#jamal nasrallah

[dozydawn]

“A Palestinian girl draws a figure by Palestinian caricaturist Naji al-Ali under the phrase ‘No to compensation’ at the Baqa'a Palestinian refugee camp near Amman.”

Photographed by Jamal Nasrallah.

22 July 2000.

[lonniemachin]

List of Palestinian Evacuation And Support Fundraisers

Last Update: 05/28/2024

All fundraisers have been looked into by me or vetted by others. If anyone notices issues in validity with any of the fundraisers listed please let me know. Funding updates daily!

Fadi Al-Sharif and family ($26,961/$62,500 goal)

Hayam Taha and family (€18,052/€30,000 goal)

Deyaa and family (€20,046/€30,000 goal)

Deyaa reached the initial evacuation fee for his family and they have extended the goal to pay to support themselves after they evacuate.

Fatima Alshanti (kr22,300 SEK/kr150,000 goal)

Shahed Ghazi and family ($31,049 CAD/$94,838 goal)

Little Yusuf and family (€33,893/€85,000 goal)

Sara & Huda Hajjaj and family ($9,807/$25,000 goal)

Mohammed JH Shamia's family (kr50,017 SEK/kr250,000 goal)

Maram Ahmed and family (€10,425/€30,000 goal)

Hamza Almofty and family ($7,331/$35,000 goal)

Mahmoud Jomaa (€3,143/€10,000 goal)

Dr. Mohammed Shaga ($2,785/$20,000 goal)

Abdulrahman Alshanti and family (kr148,607 SEK/kr350,000 goal)

Besan Almabhouh's family (€9,027/€25,000 goal)

Said Tanani and brothers (€33,829/€50,000 goal)

Donia Tanani and family (€78,277/€100,000 goal)

Hussein Shamiya, his pregnant wife, and son ($19,816/$40,000 goal)

Mohammed Shamia and family ($35,729/$50,000 goal)

Amro Bakr & kids Bakir and Tala (€15,294/€28,000 goal)

Almadhoun family ($27,523/$80,000 goal)

Child Mohammed and family (€20,297/€30,000 goal)

Sana'a and family (£28,657/£70,000 goal)

Noha Ayyad and family ($35,374/$95,160 goal)

Maryam Ayyad and family ($1,065/$15,000 goal) - Maryam is related to Noha listed above, who is managing her fundraiser.

Hamza Sameer and family ($6,940/$55,000 goal)

Hamza is related to Noha, he is her uncle’s son.

Nazmi Mwafi and family ($6,823/65,000 goal)

Ibrahim Almofty and family ($8,341/$40,000 goal)

Hamdi Hejazi and family ($25,552/$150,000

Mohammed Ali and family ($10,891/$25,000 goal)

Heba and family (€65,972/€80,000 goal)

Mohammed Abuhasanein and family (kr11,156 SEK/kr 350,000 goal)

Rawan and Yemna (kr52,492 SEK/kr319,315 goal)

Laila Auda (€7,784/€35,000 goal)

Ola Madi (€3,284/€40,000 goal)

Tawfik Satoom and family ($6,587/$45,000 goal)

Laila Abd El Bari, her husband, and unborn baby Sham (€8,088/€25,000 goal)

Abdullah Mohammed and family ($7,577/$47,000 goal)

Ruba Abushaban and family (€17,539/€50,000 goal)

Hala, her husband, and their daughter ($7,517 CAD/$50,000 goal)

Hoda and Abdul Rahman ($3,211/$18,000 goal)

Al Maghari family (£4,974/£74,000 goal)

Arwa Abudawaba and family (kr246,856 NOK/kr500,000 goal)

Hani Alhajjar’s family (€19,680/€50,000 goal)

Ouda family ($20,709 CAD/$50,000 goal)

Rawan Ahmed and family ($17,798/$40,000 goal)

Dr. Wael Eldahdouh's family (€6,001/€110,000 goal)

Abdullah Lulu and family ($8,881/18,000 goal)

Lara, Abdalla, and family (€12,812/€50,000 goal)

Firas Salem and family (€22,687/€65,000 goal)

Amal Abu Shammala's family (€49,805/€53,000 goal)

Dr. Mohammed Alshaer and family (€6,032/€18,000 goal)

Roqaya Al-Hayek and Mohammad Jamal Al-Hayek (€14,769/€25,000 goal)

Haya and family (€7,192/€60,000 goal)

Mohammed Dahdooh and family (£46,445/£65,000 goal)

INITIAL GOAL COMPLETE!!! Mohammed is now raising money for his family to support themselves once they evacuate.

Ahmad Iyd and family (£7,615/£150,000 goal)

Renad and family (£5,996/£25,000 goal)

Mohammed Aljbour and family (€5,501/€25,000 goal)

Sarah's mother (€6,266/€15,000 goal)

Sarah reached her initial goal to evacuate her mother and has raised the goal to provide support for she and her family once they are in Egypt.

Dr. Hasan Adwan and family (€6,149/€98,000 goal)

Marah Atallah and family ($2,285/$27,000 goal)

Dr. Nasrallah Almassri ($9,333/$30,000 goal)

Afnan Hasaballah (€12,011/€15,000 goal)

Muhammad Al-Thalateeni and family (€8,497/€20,000 goal)

Al-Zaeem family ($9,009/$50,000 goal)

Mahmoud Al Tibi and family (€9,193/€60,000 goal)

Almoghrabi family (€8,454/€25,000 goal)

Mohammad's family (€9,578/€30,000 goal)

Aziz and his mother ($3,063/$50,000 goal)

Mohammed, his wife, and their newborn son ($1,101 CAD/$50,000 goal)

Tala, her aunt, and their family (€20,588/€50,000 goal)

Ala Osama ($165/$50,000 goal!!!)

Aesha Balaha and family ($1,867/$10,000 goal)

Farah and family (€4,691/€35,000 goal)

Zinh Dahdooh ($6,991/$40,000 goal)

Rana and family (€9,285/€30,000 goal)

Al-Alami family ($3,798 CAD/$100,000 goal)

Khaled and family ($252/$15,000!!!)

Tamer Alnoaizy and family (€4,115/€20,000 goal)

Ahmed Dawoud and family ($2,300/$87,000 goal)

Omar and family (€7,869/€20,000 goal)

Haytham and family ($2,748 CAD/$70,000 goal)

Hamdi and family ($770 CAD/$62,000 goal!!!)

Mahmoud & Rawan (€1,154/€15,000 goal)

Hashem, Samar, and baby Omar (€385/€45,000 goal!!!)

Aseel Maher and family (€3,295/€30,000 goal)

Mayada Jihad and family (€2,220/€30,000 goal)

Amal, her children, and her unborn baby ($3,991/$15,000 goal!!!) URGENT! 6 DAYS TO COMPLETE!!!

Margaret, Sara, and Maxine's friend and her family (£38,325/£50,000 goal)

Tahani Shorbajee and family ($5,785/$50,000 goal)

Baby Youssef and family (€8,282/€50,000 goal)

Iman Eyad and family (£4,010/£60,000 goal)

Mohammed & Hamza Hilles and family (€755/€30,000 goal!!!)

Bilal Salah and family (€25,078/€70,000 goal)

Rabah Dawoud and family ($46,500/$70,000 goal)

Mayess and family ($357/$45,000 goal!!!)

Aahed Hisham and family (€2,807/€50,000 goal)

Hammam Hilles and family (€887/€30,000 goal!!!)

Hazem's family ($104,420 AUD/$100,000 goal)

GOAL COMPLETE!!!

Hazem has made it from Gaza to Egypt, but he and his family are still in need of support.

Mohamed, Samah, and family (€28,951/€63,000 goal)

[silicacid]

List of healthcare workers killed by Israel attacks on Gaza since October 7, 2023

Physicians:

Dr. Omar Ferwana, a Professor and former Dean of the Islamic University of Gaza Medical School and an andrologist, Gaza

Dr. Aya Ferwana (Dr Omar Ferwana’s daughter), a family medicine specialist, Gaza

Dr. Medhat Saidam, a senior burn and plastic surgeon, Shifa Hospital, Gaza and MSc in Burn Care alumnus from Queen Mary University of London

Dr. Mohammed Dabour, a consultant pathologist and dean of pre-clinical medicine at the Islamic University of Gaza Medical School

Dr. Tamer Al-Khayyat, an anesthesiologist and intensivist, European Gaza Hosptial, Rafah

Dr. Mahmoud Al-Khayyat, an internist in Rafah and Dr Tamer Al-Khayyat’s father

Dr. Razan Al-Rakhawi (Dr Tamer Al-Khayyat’s wife), an obstetric and gynecologist, Emirati Women’s Hospital, Rafah

Dr. Sereen Al-Attar a consultant obstetric and gynecologist at Nasser Hospital, Khan Younis and an Assistant Professor at the Islamic University of Gaza Medical school

Dr. Saeed Drabieh, a urology resident, Shifa Hospital

Dr. Mohammed Al-Samarai, Iraqi volunteer intern physician

Dr. Rafat Abou Foul, radiologist, Beit Hanoun Hospital

Dr. Amal Al-Maqadma, family medicine specialist, Rafah

Dr. Ibtihal Al-Astal, intern doctor, Khan Younis

Dr. Duaa Awad, emergency medicine doctor, Al-Aqsa Hospital

Dr. Moath Nabaheen, emergency medicine doctor, Al-Aqsa Hospital

Dr. Youssef Jadallah, intensivist and anesthesiologist (based in Germany, from Gaza but was visiting his family)

Dr. Inas Yousef, emergency medicine doctor, Al-Aqsa Hospital

Dr. Israa Al-Ashqar, anesthesiology resident, Shifa Hospital, Gaza

Dr. Abdallah Ashour, emergency medicine doctor, Nasser Hospital, Khan Younis

Dr. Hamam El-Deeb, orthopaedic surgery resident, Shifa Hospital, Gaza

Dr. Munther Abu Sariya, consultant pediatrician, Mohammed Al-Durra Pediatric Hospital

