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sevault-canyon · 2 years ago

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ms appleton was nowhere close to having total control over soy sauce: perspectives on food and postwar japan

there's a popular post going around this month by @inneskeeper about how a single person changed japanese soy sauce forever. i've made my own post showing why this the story is incomplete and based on some factual inaccuracies, but i will be honest in saying that i would not be so engaged in responding to this post if it were not wrapped in a shockingly reductive narrative. i'll use this quote from op as a summary of the general idea they're trying to convey:

[...] I think that it is incredibly important that more people in the world are aware that leading into the Cold War, Japan was forcibly coerced into giving total power over a significant cultural touchstone/ingredient/way of life to a single foreigner who had a complete lack of respect for what shoyu is, even going so far as to say "I want to change Japan's taste preferences". I cannot imagine a more direct and blunt parallel to settler-colonialism mindset. I truly cannot. [link]

i will attempt give a larger view of that era and convey why this singular view is at best oversimplifying and at worst an incorrect projection of other trends upon what is an almost unique event in history.

note: i am not an academic historian; i will do my best to provide sources, but they will mostly be secondary.

i will use the three i's presented by prof. ian shapiro of yale, interests, institutions, and ideals, as lenses through which i will provide a more holistic view of the events at hand:

tl;dr:

the united states did not have uniform interests entering the cold war and the occupiers had a varying set of visions for japanese society and economy.

both the japanese public, the american occupation, and the japanese civil government had a more important goal: preventing hunger. japan was not coerced into handing over a tradition; it was suffering the consequences of its own colonial empire-building.

both countries were interested in building a healthy consumer economy, and ultimately the tastes of the public held most sway.

the idea of "a guy" being in charge of things has been a common theme in american foreign policy, but the idea that "the guy" was singularly responsible for massive change belies american perspectives and biases that often misrepresent the truth abroad.

i - ideals

i think this lens is maybe the most sympathetic to @inneskeeper's narrative: it makes sense that a settler-colonial nation with a deep root of anglo-protestant self-righteousness and evangelical tendencies would want to impose its vision of society upon a defeated foe. that said, it is not the only ideology at play in this situation, from both japan and the usa.

let's talk about main value the united states likes to impose upon foreign societies: democracy capitalism. i think what is interesting here is that this single word can have multiple interpretations in practice, and we can use this soy sauce story to look at the diversity in opinion of what capitalism means.

first, a capitalism tied to liberal ideals: a free and open market without monopolies as a promoter of egalitarianism. this concept was brought to japan by many of the administrators in the american occupation that have previously observed or enacted roosevelt's new deal in the aftermath of the great depression. [1, p.57-58; 2, p.98] we see a focus on trust-busting and a strong aversion to any significantly concentrated capital. pre-war japan was dominated by structures known as 財閥 zaibatsu, vertically integrated groups that are helmed by a family-controlled holding company owning a set of subsidiaries in banking and industry with interlocking stock ownership and directorship. the zaibatsu structures, emerging since the late edo and early meiji periods, have become inextricably linked to building the japanese imperial war machine (though somewhat forcibly). [3] on the american side, as a result, certain american elements viewed trust-busting as a way to democratize japan through the economy. [2, p.34; 4, p.19; 5, IV-2b] this included maj. gen. marquat, ms. appleton's boss at the ghq/scap economic and scientific section (ess). [4, p.31] japan's first postwar prime minister, shigeru yoshida, and his ministry of foreign affairs, seemed to agree with the deconcentration of capital. [4, p.20] this is not to say that the americans were particularly sympathetic, as gen. macarthur and others were quite convinced of the japanese population's inability to shed its feudal tendencies; rather, the americans found an opportunity to build a new liberal, democratic society to their liking. and yes, there was some punitive intent; the united states and allies did just finish fighting an 8-year-long war against an expanding empire. [4, p.30]

opposite the liberal view is the conservative, if not pragmatic, ideal of capitalism: as a bulwark against communism. japan was an industrialized nation with a developed economy, and as far as the looming cold war is involved, the united states wants both a healthy consumer economy and one that is integrated in the new world economy (i.e. one with american interests as stakeholders). [4, p.31-32, 44] if "deconcentration" of capital, as it was called by the occupiers, were to run its course, some americans (and lobbyists linked to japanese industry) feared that japanese society would be thrown into chaos, or worse, the rapprochement with the soviets under a socialist economy. [4, p.22, 32] the victors did initially break up many of the tightly-woven zaibatsu, but the overall health of the economy was eventually prioritized as a bulwark against communism, thus the number of zaibatsu slated for dismantling was reduced, and the main deconcentration proposal (FEC-230) was disavowed. [4, p. 32]

all this debate within the american occupation, plus some interjections from the japanese business community, about the nature of the rebuilding japanese market and economy was held from 1946 to 1948. this culminated in the "reverse course," in which cold war objectives won out in occupation policy, though the free market as a liberalizing principle was not discarded. [4, p.44-46] in the same space, there existed both a punitive drive to disperse the old japanese economic engine and a desire to build a new, genuinely local, consumer society as a protection against communism.

