 for King Louis IX to house some of the holiest relics of Christendom: the Crown of Thorns and a piece of the Holy Cross which Louis IX thought to have bought for the stately sum of the equivalent of roughly €500 million from the Emporer Badouin II of Constantinople. Sainte-Chapelle is showcasing fifteen separate windows of stained glass, featuring 1100 different scenes mostly from the Bible, from the Genesis to the Apocalypse. Two thirds of them are 13th century originals. Everything that isn’t glass in this chapel is elaborately carved and painted in gold leaf and rich colors: vaulting arches, delicate window cases, wainscoting of arches and medallions, all of exceptional craftsmanship. You enter the chapel through a small spiral staircase and when I saw the interior for the first time I couldn’t help but feeling completely overwhelmed by the beauty of it. My husband and I visited on an overcast day, but were incredibly lucky that the late afternoon sun came out while we were in the chapel. This intensified the colors of the stained glass in the whole church, but it turned the stained glass of the one window it shone directly through into bright gemstones. It was magical! Certainly a one of a lifetime moment for me! My photo does not do this chapel justice, but my husband recorded two short panorama videos of the stained glass windows, which I will publish later in my stories. I would really invite you to watch them so that you can experience the magic of Sainte-Chapelle as well! #saintechapelle #paris #iledelacite #stainedglass #stainedglasswindow #stainedglasswindows #organicgardendreams #magical #overwhelming #painted #goldleaf #chapelle #church #gothic #gothicarchitecture #louisix #1248 #chapel (at Sainte-Chapelle de Paris)

[rotarylavalette]

#22 Did you know? - Honorary Membership

"Honorary" is one of the two types of membership a person may have in a Rotary club. This type of membership is the highest distinction a Rotary club can confer and is exercised only in exceptional cases to recognize an individual for unusual service and contributions to Rotary and society. Honorary members cannot propose new members to the club, do not hold office and are exempt from attendance requirements and club dues.

Many distinguished heads of state, explorers, authors, musicians, astronauts and other public personalities have been honorary members of Rotary clubs, including King Gustaf of Sweden, King George VI of England, King Badouin of Belgium, King Hassan III of Morocco, Sir Winston Churchill, humanitarian Albert Schweitzer, Charles Lindbergh, composer Jean Sibelius, explorer Sir Edmund Hillary, Thor Heyerdahl, Thomas Edison, Walt Disney, Bob Hope, Dr. Albert Sabin, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and many of the presidents of the United States. Truly, those selected for honorary membership are those who have done much to further the ideals of Rotary.

[royal-confessions]

“Josephine said in an interview that her mom could have just hurt herself like her dad in their car accident but it was fate; she believes Astrid was supposed to die. If Astrid wouldn't have died, Leopold wouldn't have married again and abdicated, Badouin wouldn't have become king so soon and unlikely married Fabiola, Albert wouldn't have become King and neither would Philippe. But why Philippe? What's going to happen to him? Now I think the back to back abdications are a part of a bigger plan.”  - Submitted by Anonymous

[tobasatu]

tobasatu.com, Brussels | Belgia menjadi tim pertama yang lolos ke final Piala Eropa 2020, setelah melibas San Marino 9-0 pada matchday 7 Grup I babak kualifikasi, di King Badouin Stadium, Brussels, Jumat (11/10/2019) dini hari WIB.

Kemenangan Belgia memperpanjang rekor belum terkalahkan babak kualifikasi Piala Eropa 2020. Dari tujuh laga yang dijalani, tim asuhan Roberto Martinez telah mencetak 28 gol dengan satu kali kebobolan.

Tambahan tiga poin membuat Belgia berada di puncak klasemen grup I dengan total 21 poin. Sementara Siprus yang berada di posisi ketiga baru mengumpulkan 10 poin.

Dengan menyisakan tiga laga lagi, dipastikan Eden Hazard dkk mendapat tiket perdana untuk bertarung di babak final Piala Eropa 2020.

Turnamen yang akan digelar di 12 kota berbeda di berbagai negara, pada 12 Juni-12 Juli. Turnamen kali ini akan digelar di 12 kota berbeda di berbagai negara Eropa.(ts/bs)

The post Belgia Rebut Tiket Perdana ke Final Piala Eropa 2020 appeared first on tobasatu.com.

[yoursweetremedy]

The Belgian Royal Family (from left to right, Albert II and Paola with Elisabeth of Belgium and Badouin and Fabiola) spending an evening together

[carolathhabsburg]

A cute image of King Baodouin of Belgium when a little boy.

[postcard-from-the-past]

Prince Baudouin Albert Charles Léopold Axel Marie Gustave of Belgium, later King Badouin of Belgium

Belgian vintage postcard