Dr. Doaa Shammout, pediatric resident, Rantisi Hospital, Gaza

Dr. Baraa Abu Elaish, intern doctor, Gaza

Dr. Abdlallah El-Helou, general practitioner/internal medicine doctor, Indonesian/Beit Hanoun Hospital

Dr. Muhannad Ezzo Afana, general practitioner, Gaza

Dr. Mohammed Refaat Mekki,

 

Dentists:

Dr. Ahmed Al-Hourani

Dr. Nada Mahdi

Dr. Ibrahim Al-Dali

Dr. Bilal Lubbad

Dr. Marwa Swelim

Dr Areej Eid

Dr. Tawfiq Al-Farra

Dr. Abdallah Baghdadi

Dr. Jameel Tarazi

Dr. Maysoon Al-Nuweiri

Dr. Mona Dughmush

Dr. Noha Dughmush

Dr. Mamoun Afana

Dr. Mohammed Afana

Dr. Anis Mekki

Dr. Tasneem Abdulnabi

 

Medical/dental students:

Bisan Halasa

Shaimaa Saydam

Abedelrahman Abu Shammala

Nour Al-Ashqar

Yaseen Al-Akhras

Osama Abu Safia

Duha Dughmush

Haneen Al-Shannat

Abdallah Abu Jayab

Zainab Azzam

Mohammed Abu Jiadan

 

Medical Scientists:

Prof. Salah El-Din Zanoun

Prof. Ahmed Al-Dalo

Prof. Ameed Mushtaha (Head of laboratories department and blood banks

Nurses:

Mohammed Lubbad  

Mohammed Al-Azzaiza  

Ahmed Moshtaha  

Rami Lubbad  

Somaya Temraz  

Mohammed Rafat Gomaa  

Osama A'eed Abu Safiya  

Saber Al-Nimnim  

Mohammed Hamad  

Mohammed Al-Baz  

Suleiman Abu Zour  

Badr Mohammed Abu Daqah  

Shaimaa Rayan (Midwife)

Maryam Abou Daher

Kefah San’allah

Walaa Adwan (Midwife)

Rawaa Al-Thalathini (Midwife)

Samah Rasheed (Midwife)

Rida Al-Masri (Midwife)

Ibrahim Abou Isaac

Amjad Abou Ouda

Ibrahim Al-Farra

Aya Al-Shrafi

Tamer Al Efesh

Momen Mansour

Asmaa Al-Asar

Feras Ftaiha

Diaa Bardaweel

Rana Shalaby

Itemad Miqdad

Zainab Al-Sharafi

Hamdan Malaka

Suheer Jbara

Hassan Al-Hennawi

Sabha Al-Sherafi

Azmi Al-Jamal

Yousef Al-Shareef

Hadeel Fanqa

Emad Esleem

Enas Al-Zeen

Heba Salamah

Nuha Esleem

Amro Masoud

Hanya Qudaih

Mohammed Al-Moqayyed

Ali Nasrallah

Tariq Abu Obaid (cardiac perfusion specialist)

Ahmed Al-Nuweiri

Abdulrahman Shaheen (Ziada) 

Ahmed Mahmoud Alrann

Dr. Yahya Abduljawad Juda (Public Health, nurse) 

Haytham Tawfiq Alnabih 

Loai Alzuhairi (Nursing student) 

Saleem Abu Zour

Waleed ElMahalawi

Rola Althalathini (Midwife)

Duaa Ashour

Amer Elramlawi

Safa Zeino

Saja Doghmosh

Moayad Ezzo Afana

Ramadan Doghmosh

Moemen Arab (Nursing student)

Oun Nofal Ashour (Nursing student)

 

Paramedics (EMS providers):

Marwan Abou Raida

Hatem Awad

Khalil Al-Sharif

Ahmed Al-Dahman

Yousri Al-Masri

Ahmed Abdel Rahman

Mohammed Al-Ghaliz

Mohammed Ali

Iyad Salim

Abdelrahim Abou Baid

Alaa Abou Ghanima

Naji Al Fayoumi

Mohammed Qateet

Tareq Ashour

Mahmoud Abou Mashayekh

Nafeth Al-Natour

Mahmoud Othman

Mohammed ElOmour

Ibrahim Matar

Yasser Alnaseri

 

Physiotherapists:

Ahmed Al-Masri

Ahmed Sameh Abou Herbeed

Shaimaa Sbaih

Mayar Al-Wahidi

Ahmed Ashraf

Shahrazad Al-Akhras

Nour Ibrahim

 

Pharmacists:

Ahmed Al-Jerjawi

Aziz Elfarra

Afnan Al-Astal

Shereen Abou Jazar

Eman Abu Al-Jalil

Safaa Hasouna

Ibraheem Meqdad

Mohammed Ali

Maysaa Khader

Nisreen Al-Dammagh

Sally Al-Aydi (Pharmacy student at AlAzhar University)

Mohammed Al-Shannat

Lina Abu Mualaileq

Noor Ibean

Haneen Albasyouni

Amira Dahman

Rawand Albanna

Khaled Abu Ma’ala

Amal Mekki

Abdullah Altartori (Pharmacy student at AlAzhar University)

Asmaa Abu Salah (Pharmacy student at AlAzhar University)

Mohammad Alshami

 

Lab technicians/clinical microbiologists:

Natheer Shaban

Asmaa Hijazi

Rawan Yassin

Alia Al Hinnawi

Maryam Kabaja

Nahid Abdullatef

Mohammed Abu Karsh

Mohammed Shabaan

Riham Elkahlout

Ismail Sharaf

Taiseer Alghouti

Abdulmohsin Abu Alrous

Duaa Jad Allah  

Optometrists:

Omar Khorsheed

[jewish-privilege]

Attendees of a far-left event on the subject of “Corbyn, antisemitism and justice for Palestine” were filmed making comments such as “the Jewish people do not exist”, and “if you walk around expecting to be treated like Jewish ‘scum’, that’s what’s going to happen to you.”

The event, which was held on Tuesday night at London’s Conway Hall, featured speakers such as Tariq Ali, Ben Jamal, the director of the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign and Richard Kuper of Jewish Voice for Labour.

The event’s description on social media claimed that “Criticism of Israel is being conflated with antisemitism in ways that threaten free speech and the right to protest while silencing Palestinian voices. We must vigorously oppose all forms of antisemitism, but we can’t let smears be used to silence criticism of the Israeli state.

“This meeting will discuss the importance of challenging any attempt at a witch hunt, strengthening the struggle for Palestinian freedom while maintaining zero tolerance for antisemitism and all forms of racism.”

Joseph Cohen of the Israel Advocacy Movement and a number of other pro-Israel activists were refused admission to the event.

However, footage filmed by Mr Cohen showed a number of people queueing to attend making antisemitic comments.

“Think of the Dollar – that’s all you care about,” one woman told a Jewish protestor.

“You like silver, you like gold, that’s all you care about.”

One person handing out a newsletter on behalf of the Communist Party of Great Britain, who claimed to be Jewish, was also selling books showing a swastika melded together with a Star of David, with the title “Zionism – a racist, antisemitic and reactionary tool of imperialism.”

He went on to say that “the Jewish people do not exist”, before attempting to put a pro-Israel campaigner in a headlock.

A smiling teenager informed Mr Cohen that he supported “I support Hamas. I support Nasrallah, I support Hezbollah.”

Both Hamas and Hezbollah are genocidal antisemitic terror groups, with Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, having said “"If they [the Jews] all gather in Israel, it will save us the trouble of going after them worldwide."

Another man claimed that “every oppressive regime, the Zionists have been linked to,” while another called Mr Cohen, who is visibly Jewish, “a lecherous, satanic piece of s***…”

After the event, one attendee told Mr Cohen and others that “if you walk around expecting to be treated like Jewish ‘scum’, that’s what’s going to happen to you.”

She went on to accuse them of being part of the “Zionist lobby”.

“What makes me part of the Zionist lobby?” Mr Cohen asked.

“Because you think that there’s antisemitism in the Labour party,” she responded.

[tasksweekly]

[TASK 136: KUWAIT]

There’s a masterlist below compiled of over 180+ Kuwaiti faceclaims categorised by gender with their occupation and ethnicity denoted if there was a reliable source. If you want an extra challenge use random.org to pick a random number! Of course everything listed below are just suggestions and you can pick whichever faceclaim or whichever project you desire.

Any questions can be sent here and all tutorials have been linked below the cut for ease of access! REMEMBER to tag your resources with #TASKSWEEKLY and we will reblog them onto the main! This task can be tagged with whatever you want but if you want us to see it please be sure that our tag is the first five tags, @ mention us or send us a messaging linking us to your post!

THE TASK - scroll down for FC’s!

STEP 1: Decide on a FC you wish to create resources for! You can always do more than one but who are you starting with? There are links to masterlists you can use in order to find them and if you want help, just send us a message and we can pick one for you at random!

STEP 2: Pick what you want to create! You can obviously do more than one thing, but what do you want to start off with? Screencaps, RP icons, GIF packs, masterlists, PNG’s, fancasts, alternative FC’s - LITERALLY anything you desire!

STEP 3: Look back on tasks that we have created previously for tutorials on the thing you are creating unless you have whatever it is you are doing mastered - then of course feel free to just get on and do it. :)

STEP 4: Upload and tag with #TASKSWEEKLY! If you didn’t use your own screencaps/images make sure to credit where you got them from as we will not reblog packs which do not credit caps or original gifs from the original maker.

THINGS YOU CAN MAKE FOR THIS TASK -  examples are linked!

Stumped for ideas? Maybe make a masterlist or graphic of your favourite faceclaims. A masterlist of names. Plot ideas or screencaps from a music video preformed by an artist. Masterlist of quotes and lyrics that can be used for starters, thread titles or tags. Guides on culture and customs.