“Nothing will serve better to win the Japanese people over to a peaceful, democratic way of life than the discovery that it brings rewards in the way of better living and increasing economic security.” - col. r.m. cheseldine, u.s. war department [4, p.44]

it is important to distinguish this from the colonialist drive, which is to capture markets and resources for the sole benefit of the homeland.

in the context of soy sauce, the release by ghq/scap of american soybeans to japan was announced in 1948, after the reverse course has taken hold. [6, p.157] in addition, kikkoman was not even a zaibatsu, it was a company with roots in family ownership, vertically-integrated structures, and eventually found to engage in monopolistic practices, but was not of a large enough scale or diversification to qualify. [7, ch.3] the list of zaibatsu is actually quite limited. [wiki] all this meant that the anti-trust case brought against noda shōyu k.k. (kikkoman's predecessor) in 1954 in the tokyo high court is an entirely domestic affair (scap handed over power in 1949 and the position was abolished in 1952). [8, p.53] that said, the 1957 ruling against noda in noda shōyu k.k. v. japan fair trade commission (jftc) was the result of an aberrant and unfavourable reading of the act on prohibition of private monopolization and maintenance of fair trade, article 3; the act was passed in 1947, when scap was in power. [8, p.53] since article 3 is quite short ("an enterprise must not effect private monopolization or unreasonable restraint of trade."), it was open to wide interpretation, leading to the argument by the jftc that price-fixing as a leading player in an industry constituted monopolistic behaviour. [9] in that sense, we can see echoes of the debate around monopolies from the occupation era.

through the lens of ideals, we can see that in the periphery of this story, there is a friction between competing visions of capitalism in practice. in that sense, while it agrees that the usa had some desire to reshape a foreign country to its own ideals, it also shows how @inneskeeper's narrative unduly reduces the american occupation to a singular actor with singular motives, and one that is akin to colonial empires in other parts of history.

research questions:

did american attitudes towards monopolies affect the free distribution of semichemical fermentation methods? [6, p.160]

what direct links can we make between occupation-era attitudes towards monopolization and japanese governance regarding the food industry?

ii - institutions

from the point of view of institutions (i use the term loosely), it's a lot more apparent how the situation has a lot more factors flowing in many directions. i will largely focus on three structures: the japanese food industry, the allied victors, and the japanese civil government.

when discussing the food industry, it's important to note that this is what sustains the inhabitants of a place; while condiments are a trivial part of sustenance, the way it is made and its ebbs and flows and shed a lot of light onto the needs of people. japan, since the early 20th century, had been a country that could not sustain itself off the resources of its home islands. as a colonial empire, it relied on food imports from korea and taiwan, and in the 20s and 30s pursued the low-lying plains of manchuria (northeastern china). this reflects in its soybean consumption as well: japan consumed about 1 million tons of soy each year in the 1930s, and at least two-thirds of it was imported from the colonies or manchukuo (the puppet régime ruling machuria). [10] within what we now call the "home islands" of japan, hokkaido, the one remaining settler-colony of japan to this day, produces the most out of all regions. [11, p.4]

(time for some math: [10] states that about 949 000 tons of soy sauce was consumed in japan per year in the mid-1930s. a quick look at soy sauce recipes reveals that 1kg of soy produces about 4 litres (and assuming about 4kg due to density of water) of sauce. with the 4:1 ratio, we can therefore estimate that about 237 000 tons of soy was used per year to make sauce immediately before the war.)

the end of the japanese empire meant losing direct access to those production areas: manchuria was returned to china, and korea and taiwan were placed under various allied (usa, china, ussr) administrations. with japan needing to supply its troops over an ever-growing front line, caloric intake by the average japanese already dropped well below necessary levels for an adult by 1944. [12] by 1946, the defeated nation was at the brink of starvation. american analysis towards the end of wwii determined that soybean production in the home islands could not rise beyond its pre-war levels without sacrificing other land use. [11, p.5] in order to survive, the soy industry needed to replace about 70% of its sources in short order without encroaching upon other agricultural sectors necessary to sustain life. there was immense pressure.