Screencaps

RP icons [of all sizes]

Gif Pack [maybe gif icons if you wish]

PNG packs

Manips

Dash Icons

Character Aesthetics

PSD’s

XCF’s

Graphic Templates - can be chara header, promo, border or background PSD’s!

FC Masterlists - underused, with resources, without resources!

FC Help - could be related, family templates, alternatives.

Written Guides.

and whatever else you can think of / make!

MASTERLIST!

F:

Hayat Al-Fahad (1948) Kuwaiti - actress, broadcaster, writer and producer.

Zahrah al Kharji (1962) Kuwaiti - actress.

Huda Hussein (1965) Kuwaiti - actress and producer.

Shemayel (1969) Kuwaiti - singer.

Jamal Al Najadah (1975) Kuwaiti - actress, fashion designer, and media personality.

Haya Al Shuaibi (1979) Kuwaiti - actress and comedian.

Lamya Tareq (1979) Kuwaiti - actress.

Emma Shah (1981) Kuwaiti / Iranian - singer, composer, pianist, guitarist, actress, writer, dancer, and director.

Fatima Al Qadiri (1981) Kuwaiti - musician.

Haya Abdulsalam / Haya Abdul Salam (1983) Kuwaiti - actress and director.

Noha Nabil (1984) Kuwaiti - instagrammer (nohastyleicon) and beauty blogger.

Dalalid / Dalal AlDoub (1986) Kuwaiti - youtuber (dalalaldoub).

Yalda Golsharifi (1986) Kuwaiti - instagrammer (ygolsharifi).

Denise Bidot (1986) Kuwaiti / Puerto Rican - model.

Shujoun Al-Hajri (1988) Kuwaiti - actress and broadcaster.

Ascia / Ascia AKF / Ascia Al Faraj (1989) Kuwaiti / Unspecified White - model, instagrammer (ascia), youtuber (The Hybrids - Ascia & Ahmad), blogger, and fashion designer.

Fouz Alfahad (1990) Kuwaiti - instagrammer (therealfouz).

Fatma Alqadeeri (1993) Kuwaiti - tv host.

Rawan Bin Hussain (1996) Kuwaiti - model and instagrammer (rawan).

Khattafya (1996) Kuwaiti - instagrammer (khattafya) and youtuber (Khattafya and AlKhattafSisters).

Lulu Al Khataf (?) Kuwaiti - instagrammer (lulualkhataf) and youtuber (lulualkhataf and AlKhattafSisters).

Lady Walaa (?) Kuwaiti, Unknown - model (Instagram: lady_walaaly)

Haya Alobaid (?) Kuwaiti - model (Instagram: kuwaity_haya)

Souad Abdullah (?) Kuwaiti - actress.

Fatima Al Safi (?) Kuwaiti - actress and media personality.

Dana Gharib (?) Kuwaiti, Lebanese  - model, media personality, actress and Miss Kuwait for 2015 - 2016.

Dana Al Tuwarish (?) Kuwati / Iraqi - Instagrammer (daneeda_t).

Bibi Alabdulmohsen (?) Kuwati - Instagrammer (bibii63).

Maram / Mariam Al Belushe (?) Kuwati - actress and singer.

Hanan Alnajadah (?) Kuwati - makeup artist and YouTuber.

Lulu Al-Aslawi (?) Kuwati - TV host.

Shayman (?) Kuwati - TV host.

F - Athletes:

Nada Aljeraiwi (1985) Kuwaiti - cyclist.

Maryam Arzouqi (1987) Kuwaiti - sports shooter.

Najla Aljeraiwi (1988) Kuwaiti - cyclist.

Danah Al-Nasrallah (1988) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Noura Alameeri (1988) Kuwaiti - cyclist.

Faye Sultan (1994) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Maha Alsheraian (?) Kuwaiti - paralympic discus thrower.

M:

Mohammed Al Manea (1930) Kuwaiti - actor.

Saad Al Faraj (1938) Kuwaiti - actor.

Ibrahim Al-Sallal (1940) Kuwaiti - actor.

Fakhri Odeh (1941) Kuwaiti - actor.

Jassim Al-Nabhan (1944) Kuwaiti - actor.

Mohammed Al-Mansor (1948) Kuwaiti - actor.  

Dawood Hussain (1958) Kuwaiti - actor.

Ahmad Johar (1958) Kuwaiti - actor, director and writer.

Abdallah Al Rowaished (1961) Kuwaiti - singer.  

Tariq Al-Ali (1966) Kuwaiti - comedian and actor.

Basharno / Beesho / Maystro / Bashar al-Shatti (1982) Kuwaiti - singer, songwriter and actor,

Shuaib Rashed (1983) Kuwaiti - talk show host.

Talal Alrashed (1983) Kuwaiti - instagrammer (talal.alrashed).

Ibrahim Dashti (1986) Kuwaiti - singer.

Mutref al Mutref (1986) Kuwaiti - singer.

Fahad Awadh (1986) Kuwati - model (Instagram: fahad_awadh86).

Abdulla Aljasser (1987) Kuwati - singer, songwriter, media personality, social media celebrity and TV presenter.

Humood AlKhudher (1989) Kuwaiti - singer-songwriter and pianist.

Waqar Malik (1989) Kuwaiti - actor, singer, and fashion influencer.

Goubran Bahou (1990) Kuwaiti - facebook star (Goubtube).

Bader Eidan (1992) Kuwaiti - instagrammer (badereidan).

Kwili (1995) Kuwaiti - youtuber (Kwili).

Hassan Alattar (1998) Kuwaiti - singer.

Zain Aldraie (?) Kuwaiti - model and bodybuilder (Instagram: zainaldraie).

Yousef Al-Qenaei (?) Kuwaiti - filmmaker.

Zahed Sultan (?) Kuwaiti - musician.

M - Athletes:

Mraljeb Ayed Mansoor (1939) Kuwaiti - long-distance runner.

Saoud Obaid Daifallah (1944) Kuwaiti - long-distance runner.

Younis Abdallah (1948) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Mohamed Saad (1949) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Fawzi Burhma (1950) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Abdul Aziz Abdul Kareem (1952) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Abdul Latif Abbas (1953) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Fahed Salem (1953) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Mohamed Al-Zinkawi (1953) Kuwaiti - shot putter.

Ibrahim Muzaffer (1953) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Abdul Kareem Al-Awad (1953) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Ibrahim Al-Rabeeah (1954) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Saleh Faraj (1955) Kuwaiti - hurdler.

Abdullah Abdulrahman (1955) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Fahad Al-Farhan (1955) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Ali Al-Khawajah (1957) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Khaled Khalifa Al-Shammari (1957) Kuwaiti - middle distance runner.

Khaled Hussain (1958) Kuwaiti - middle distance runner.

Mohamed Abdul Wahab (1958) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Khaled Ghaloum (1958) Kuwaiti - hammer thrower.

Sulaiman Qabazard (1958) Kuwaiti - diver.

Ali Al-Baluchi (1959) Kuwaiti - boxer.

Adham Hemdan (1959) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Kamal Al-Athari (1959) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Abdul Nasser Al-Sayegh (1959) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Abdulla Abuqrais (1959) Kuwaiti - diver.

Hisham Al-Sharaf Rashad (1960) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Mohamed Eyiad (1960) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Essa Abbas (1960) Kuwaiti - long jumper.

Tareq Al-Ghareeb (1961) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Najem Najem (1961) Kuwaiti - discus thrower.

Faisal Buressli (1961) Kuwaiti - basketball player.

Kazem Hasan (1961) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Waleed Al-Mohamed Abdulmuhsin (1961) Kuwaiti - rower.

Abdul Majeed Al-Mosawi (1962) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Ahmed Al-Ahmed (1962) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Khaled Jahrami (1962) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Saleh Marzouk (1962) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Kifah Al-Mutawa (1962) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Mohamed Al-Thuwani (1963) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Ebrahim Al-Cattan (1963) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Osama Al-Khurafi (1963) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Jasem Al-Dowaila (1963) Kuwaiti - hurdler.

Naji Mubarak (1964) Kuwaiti - hurdler.

Khaled Al-Assaf (1964) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Yousuf Al-Hammad (1964) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Khaled Al-Awadhi (1964) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Ali Hasan (1965) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Ghanem Zaid (1965) Kuwaiti - javelin thrower. .

Waleed Al-Bekheet (1965) Kuwaiti - hammer thrower.

Sayed Al-Tubaikh (1965) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Mohamed Ghaloum (1965) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Faisal Al-Harshani (1966) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Hussain Safar (1966) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Adel Al-Najadah (1966) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Hasan Al-Shammari (1967) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Younes Al-Mashmoum (1968) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Mohamed Bu Sakher (1968) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Salman Mohamed Hussain (1968) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Zeyad Abdulrazak (1969) Kuwaiti - hurdler.

Abdul Marzouk Al-Yoh (1969) Kuwaiti - triple jumper.

Musayed Al-Azimi (1969) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Husain Al-Mutairi (1969) Kuwaiti - boxer.

Saud Al-Muwaizri (1969) Kuwaiti - boxer.

Nahedh Al-Murdh (1970) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Hussain Mohamed Hassan (1970) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Sultan Al-Otaibi (1970) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Hamed Sadeq (1971) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Mohamed Al-Hamar (1971) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Saqer Al-Surayei (1972) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Saleh Al-Sharrah (1973) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Mishal Sayed Al-Harbi (1975) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Abdelmohsen Shahrayen (1976) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Bader Abdul Rahman Al-Fulaij (1977) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Bashar Abdullah (1977) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Fawaz Al-Shammari (1977) Kuwaiti - hurdler.

Bashar Omar (1979) Kuwaiti - middle distance runner.

Fawzi Al-Shammari (1979) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Mohammad Ghareeb (1980) Kuwaiti - tennis player.

Ahmad Gholoum (1980) Kuwaiti - shot putter.

Musaed Abdullah (1981) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Mohammad Al-Azemi (1982) Kuwaiti - middle distance runner.

Faisal Al-Mahmeed (1983) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Ahmad Ajab (1984) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Hussain Fadhel (1984) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Mohammad Ashkanani (1984) Kuwaiti - basketball player.

Ali Al-Zinkawi (1984) Kuwaiti - hammer thrower.

Talal Al-Enezi (1985) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Khalid Ajab (1986) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Saleh Al-Haddad (1986) Kuwaiti - track and field athlete.

Ahmad Abdulghafour (1987) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Mohammad Madwa (1987) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Abdullah Maqdes (1987) Kuwaiti - tennis player.

Majid Al-Ali (1987) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Fahad Al Enezi (1988) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Abdulaziz Al-Mandeel (1989) Kuwaiti - hurdler.

Hamad Aman (1989) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Ebrahim Al-Zofairi (1989) Kuwaiti - middle distance runner.

Abdulaziz Al-Shatti (1990) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Sulaiman Abdulghafour (1991) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Abbas Qali (1992) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Essa Mohammed Al-Zankawi (1992) Kuwaiti - discus thrower.

Ahmed Al-Dhefiri (1992) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Yousef Karam (1993) Kuwaiti - sprinter.

Yaqoub Mohamed Al-Youha (1993) Kuwaiti - hurdler.

Faisal Ajab Al-Azemi (1994) Kuwaiti - footballer.

Ahmad Almutairi (1994) Kuwaiti - track and field athlete and wheelchair basketball player.

Yousef Al-Askari (1994) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Hamad Aladwani (?) Kuwaiti - paralympic track and field athlete.

Adel Al-Ghaith (?) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Dhari Almutairi (?) Kuwaiti - paralympic shot putter.

Ahmad Al-Hahdoud (?) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Jamal Ameen (?) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Isaac Atish Wa-El (?) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Ahmed Al-Arbeed (?) Kuwaiti - fencer.

Sayed Farhad (?) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Ali Heidar Ali Mohamed (?) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Faisal Marzouk (?) Kuwaiti - swimmer.

Abdul Latif Rozaihan (?) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Hussain Shareef (?) Kuwaiti - judoka.

Problematic:

Sondos Alqattan (1991) Kuwaiti - instagrammer (sondos_aq) and beauty blogger. - Has said that domestic workers shouldn’t deserve days off and other rights.

[expatimes]

KPRS to honour ‘front-line’ workers for their sacrifices

KUWAIT CITY, Sept 26: Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Kuwaiti Public Relations Society (KPRS), Jamal Al-Nasrallah, announced the society will organize a festival to honour what it called the ‘front-line’ workers from the ministries, various institutions, public benefit associations and volunteer teams which played an effective role in facing the challenges posed by the emerging Covid-19 pandemic, reports Al-Rai daily.

Nasrallah said in a press statement, “Based on the association’s keenness to shed light on the role played by ministries, government and private institutions, and civil society organizations and their efforts in ‘combating’ the corona crisis, the association will also highlight what these front line workers have done and are doing to protect citizens and expatriates and preserve their health by putting their workers at risk in order to confront the pandemic and try to control it, although they face the risk of contracting the virus.”

Al-Nasrallah explained the board of directors is keen to honour all those who have painted a wonderful picture of patriotism by facing the risk of infecting their workers with this epidemic, pointing out that the Kuwaitis have embodied the highest meaning of patriotism and loyalty to their homeland by providing all forms of support Kuwaitis rushed to provide all forms of support for government efforts through donations from charity committees locally and internationally. Al-Nasrallah indicated the workers in government agencies, institutions, civil society institutions and volunteer teams are still making the utmost sacrifices to confront the pandemic, explaining the association will also honor the martyrs in recognition of their invaluable sacrifices.

The post KPRS to honour ‘front-line’ workers for their sacrifices appeared first on ARAB TIMES - KUWAIT NEWS.

#kuwait Read full article: https://expatimes.com/?p=10887&feed_id=7354

[omarsanchez78]

Hezbollah Is in Venezuela to Stay @ColinPClarke

  Regime change in Caracas won’t change the country’s problematic relationship with the terrorist group. BY COLIN P. CLARKE

 | FEBRUARY 9, 2019, 3:29 AM A poster shows Hezbollah secretary general Hassan Nasrallah, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, and Arab leader Jamal Abdel Nasser on Dec. 7, 2006 in Beirut. (Ramzi Haidar/AFP/Getty Images)

Responding to a question on current instability in…

[tv-boom]

Nasrallah: Saudi Arabia faces an international boycott and the right time to end its war in Yemen

Nasrallah: Saudi Arabia faces an international boycott and the right time to end its war in Yemen

[ad_1]

The Secretary-General of the Lebanese Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, said that Saudi Arabia is facing a kind of international boycott because of the disappearance of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, noting that the cover of its war in Yemen has begun to collapse.

Nasrallah said in a speech on Friday that Khashoggi, who is widely believed to have been killed, said the…

[newstwitter-blog]

New Post has been published on News Twitter

New Post has been published on http://www.news-twitter.com/2017/03/13/ny-times-jordan-frees-soldier-who-killed-7-israeli-schoolgirls-in-97-rampage-18/

NY Times: Jordan Frees Soldier Who Killed 7 Israeli Schoolgirls in ’97 Rampage

Photo

Ahmed Daqamseh, in sunglasses, was welcomed home in the village of Ibdir in northern Jordan after being released from prison, where he served 20 years. Credit Numan Alquzaa/European Pressphoto Agency

JERUSALEM — The fragile treaty between the two former enemies was not even three years old when a Jordanian soldier went on a shooting rampage and killed seven Israeli schoolgirls visiting a park in a border area known as the Island of Peace.

On Sunday, almost 20 years after that March 13, 1997, attack, the Jordanian authorities released the soldier, Ahmed Daqamseh, a former corporal, after he effectively completed his term.

Amid the grief and outrage over what became known as the Island of Peace massacre, King Hussein, then the ruler of Jordan, managed to salvage the spirit of reconciliation and provide some balm.

The king paid a rare visit to Israel and made condolence calls to each of the bereaved families. Kneeling to speak with them as they sat on the floor in their homes as part of the Jewish mourning custom of shiva, he apologized and said: “Your daughter is like my daughter. Your loss is my loss.”

While the visit angered many in Jordan, it was seen as a gesture of friendship and humility by many in Israel and the West.

Site of

Island of Peace

Massacre

Two decades later, Mr. Daqamseh’s release rekindled some of those emotions. The Israeli-Jordanian peace has proved firm and lasting, but it still exists mainly at the government level and has not been popularly embraced.

The Island of Peace, about 12 miles south of the Sea of Galilee, was formally returned to Jordan when it made peace with Israel in fall 1994, but was then leased back to an Israeli kibbutz. Mr. Daqamseh fired on the girls, who were on a class outing, from a border post in Jordanian territory.

Continue reading the main story

After the attack, a Jordanian medical team gave Mr. Daqamseh a diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder; a military court sentenced him to life in prison. Life sentences are not open-ended in Jordan, and can essentially be commuted after 20 years.

Continue reading the main story

Mr. Daqamseh, who also injured five other girls and a teacher in the rampage, said at the time that the seventh and eighth graders had mocked him as he was performing his prayers.

Early on Sunday, Mr. Daqamseh returned to his family’s home in Ibdir, a village in the governorate of Irbid in northern Jordan. Roya News, an independent Jordanian station, broadcast video of his homecoming, and photographs spread widely in the local news media.

Continue reading the main story

Israeli radio and news sites described the reception Mr. Daqamseh received from his family and other well-wishers as a hero’s welcome, also posting photographs and video of the local celebrations.

Photo

Mr. Daqamseh’s mother and other relatives gathering on Sunday upon his return home. Credit Jamal Nasrallah/European Pressphoto Agency

A Jordanian military spokesman confirmed the release, but the government appeared to be trying to keep it low key. The police prevented reporters from reaching Ibdir later on Sunday, citing orders from the local governor, who demanded that journalists obtain permission from the Ministry of Interior.

Continue reading the main story

Mr. Daqamseh, now in his 40s, emerged from prison with patches of gray hair and sunken eyes. He was defiant and showed no remorse.

In his first statement to the news media from his home, he said, “There is no country named Israel,” adding that any normalization of ties with Israel and the notion that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would be resolved by means of a two-state solution were both “lies.”

Some Jordanians continued to see Mr. Daqamseh as a symbol of an anti-normalization movement against the Israeli-Jordanian treaty.

Continue reading the main story

The Israeli government and the bereaved families had protested earlier calls in Jordan for Mr. Daqamseh’s prison term to be cut short. There was no immediate comment from Israeli officials on Sunday, and relatives who spoke to the news media appeared mostly resigned to his release.

“I always say that our peace with Jordan is with the royal family, not the people or their parliament,” Yisrael Fatihi, whose daughter, Sivan, 13, was killed in the attack, told Ynet, a Hebrew news site.

Continue reading the main story

Hezi Cohen, the father of Nirit, 13, another victim, described his family’s daily pain. On one hand, he said, Mr. Daqamseh had served his full sentence. On the other, he said, “If he had received 20 years for each girl he murdered, he would have rotted in prison for the rest of his life.”

Continue reading the main story

This post has been harvested from the source link, and News-Twitter has no responsibility on its content. Source link

[dozydawn]

“A young Palestinian girl helps her grandmother to cross an alleyway in al Baq'a Palestinian refugee camp north of Amman.”

Photographed by Jamal Nasrallah.

25 April 1998.

[reseau-actu]

Il y a un an, le premier ministre libanais était retenu en Arabie saoudite et forcé de démissionner. Derrière cette machination, Mohammed Ben Salman, soucieux de regagner du terrain sur le rival iranien. Un épisode qui porte en germe l’horreur de l’affaire Khashoggi.