regarding the allies: the japanese empire was largely carved up by three victors, china, the ussr, and the usa. the ussr, having been the least active in the defeat of japan, with its most important contribution being the verbal threat of invasion, was not actively threatening aside from the spectre of spreading communism (as mentioned in part i). china, on the other hand, regained the lands that produced much of the food japan was consuming. while the republic of china (ruled by the kmt) was still in power, it was able to continue supplying food to neighbouring nations. [14] however, civil war broke out between the kmt government and the communists almost immediately after the end of wwii. [13] 1948 saw active fighting in northern china, thus hampering any exports of food; the kmt régime collapsed and fled to taiwan in 1949, and the communist government stopped all trade with the western bloc at the outbreak of the korean war in 1950. [14] with china being unable to supply japan, there is only one remaining option for food imports: the usa. soybean imports in the usa was generally coordinated by the garioa program and through private trade. american exports of soybean to japan skyrocketed from 6000 tons in 1946 and 34600 tons in 1947 to 119500 tons (about 12% of pre-war consumption) in 1948, 152500 tons in 1949 (almost all imports to japan that year), and 305000 tons in 1950. [15, p.67, 69] japan itself likely produced between 300 000 and 450 000 tons of soybeans each year, which meant that in 1947-48 japan was consuming definitively less than two-thirds of its pre-war consumption. the soy industry as a whole, and certainly the soy sauce industry, was in a desperate state.

unlike the collapsed german and italian régimes, the japanese government retained a functioning structure after the rapid end to hostilities in the pacific theatre. [16, p.194] this meant that instead of being tasked with the groundwork of running a country, the allied powers had an existing civil government to administer directives and policies; the u.s. eighth army served as an enforcement and reporting arm of scap. [16, p.195-197] during the war, from 1939 to 1942, the imperial government instituted various food control laws that collected and distributed food from producers under a quota system. [17, p.221] such quotas, as as well as rationing, persisted in the immediate months after allied victory. however, with the surrender of japan, public confidence in the government plummeted, significantly hampering its ability to administer food. the average caloric value of rations in tokyo could only fulfill about a third of an adult's needs; hungry city-dwellers increasingly opted to buy on the black market (which had poached imperial military stock) or physically go to the countryside to acquire food directly from farmers outside of government rationing. [18, p.30-31; 19, p.835, 843] scap policy directed the japanese government to "reinstate" agricultural quotas, and in 1946, it issued the emergency imperial food ordinance which empowered government expropriation of food for the production quota and enforcement of such policies; the u.s. eighth army participated in enforcing the policy within the civil administration. [17; 18] the yoshida government,the first democratically elected administration in the new state of japan, was keenly aware of the necessity of food in rehabilitating japan, as well as the importance of competing against the black market in order to once again establish the rule of law. [18] as such, the tight government control of domestic food production lasted much longer than in other industries, causing pressure for "non-essential" segments like the seasoning industry.

(as an aside, in line with certain ideas discussed in part i, scap directed land reform which redistributed much of the arable land in japan, increasing productivity of land and eliminating the interest of large landowners thought to be threatening to democracy. [18])

as discussed in my previous post, chemical alternatives to fermented soy sauce have been developed since the early 20th century. [6] during the war, substitute methods (especially amino acid-based ones, e.g. hvp or mixed hvp-honjozo) replaced fermented honjozo* methods as resources became more scarce. [20]

*honjōzō (本醸造) means "genuinely fermented".

in early 1948, it was announced that 20 000 tons of soybean meal would be made available by the eroa fund for the purpose of making seasonings, to be allocated by ms appleton at ghq/scap. [14; 6, p.159] this amount is only about 10% of the soybean consumption of soy sauce manufacturers before the war. on the surface, for an industry marginalized by the need to stave off starvation and maintain social stability, securing the imported soybean meal can be seen as a life-or-death situation. however, given the wartime state of sauce production, the struggle to acquire the soybean meal is more akin to an attempt to return to fully soy-based fermentation methods. the invention of the semichemical #2 method which increased soy usage productivity and secured most of the soybean meal for the soy sauce industry can be seen as a faster intermediate step to return to traditional fermented methods used before the war. it's also important to note that over 80% of soy sauce in japan has returned to traditional honjozo production, and that large companies such as kikkoman and yamasa have attempted to return to honjozo methods as early as the late 1950s. [20]

from this point of view, it does not seem particularly apparent that a single administrator had the power to change an industry, but rather her decisions were the impetus for developments to happen within the domestic industry. ultimately, japan's soy sauce industry was suffering the consequences of its industrialization and the failure of its colonial experiment. in a wider view, we can see this as a detail in the friction between two imperial projects. (consider this: out of the major parties involved, japan, china, usa, ussr, and other minor players in the pacific war, gb, netherlands, france, all of them entered the 20th century with imperial projects.)

research questions:

are there japanese sources that can verify production and imports during the 1940s?