Rien de mieux qu’une petite blague pour détendre l’atmosphère. Mohammed Ben Salman, le prince héritier saoudien, le sait bien. La légèreté n’est pas le fort de ce colosse impavide d’un mètre quatre-vingt-dix, au visage mangé par une grosse barbe noire. Ce qui frappe plutôt ses interlocuteurs, c’est son débit mitraillette, son regard intense, « fiévreux » disent certains, et les tics nerveux qui hachent parfois son élocution. Mais ce mercredi 24 octobre, à la tribune du « Davos du désert », la conférence-vitrine de son plan de réformes du royaume, le dauphin de 33 ans comprend qu’il doit forcer sa nature.

C’est sa première intervention publique depuis l’assassinat du journaliste saoudien Jamal Khashoggi. L’éditorialiste du Washington Post, très critique de l’action de celui que le monde entier appelle « MBS », a été liquidé le 2 octobre, dans le consulat saoudien d’Istanbul (Turquie), par une escouade de barbouzes venus de Riyad.

Le jeune ambitieux, souverain bis d’Arabie tant son père, le roi Salman, est effacé, se trouve depuis ce jour dans l’œil du cyclone. Rares sont les observateurs à ne pas voir, sinon sa main, du moins son ombre dans la sordide opération menée sur les rives du Bosphore.

L’image du modernisateur ébranlée

Les détails aux relents moyenâgeux fournis par la presse turque – le corps de Khashoggi aurait été démembré au moyen d’une scie à os avant d’être dissous à l’acide – ébranlent son aura de modernisateur. Une image construite autour de quelques mesures spectaculaires, comme l’octroi du permis de conduire aux femmes, la réouverture des cinémas et le plan « Vision 2030 », qui promet de rompre l’addiction du pays au pétrole.

La mise à mort de Jamal Khashoggi menace aussi l’avenir politique de celui qui se promettait de régner durant trois, quatre ou cinq décennies d’affilée.

Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi

Arabie saoudite : « Mohammed Ben Salman, l’erreur de casting »

Alors, devant les centaines d’entrepreneurs et d’investisseurs du monde entier réunis au Ritz-Carlton de Riyad, MBS commence par dénoncer un « incident hideux et injustifiable », assurant que la « justice prévaudra ». Il se lance ensuite dans une longue et improbable tirade à la gloire du monde arabe, prédisant que d’ici à cinq ans, cette région accablée de tous les maux sera l’égale de l’Europe.

Et puis, pour finir de séduire son auditoire, il s’offre donc une petite plaisanterie. « Le premier ministre Saad reste pour deux jours dans le royaume, dit-il en désignant le chef du gouvernement libanais, Saad Hariri, assis à ses côtés. J’espère que vous n’allez pas répandre la rumeur qu’il a été kidnappé. » La salle s’esclaffe mais la boutade a un goût douteux.

« Le prince héritier était prêt à déclencher une sorte de guerre civile, entre sunnites et chiites, pour obliger le Hezbollah à se désinvestir du Yémen », assure un protagoniste de l’affaire.

Car un an plus tôt, à l’époque où les promesses de MBS de « revenir à l’islam modéré » faisaient les gros titres de la presse occidentale, Saad Hariri a bel et bien été l’otage du prince héritier. Convoqué à Riyad, malmené, forcé à démissionner, le leader sunnite libanais, chef du Courant du futur, n’avait pu retrouver son poste et sa liberté que grâce au sursaut d’orgueil de la classe politique libanaise et au forcing des capitales occidentales, notamment Paris. Conçu par MBS comme une manière de regagner du terrain sur l’Iran, le rival honni de l’Arabie saoudite, qui a profité du chaos post- « printemps arabe » pour avancer ses pions dans la région, le coup de force de l’apprenti monarque a tourné au fiasco.

Mohammed Ben Salman, prince héritier d’Arabie saoudite. FAYEZ NURELDINE/ AFP

Des témoignages récoltés par M auprès d’une dizaine de sources libanaises et étrangères, apportent un nouvel éclairage sur cette crise, révélatrice de l’hubris et de l’amateurisme du quasi-régent de Riyad. Un mélange hautement inflammable, qui aurait pu faire exploser le Liban et qui a débouché, un an plus tard, sur la déflagration d’Istanbul.

« L’idée de MBS consistait à dresser deux fous l’un contre l’autre, Hassan Nasrallah [le chef du Hezbollah, parti-milice allié à l’Iran] d’un côté et Baha Hariri, de l’autre, le frère aîné de Saad, qui a tenté de prendre son poste, assure un protagoniste de l’affaire qui, comme la plupart des personnes rencontrées pour cette enquête, a requis l’anonymat. Le prince héritier était prêt à déclencher une sorte de guerre civile, entre sunnites et chiites, pour obliger le Hezbollah à se désinvestir du Yémen. » « On n’est pas passé loin de quelque chose de grave », opine un diplomate occidental.

Etrange invitation dans le désert

Quand le chef du gouvernement libanais débarque à Riyad, le soir du vendredi 3 novembre 2017, rien ne laisse présager l’épreuve qui l’attend. Le prince héritier l’a convié la veille à participer à un pique-nique dans le désert, le hobby fétiche des Saoudiens quand le mercure commence à descendre.

Le quadragénaire se trouvait déjà à Riyad en début de semaine mais une invitation du royaume, sponsor historique de sa famille et protecteur traditionnel des sunnites libanais, ne se refuse pas. Un convoi officiel le conduit de l’aéroport à sa résidence privée. Son père, le charismatique Rafic Hariri, ex-premier ministre libanais assassiné en 2005, avait obtenu la nationalité saoudienne, qu’il a transmise à ses enfants. Avant de basculer en politique, Saad a dirigé depuis Riyad, l’empire de BTP familial, la compagnie Saudi Oger, longtemps bâtisseur attitré des palais de la famille royale.

Le lendemain, vers 8 heures, des émissaires du dauphin viennent le chercher à sa villa. L’héritier Hariri se dit que l’excursion dans le désert commence à un horaire étrangement matinal, mais il est prêt, en jeans et tee-shirt.

Arrivé à un palais de MBS, le leader libanais est séparé de son escorte personnelle. Il est introduit dans une pièce où trois fidèles du prince héritier l’attendent : Thamer Al-Sabhan, le gestionnaire du dossier libanais à la cour royale, Walid Al-Yaacoub, son adjoint, et Saoud Al-Qahtani, le conseiller média de MBS.

Selon le « New Yorker », Saad Hariri aurait été séquestré dans la même salle pendant onze heures d’affilée, placé sur une chaise et giflé à répétition.

Le premier, militaire de carrière, est un faucon allergique à l’Iran, associé au clan Salman de longue date. Passé dans la diplomatie, il s’est doté d’une image d’homme de terrain, fonceur, en rupture avec les conciliabules de salon, dont ses collègues sont traditionnellement friands. « Il a voulu être le Qassem Soleimani saoudien », résume un politicien libanais qui le connaît bien, en référence au général vedette des gardiens de la révolution, cerveau de l’expansionnisme iranien au Proche-Orient.

Mais ses manières frustes ne sont pas à la hauteur de ses ambitions. En août 2016, huit mois seulement après son arrivé à Bagdad comme ambassadeur, le gouvernement irakien, lassé de ses déclarations fracassantes, obtient son renvoi à Riyad. Sa hargne anti-Iran s’est reportée depuis sur le Hezbollah, le mouvement chiite libanais, allié de Téhéran et partenaire de la coalition au pouvoir à Beyrouth, qu’il qualifie sur Twitter de « Parti de Satan ».

Le deuxième, plus sophistiqué, sur le point d’être nommé ambassadeur à Beyrouth, n’en pense pas moins que Hariri est un « pantin », dixit l’un de ses interlocuteurs libanais. L’insistance du premier ministre, centriste autoproclamé, à composer avec le Hezbollah insupporte les hommes de Riyad. Le Parti de Dieu, en plus de contrôler l’électorat chiite libanais, dirige une armée parallèle, qui tient Israël en respect dans le sud du pays, combat aux côtés des forces loyalistes en Syrie, et compte quelques dizaines de formateurs au Yémen, dans les rangs de la rébellion houthiste.

Lire aussi : Autour de « MBS », un trio de conseillers sulfureux

Quant au troisième larron, Saoud Al-Qahtani, il est le maître d’œuvre de la campagne de mise au pas des dissidents saoudiens. « L’âme damnée de MBS », disent ses contempteurs.

D’après l’agence Reuters, c’est lui qui aurait tenté de convaincre Jamal Khashoggi, lors d’une session skype organisée dans le consulat d’Istanbul, de se réinstaller au royaume. Renvoyé dans les cordes par le journaliste, il aurait exigé qu’on lui apporte « la tête de ce chien », lançant son arrêt de mort. Et c’est lui, un an plus tôt, qui supervise l’interrogatoire du trop conciliant Saad, autre obstacle au grand dessein de Mohammed Ben Salman, le refoulement de l’Iran. « Al-Qahtani a été là pendant toute l’opération, affirme un proche du premier ministre libanais. C’est la même tête qui a été à la manœuvre dans les deux affaires. »

« Ils l’ont traité de menteur, ils ont affirmé qu’il devait leur remettre son passeport saoudien sur le champ. Devant le refus de Saad, ils lui ont dit que dans ce cas il devait démissionner », assure un connaisseur du dossier.

Ce qui se passe dans les heures qui suivent reste enveloppé d’une part de mystère. Plusieurs médias anglo-saxons soutiennent que le dirigeant beyrouthin a été frappé. C’est l’avis aussi d’une source haut placée consultée par Le Monde. « Ce n’est pas de la torture, mais il a été secoué. » Selon le New Yorker, Saad Hariri aurait été séquestré dans la même salle pendant onze heures d’affilée, placé sur une chaise et giflé à répétition.

Les membres de son entourage démentent, peut-être sincèrement, ou peut-être par égard pour leur patron. Un autre bon connaisseur du dossier assure qu’« il n’y a pas eu de violence physique, mais que les Saoudiens ont été brutaux et qu’ils l’ont insulté. Dans leur esprit, ils ne parlaient pas avec le premier ministre du Liban, mais avec un membre de leur tribu, dont l’Arabie a fait la fortune. »

Selon cette source, Sabhan et Yaacoub lui auraient reproché de ne pas s’être acquitté de la mission de confiance qu’ils lui avaient confiée : transmettre à Ali Akbar Velayati, le conseiller diplomatique du Guide suprême de la République islamique, Ali Khamenei, venu à Beyrouth la veille, un message de Riyad sommant Téhéran de cesser d’interférer dans les affaires arabes. « Ils se sont rendu compte que Saad ne l’avait pas fait, probablement parce qu’ils sont rentrés dans son portable. Ils l’ont traité de menteur, ils ont affirmé que son comportement était indigne de celui d’un citoyen du royaume, et qu’il devait leur remettre son passeport saoudien sur le champ. Devant le refus de Saad, ils lui ont dit que dans ce cas il devait démissionner et ils lui ont tendu un discours à lire devant les caméras. »

Hariri annonce sa démission

Une chose est sûre : le premier ministre libanais est tombé dans un guet-apens, comme Khashoggi, qui lui n’en est pas sorti vivant. Soumis à de fortes pressions, au moins psychologiques, il est obligé d’obtempérer. L’un de ses agents de sécurité, renvoyé entre-temps à son domicile, lui a rapporté un costume. Un bureau est aménagé avec un drapeau libanais. Un créneau est réservé sur Al-Arabiya, la télévision porte-voix de Riyad.

Aux diplomates paniqués, les conseillers de Hariri font cette réponse désarmante : « On ne sait pas ce qui se passe. » Le portable de leur patron sonne la plupart du temps dans le vide.

Et c’est ainsi qu’à l’heure du déjeuner, d’une voix morne, le visage fermé, Hariri annonce son retrait du pouvoir. A l’appui de sa décision, il évoque un complot contre sa personne, réminiscence de l’ambiance qui avait conduit à l’assassinat de son père et dénonce « la mainmise » de Téhéran et du Hezbollah sur les pays arabes. « Je veux dire à l’Iran et à ses inféodés qu’ils seront perdants dans leur ingérence. Notre nation se relèvera (…) et coupera la main qui lui porte préjudice. »

La nouvelle méduse les Libanais. Cette déclaration au vitriol ne correspond ni au style ni à la ligne de leur premier ministre. L’attelage qu’il forme avec le président Michel Aoun, un allié du Hezbollah, est certes brinquebalant. Mais il a tiré le Liban de deux ans et demi de paralysie institutionnelle.

Aux diplomates paniqués, qui les assaillent de coups de téléphone, les conseillers de Hariri font cette réponse désarmante : « On ne sait pas ce qui se passe. » Le portable de leur patron sonne la plupart du temps dans le vide. Quand il y répond, c’est pour débiter les phrases de son discours de démission. « Il semble ne pas avoir toute sa liberté », confie un responsable libanais à un envoyé européen.

Des VIP retenus au Ritz-Carlton de Riyad

Le brouillard s’épaissit le lendemain, dimanche 5 novembre, lorsque l’on apprend que plusieurs centaines de VIP saoudiens ont été bouclés dans les suites du Ritz-Carlton de Riyad, dans le cadre d’une vaste opération anticorruption.

Les diplomates s’arrachent les cheveux : si Saad, qui a la double nationalité, a été arrêté, est-ce pour des raisons politiques ou de droit commun, en lien avec Saudi Oger, qui a fait faillite durant l’été ? Les premières réponses arrivent le lundi, avec le retour à Beyrouth de l’un de ses gardes du corps. Les autorités saoudiennes l’ont autorisé à rentrer au pays parce que sa mère est malade. Le général Abbas Ibrahim, le patron de la Sécurité générale, l’un des principaux services de renseignement libanais, l’a aussitôt débriefé. Son témoignage est passé au quotidien Al-Akhbar, proche du Hezbollah, qui est préféré à la presse pro-Hariri, jugée trop complaisante avec l’Arabie saoudite. Le journal publie à la « une » une photo du chef du gouvernement, sur fond gris sombre, barré d’un titre choc : « L’otage. »

Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi

Arabie saoudite : les mystères de la purge du Ritz-Carlton

Après sa prestation télévisée, Saad est transféré, sous bonne garde, dans une villa attenante au complexe du Ritz-Carlton. Selon Al-Akhbar, son épouse, Lara Al-Azm, fille d’un magnat du BTP syrien, qui réside à l’année à Riyad avec deux de leurs enfants, est autorisée à lui rendre visite à deux reprises. Elle aussi sonne l’alerte dans une série de coups de fil à Beyrouth. « Cheikh Saad a été kidnappé ! »

Sur la scène médiatique, le belliqueux Thamer Al-Sabhan poursuit l’offensive. Il accuse le Liban d’avoir déclaré la guerre à l’Arabie en raison du rôle que joue le Hezbollah au sein de son exécutif. En parallèle, le suave Adel Al-Jubeïr, ministre saoudien des affaires étrangères, tente d’éteindre l’incendie médiatique. « Les allégations selon lesquelles l’Arabie saoudite aurait obligé Saad Hariri à démissionner sont ridicules », dit-il. Durant l’affaire Khashoggi, ce diplomate chevronné écopera de la même mission ingrate : nier l’évidence, réparer les dégâts commis par d’autres.

Le choix saoudien : Baha Hariri, le frère

Pour les putschistes saoudiens, l’alternative à Saad Hariri ne peut être que son frère aîné, Baha. Un homme d’affaires de 50 ans, résident monégasque, au tempérament sanguin. Ce trait de caractère, qui l’avait desservi en 2005, lorsqu’il s’était agi de désigner le successeur de Rafic Hariri à la tête du Courant du futur – un poste finalement attribué à Saad – joue désormais en sa faveur.

Toutes les figures du clan sont priées les unes après les autres de se rendre à Riyad. Objectif : réunir un conseil de famille, qui propulserait Baha à la tête du gouvernement libanais. Mais aucune n’accepte de se déplacer. Les manigances du « traître » sont rejetées, en coordination avec le premier intéressé, captif mais avec lequel un canal de communication indirect et sécurisé a été établi.

Sabhan trépigne. Il appelle en personne Nader Hariri, le cousin et directeur de cabinet de Saad, concepteur de son credo centriste, accusé de faire barrage aux menées de Riyad. L’ex-général saoudien lui demande, à plus de dix reprises, de toutes les manières possibles, de suggérer le nom d’un potentiel successeur. Et chaque fois, le fidèle Nader répond sur un ton faussement candide que « l’alternative à Saad Hariri est Saad Hariri ». Sabhan finit par raccrocher, excédé, après trente-sept minutes de duel à fleurets mouchetés.

Passée la stupeur initiale, la grande majorité de la population libanaise prend fait et cause pour le captif de Riyad. Les murs des grandes villes du pays se couvrent d’affiches proclamant « Nous sommes avec toi ».

A partir de là, les sbires de MBS enchaînent les revers, signes de leur totale impréparation. Mohammed Ben Zayed Al-Nahyan, le régent des Emirats arabes unis et mentor de MBS, accepte certes de recevoir Saad Hariri, le 7 novembre, pour entretenir la fiction de sa liberté de mouvements.

A son retour d’Abou Dhabi, ce dernier est autorisé à réintégrer sa villa, placée sous haute surveillance. Mais le gouvernement égyptien, pourtant allié de l’Arabie, rechigne à se prêter à ce petit jeu… à moins que le vrai-faux démissionnaire ne retourne à Beyrouth immédiatement après son escale au Caire. Une condition rejetée par MBS.

Le 5 novembre 2017 à Beyrouth, la population affiche son soutien à son premier ministre alors qu’il est retenu à Riyad. ANWAR AMRO /AFP

Au Liban même, la machination saoudienne tourne court. Le président Aoun a eu le bon réflexe : refuser la démission du chef du gouvernement aussi longtemps qu’il ne la lui soumet pas en mains propres. Une réaction inverse l’aurait privé de son immunité diplomatique et permis à ses geôliers de le traiter comme un simple ressortissant du royaume. Les services de sécurité libanais ont aussi démenti que sa vie à Beyrouth ait été en danger.

Passée la stupeur initiale, la grande majorité de la population prend fait et cause pour le captif de Riyad. Les murs des grandes villes du pays se couvrent d’affiches proclamant « Nous sommes avec toi ».

Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi

Le Liban dans l’incertitude après la démission du premier ministre, Saad Hariri

Hormis une partie de la droite chrétienne, qui partage l’agenda anti-Hezbollah de la couronne saoudienne, et une poignée de fanatiques sunnites, viscéralement hostiles aux chiites, la classe politique serre aussi les rangs.

« Nous ne sommes pas un troupeau de moutons ou un lopin de terre dont la propriété passe de main en main, fulmine Nohad Machnouk, le ministre de l’intérieur. Notre système politique repose sur des élections et non des serments d’allégeance. »

Les puissances occidentales, mises au parfum par le général Abbas Ibrahim et le ministre des affaires étrangères Gebran Bassil, manifestent progressivement leur mauvaise humeur. Le Quai d’Orsay a pu vérifier in situ que Saad Hariri est en résidence surveillée. L’ambassadeur de France à Riyad, François Gouyette, venu lui rendre visite le 9 octobre, a été fouillé à l’entrée et à la sortie de la villa. Le coffre de son véhicule a aussi été inspecté, en violation du protocole diplomatique. Persuadés que leur conversation était enregistrée, les deux hommes s’en sont tenus à des banalités. Mais grâce à l’excès de zèle des gardes saoudiens, la situation du premier ministre libanais ne souffre plus d’équivoques.

Visite surprise d’Emmanuel Macron

Quelques heures plus tard, l’avion d’Emmanuel Macron se pose à Riyad. Mohammed Ben Zayed Al-Nahyan, l’homme fort des Emirats, que le président français vient de rencontrer à l’inauguration du Louvre Abu Dhabi, lui a obtenu une entrevue avec Mohammed Ben Salman. « MBZ », comme on le surnomme, est d’autant plus désireux d’aider qu’il ne goûte guère la dernière foucade de son poulain.

Les deux trentenaires, le Français et le Saoudien, qui ne s’étaient jamais rencontrés, se jaugent pendant trois heures, dans les salons de l’aéroport. On parle du Yémen – les rebelles houthistes, soutenus par l’Iran, viennent de tirer, pour la première fois, un missile contre Riyad –, de l’accord sur le nucléaire iranien, que l’administration Trump a déchiré, au grand plaisir de Riyad. « Ça a été franc et parfois chaotique, confesse un conseiller de l’Elysée. A la fin, ils ont échangé leur numéro de portable et pendant les jours qui ont suivi, ils se sont envoyé une multitude de messages sur WhatsApp. »

« Je suis libre », « j’ai écrit mon discours de démission de ma main », explique Saad Hariri à la télévision le 12 novembre. Mais ce que les téléspectateurs voient c’est un homme brisé, qui ne croit pas un mot de ce qu’il dit.

Les Etats-Unis de leurs côtés ont convoqué en urgence Thamer Al-Sabhan à Washington. Le 10 novembre, l’ombrageux apprenti sorcier se fait remonter les bretelles par David Satterfield, le chef du bureau Moyen-Orient au département d’Etat.

S’ils partagent l’aversion de leur allié saoudien pour l’Iran, les Etats-Unis n’apprécient pas qu’il menace la stabilité d’un pays pivot comme le Liban, frontalier d’Israël, qui abrite un million de réfugiés syriens.

Arrive alors le clou du feuilleton : la surréaliste interview de Saad Hariri par Paula Yacoubian, vedette du paysage audiovisuel libanais. Durant l’entretien, réalisé en direct de Riyad, le 12 novembre, l’homme dont le sort obsède toutes les chancelleries d’Occident récite la leçon de ses ravisseurs.

Lire aussi

Paula Yacoubian, intervieweuse « maison » de Saad Hariri

« Je suis libre », « j’ai écrit mon discours de démission de ma main, pour provoquer un choc positif », « si je veux voyager demain, je voyage », « Mohammed Ben Salman est mon frère », etc. Mais ce que les téléspectateurs voient est tout autre chose : un dirigeant au visage blafard, les yeux cernés, fébrile, qui s’arrête sans arrêt pour boire, et semble au bord des larmes. Un homme brisé, qui ne croit pas un traître mot de ce qu’il dit.

« C’était voulu, raconte Paula Yacoubian. Je l’ai compris après coup. C’était une manière de dire “SOS, ça ne va pas”’. Ça a montré au monde entier qu’il n’était pas libre et qu’il fallait trouver un moyen de le faire sortir de là. »

Une porte de sortie française

MBS et sa bande de Pieds Nickelés ont perdu la partie. Par WhatsApp, Emmanuel Macron leur offre une porte de sortie. « Puisque vous affirmez que Hariri est libre mais qu’il serait en danger dans son pays, laissez-le s’envoler pour Paris », dit en substance la proposition.

Le prince héritier accepte à reculons. Il a besoin de s’extraire de cette crise calamiteuse. Mais la perspective que son célèbre prisonnier, sitôt élargi, s’empresse de reprendre son tablier de premier ministre, le contrarie.

Le chef d’Etat français devra l’appeler à trois reprises, vendredi 17 novembre, pour avoir la certitude que le premier ministre libanais et son épouse ont pris l’avion. « On a eu l’impression qu’ils ne l’ont pas relâché de bon cœur », euphémise un témoin de cette délicate exfiltration. « On n’est pas passé loin d’un clash franco-saoudien », assure un autre.

Lire aussi

Paris sauve la face de l’Arabie saoudite en exfiltrant Saad Hariri

Le lendemain Hariri tombe dans les bras de son « sauveur » sur le perron de l’Elysée. Trois jours plus tard, le 21 novembre, il atterrit à Beyrouth, où ses partisans lui réservent un accueil triomphal. Le retour a été ponctué de deux escales : l’une de quelques heures en Egypte, pour remercier le président Abdel-Fattah Al-Sissi de son aide, et l’autre de quarante-cinq minutes sur l’île de Chypre. Cette ultime étape, parfaitement superflue, a été imposée par MBS. Celui-ci n’a pas avalé que Le Caire prenne ses distances avec lui durant la crise. Hors de question de laisser Hariri rentrer directement du Caire à Beyrouth alors que deux semaines plus tôt, cette exigence de Sissi avait été rejetée. C’est le dernier caprice du prince !

Le premier ministre libanais Saad Hariri le lendemain de son retour à Beyrouth, le 22 novembre 2017. BANDAR ALGALOUD / SAUDI COUNCIL / ANADOLOU / AFP

Dans les semaines qui suivent, le rescapé des sables saoudiens annule sa démission. Une conférence de relance de l’économie libanaise est annoncée pour le printemps. La routine gouvernementale reprend. Fin février, Hariri retourne même sur les lieux du crime. Il pose tout sourire devant les photographes de l’agence de presse saoudienne, devisant avec le roi Salman de relations bilatérales, une tasse de café à la main.

Le dossier libanais a été repris des mains de Sabhan le pyromane. A la conférence du mois d’avril, le royaume promet 1 milliard de dollars (880 millions d’euros) au gouvernement libanais. MBS donne l’impression de rétropédaler, de s’être assagi.

D’autant que l’autorisation de conduire pour les femmes, entrée en vigueur en juin, remet ses élans réformateurs en lumière. Mais la perception est erronée. La tragédie Khashoggi l’a démontré. Chez le despote de Riyad, les intentions les plus louables cohabitent en permanence avec les impulsions les plus noires. Il est à la fois bâtisseur et fossoyeur. Réformateur et inquisiteur. Docteur Mohammed et Mister Ben Salman.

[nevin-manimala-blog]

Fudged statistics on the Iraq War death toll are still circulating today

What happens when a scientific journal publishes information that turns out to be false? A fracas over a recent Washington Post article provides an illuminating case study in how, even years after they’re published, uncorrected false claims can still end up repeated time and again. But at the same time, it shows how simply alerting responsible journalists and news editors to repeated errors can do a lot to combat false claims that stubbornly live on even after they’ve been debunked. It all started with a 2006 article published in the eminent journal The Lancet, entitled Mortality after the 2003 invasion of Iraq: a cross-sectional cluster sample survey. The article had many problems, but one of its graphs in particular stuck out. That one figure displayed new estimated numbers of violent deaths in the Iraq War, and came up with numbers massively higher than anything anyone had seriously suggested before. And although the article’s reported violence numbers increased over time far more rapidly than those reported by other sources, including the Iraq Body Count (IBC) project, the graph gave the inaccurate impression that IBC trends actually tracked their new data quite closely – ostensibly validating what, at first glance, seemed like a very hard-to-swallow new dataset. In addition, the graph included a third dataset purporting to show violence trends measured by the US Department of Defence (DoD), trends that were again presented as consistent with the authors’ new data. The finished graph was central to the paper’s effort to “mainstream” the shocking new numbers by connecting them with other data on war violence. Yet a few weeks after the article was published, letters sent to the Lancet from other researchers discredited the graph entirely.

Falling apart

First, Debarati Guha-Sapir and two colleagues pointed out that the graph used two Y axes, a device notorious for creating the illusion that two curves moving in the same direction at different speeds are in fact moving at the same speed. But this was just one of the problems with the graph. The article’s authors also tweaked the trends by comparing their own data with cumulative IBC data. Specifically, they plotted the first 13 months of their data against 13 months of IBC data, their second 13 months against 26 months of IBC data, and their third 13 months against 39 months of IBC data. And in another published letter to the journal, IBC’s Joshua Dougherty demonstrated that the DoD curve the authors included did not represent what they said it did. For example, going back to the source, he said the DoD data they cite include both deaths and casualties, and “do not offer any direct means by which to calculate what number might be deaths, let alone civilian deaths”. Rather surprisingly, in their reply – also published in the Lancet – the authors actually admitted to several problems with their graph. But their mea culpa was grudging and incomplete. In it, they suggested that the issues with the graph are merely technical, and that the trends really do match – but as the letters mentioned above pointed out, that is not correct. One would think that by this point, deafening alarm bells would have been ringing in the Lancet editors’ ears. After all, they had just published a highly compromised graph that two letters had utterly discredited. And the authors had even admitted errors, an unusual development to say the least. Surely the Lancet would withdraw the graph; maybe they would at least leave it up online but post a warning sign nearby. But no. Instead, they just left the article and the graph online in perpetuity. And so, in spring 2018, enter the Washington Post and its reporter Philip Bump.

Caught out

To his credit, Bump wrote and published an article marking the 15th anniversary of the invasion of Iraq, an event that’s getting far too little media attention in the UK and US. The article reads well – that is, until it landed on the discredited graph, which it reproduced and presented as if it were legitimate. The Lancet could argue that if Bump had only read the follow-up letters it published, he never would have reprinted the discredited graph. But this argument is akin to saying that there is no need for warning labels on cigarettes because people can just read the scientific literature on smoking and consider themselves warned. But in practice, many people will just assume the graph is kosher because it sits on the Lancet website with no warning attached.

A scene in Fallujah, July 2003. EPA/Jamal Nasrallah As you might expect, the dust-up over the graph is just the tip of the iceberg with the 2006 article. I myself have comprehensively debunked the article, with at least some of the inaccuracies that propped it up. The article’s lead author, Gilbert Burnham, was censured by the American Association for Public Opinion Research for refusing to explain basic elements of his methodology. He was also sanctioned by Johns Hopkins, which “suspended Dr. Burnham’s privileges to serve as a principal investigator on projects involving human subjects research”. Johns Hopkins also said it would send an erratum to the Lancet to address inaccuracies in the article’s text. Bump did not mention any of this fallout from the article he cited; presumably he just didn’t come across it in the course of his own research. But maybe he would have been primed to dig deeper if the Lancet had done all it could to label the graph with an appropriate warning. Letters to a journal are better than nothing, but they are not enough to correct a published false claim; it is incumbent on all involved to flag inaccuracies and misrepresentions as conspicuously as they can. That said, this particular chapter at least has a happy ending. I wrote to Bump and the Washington Post and they fixed the story, in the process demonstrating an admirable respect for evidence and a commitment to the truth. The Lancet would do well to follow their example. The Lancet declined to comment on this piece. Read the full article

[newstwitter-blog]

New Post has been published on News Twitter

New Post has been published on http://www.news-twitter.com/2017/03/13/ny-times-jordan-frees-soldier-who-killed-7-israeli-schoolgirls-in-97-rampage-15/

NY Times: Jordan Frees Soldier Who Killed 7 Israeli Schoolgirls in ’97 Rampage

Photo

Ahmed Daqamseh, in sunglasses, was welcomed home in the village of Ibdir in northern Jordan after being released from prison, where he served 20 years. Credit Numan Alquzaa/European Pressphoto Agency

JERUSALEM — The fragile treaty between the two former enemies was not even three years old when a Jordanian soldier went on a shooting rampage and killed seven Israeli schoolgirls visiting a park in a border area known as the Island of Peace.

On Sunday, almost 20 years after that March 13, 1997, attack, the Jordanian authorities released the soldier, Ahmed Daqamseh, a former corporal, after he effectively completed his term.

Amid the grief and outrage over what became known as the Island of Peace massacre, King Hussein, then the ruler of Jordan, managed to salvage the spirit of reconciliation and provide some balm.

The king paid a rare visit to Israel and made condolence calls to each of the bereaved families. Kneeling to speak with them as they sat on the floor in their homes as part of the Jewish mourning custom of shiva, he apologized and said: “Your daughter is like my daughter. Your loss is my loss.”

While the visit angered many in Jordan, it was seen as a gesture of friendship and humility by many in Israel and the West.

Site of

Island of Peace

Massacre

Two decades later, Mr. Daqamseh’s release rekindled some of those emotions. The Israeli-Jordanian peace has proved firm and lasting, but it still exists mainly at the government level and has not been popularly embraced.

The Island of Peace, about 12 miles south of the Sea of Galilee, was formally returned to Jordan when it made peace with Israel in fall 1994, but was then leased back to an Israeli kibbutz. Mr. Daqamseh fired on the girls, who were on a class outing, from a border post in Jordanian territory.

Continue reading the main story

After the attack, a Jordanian medical team gave Mr. Daqamseh a diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder; a military court sentenced him to life in prison. Life sentences are not open-ended in Jordan, and can essentially be commuted after 20 years.

Continue reading the main story

Mr. Daqamseh, who also injured five other girls and a teacher in the rampage, said at the time that the seventh and eighth graders had mocked him as he was performing his prayers.

Early on Sunday, Mr. Daqamseh returned to his family’s home in Ibdir, a village in the governorate of Irbid in northern Jordan. Roya News, an independent Jordanian station, broadcast video of his homecoming, and photographs spread widely in the local news media.

Continue reading the main story

Israeli radio and news sites described the reception Mr. Daqamseh received from his family and other well-wishers as a hero’s welcome, also posting photographs and video of the local celebrations.

Photo

Mr. Daqamseh’s mother and other relatives gathering on Sunday upon his return home. Credit Jamal Nasrallah/European Pressphoto Agency

A Jordanian military spokesman confirmed the release, but the government appeared to be trying to keep it low key. The police prevented reporters from reaching Ibdir later on Sunday, citing orders from the local governor, who demanded that journalists obtain permission from the Ministry of Interior.

Continue reading the main story

Mr. Daqamseh, now in his 40s, emerged from prison with patches of gray hair and sunken eyes. He was defiant and showed no remorse.

In his first statement to the news media from his home, he said, “There is no country named Israel,” adding that any normalization of ties with Israel and the notion that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would be resolved by means of a two-state solution were both “lies.”

Some Jordanians continued to see Mr. Daqamseh as a symbol of an anti-normalization movement against the Israeli-Jordanian treaty.

Continue reading the main story

The Israeli government and the bereaved families had protested earlier calls in Jordan for Mr. Daqamseh’s prison term to be cut short. There was no immediate comment from Israeli officials on Sunday, and relatives who spoke to the news media appeared mostly resigned to his release.

“I always say that our peace with Jordan is with the royal family, not the people or their parliament,” Yisrael Fatihi, whose daughter, Sivan, 13, was killed in the attack, told Ynet, a Hebrew news site.

Continue reading the main story

Hezi Cohen, the father of Nirit, 13, another victim, described his family’s daily pain. On one hand, he said, Mr. Daqamseh had served his full sentence. On the other, he said, “If he had received 20 years for each girl he murdered, he would have rotted in prison for the rest of his life.”

Continue reading the main story

This post has been harvested from the source link, and News-Twitter has no responsibility on its content. Source link

[newstwitter-blog]

New Post has been published on News Twitter

New Post has been published on http://www.news-twitter.com/2017/03/13/ny-times-jordan-frees-soldier-who-killed-7-israeli-schoolgirls-in-97-rampage-14/

NY Times: Jordan Frees Soldier Who Killed 7 Israeli Schoolgirls in ’97 Rampage

Photo

Ahmed Daqamseh, in sunglasses, was welcomed home in the village of Ibdir in northern Jordan after being released from prison, where he served 20 years. Credit Numan Alquzaa/European Pressphoto Agency

JERUSALEM — The fragile treaty between the two former enemies was not even three years old when a Jordanian soldier went on a shooting rampage and killed seven Israeli schoolgirls visiting a park in a border area known as the Island of Peace.

On Sunday, almost 20 years after that March 13, 1997, attack, the Jordanian authorities released the soldier, Ahmed Daqamseh, a former corporal, after he effectively completed his term.

Amid the grief and outrage over what became known as the Island of Peace massacre, King Hussein, then the ruler of Jordan, managed to salvage the spirit of reconciliation and provide some balm.

The king paid a rare visit to Israel and made condolence calls to each of the bereaved families. Kneeling to speak with them as they sat on the floor in their homes as part of the Jewish mourning custom of shiva, he apologized and said: “Your daughter is like my daughter. Your loss is my loss.”

While the visit angered many in Jordan, it was seen as a gesture of friendship and humility by many in Israel and the West.

Site of

Island of Peace

Massacre

Two decades later, Mr. Daqamseh’s release rekindled some of those emotions. The Israeli-Jordanian peace has proved firm and lasting, but it still exists mainly at the government level and has not been popularly embraced.

The Island of Peace, about 12 miles south of the Sea of Galilee, was formally returned to Jordan when it made peace with Israel in fall 1994, but was then leased back to an Israeli kibbutz. Mr. Daqamseh fired on the girls, who were on a class outing, from a border post in Jordanian territory.

Continue reading the main story

After the attack, a Jordanian medical team gave Mr. Daqamseh a diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder; a military court sentenced him to life in prison. Life sentences are not open-ended in Jordan, and can essentially be commuted after 20 years.

Continue reading the main story

Mr. Daqamseh, who also injured five other girls and a teacher in the rampage, said at the time that the seventh and eighth graders had mocked him as he was performing his prayers.

Early on Sunday, Mr. Daqamseh returned to his family’s home in Ibdir, a village in the governorate of Irbid in northern Jordan. Roya News, an independent Jordanian station, broadcast video of his homecoming, and photographs spread widely in the local news media.

Continue reading the main story

Israeli radio and news sites described the reception Mr. Daqamseh received from his family and other well-wishers as a hero’s welcome, also posting photographs and video of the local celebrations.

Photo

Mr. Daqamseh’s mother and other relatives gathering on Sunday upon his return home. Credit Jamal Nasrallah/European Pressphoto Agency

A Jordanian military spokesman confirmed the release, but the government appeared to be trying to keep it low key. The police prevented reporters from reaching Ibdir later on Sunday, citing orders from the local governor, who demanded that journalists obtain permission from the Ministry of Interior.

Continue reading the main story

Mr. Daqamseh, now in his 40s, emerged from prison with patches of gray hair and sunken eyes. He was defiant and showed no remorse.

In his first statement to the news media from his home, he said, “There is no country named Israel,” adding that any normalization of ties with Israel and the notion that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would be resolved by means of a two-state solution were both “lies.”

Some Jordanians continued to see Mr. Daqamseh as a symbol of an anti-normalization movement against the Israeli-Jordanian treaty.

Continue reading the main story

The Israeli government and the bereaved families had protested earlier calls in Jordan for Mr. Daqamseh’s prison term to be cut short. There was no immediate comment from Israeli officials on Sunday, and relatives who spoke to the news media appeared mostly resigned to his release.

“I always say that our peace with Jordan is with the royal family, not the people or their parliament,” Yisrael Fatihi, whose daughter, Sivan, 13, was killed in the attack, told Ynet, a Hebrew news site.

Continue reading the main story

Hezi Cohen, the father of Nirit, 13, another victim, described his family’s daily pain. On one hand, he said, Mr. Daqamseh had served his full sentence. On the other, he said, “If he had received 20 years for each girl he murdered, he would have rotted in prison for the rest of his life.”

Continue reading the main story

This post has been harvested from the source link, and News-Twitter has no responsibility on its content. Source link