there was a soy sauce control corporation formed by the imperial government in 1942 (全国醤油統制株式会社) that dictated resource allocation and quotas for the soy sauce industry. it seemed to have only been dissolved in 1948. what was its role after the war and what relationship did it have with scap?

iii - interests

as for interests, i will limit its scope to answering "who materially benefits." the groups at play are generally the same as the previous part, so i will be brief in elaboration.

the most obvious interest is that of the japanese public: their main material benefit in the late 1940s is to be nourished enough to stay alive (see part ii). while soy sauce is an important part of japanese cuisine, as a condiment, it is a nutritionally trivial part of its diet. it is then understandable, that japanese society and scap would be willing to temporarily sacrifice an immediate return to traditional production in favour of methods that would leave more food for direct consumption.

the next interest to discuss is that of the soy sauce industry, and its desire to return to honjozo (traditionally fermented) production after a period of scarcity during and after the war. it is important to note that regarding the 20 000 tons of soybean meal to be allocated by scap in 1948, the competitor to the soy sauce industry for those resources is the amino acid industry (msg, etc.). [6, p.159] with soybeans hard to come by, the soy sauce industry would have been under immense pressure to aquire the soybean meal distributed as aid. with kikkoman's development of semichemical #2 method, the scap decisionmakers reconsidered an earlier uneven distribution of soybean meal in favour of the amino acid producers. [6, p.160] what resulted next was talk between representatives of the two competing industries, facilitated by the americans. [6, p.160] it is important that taste trials were conducted, with wide support for the new semi-chemical method by the polled public. [6, p.160] at every step of the decision-making process, japanese interests were consulted by scap.

it is also important to mention the "japan lobby" in washington a set of interest groups and lobbyists representing japanese business as to illustrate the bidirectionality of influence in postwar japan. [21] this group arose from the aftermath of the first zaibatsu dissolutions. some key achievements of their advocacy activities include the disavowal of the fec-230 policy proposal from the allied powers (against gen. macarthur's wishes!), and adding revisions to scap's economic deconcentration program. it is plausible that this lobbying set had influence with scap and washington regarding soy sauce, given the tight-knit nature of the japanese business class. that said, the direct link between the japan lobby and soy sauce, should it exist, necessitates further research.

i think it is necessary to analyze from the lens of interests @inneskeeper's claim of the united states occupation forcibly seizing and making changes to a traditional food industry. it is known that the united states seeks to build a strong consumer economy that is open to american investment and imports of american products. [18, p.40] given that the soybean meal managed by scap in 1948 was aid, it would've been in the american interest to support either industry, since they would both eventually rely on american imports once the period of scarcity ends (china would soon cease ot be a reliable exporter of food). there is nothing related to soy sauce that would've been against american interests, business or political, whereas food scarcity has been a real problem facing the japanese and allied administration. in this case, the chief american interest is to stabilize japan as a society against two perceived social enemies: communism on the left and a renewed militarism borne of resentment on the right. with the task of placating a hungry and defeated populace, producing large amounts of soy sauce that is palatable to the public using minimal aid material would be an interest in and of itself for the americans. i think it could be argued whether comments made by americans about how easily japanese tastes can be swayed are insensitive and out of line, but it is also true that the public had much more pressing needs than condiment purity.

@inneskeeper also mentioned the yakuza in some of their posts as a possible interest group involved. the informal economy grew to encompass all strata near the end of the war and immediately afterwards; most urbanites were forced to use the black market to stave off hunger. [19] the yakuza, mafia-like organizations that would operate somewhat openly in the decades before the war, entered the fray as groups that managed informal vendors. [22, p.632] racketeering became rampant in the years immediately after japanese surrender due to shortages and irregular flows of necessities such as food, but as the economy recovered entering the 1950s, the yakuza moved to more conventional underworld enterprises such as as gambling, prostitution, and nightlife. [22, 23] it also moved towards the underbelly of political life, becoming an actor in anti-left politics. [22] we know that the changes to soy sauce production happened in the small window between the end of the war and the earnest start of economic recovery, so it is possible that parties involved would have to deal with the yakuza as a necessary source of material. however, since their sights are set on the industries traditionally associated with the underworld, it would be a stretch to say that they had any real say in the proceedings of this development beyond being one additional obstacle to the soy sauce industry in acquiring ingredients. that said, using a singular product can be very useful as a window into how the yakuza may have coerced informal food distribution channels.

research questions:

what specific outcomes were agreed upon at the "shoda-ouchi conference" between the soy sauce and amino acid manufacturing industries? [6, p.160]

how did the japan lobby affect or facilitate changes in the soy sauce industry?

how did the yakuza affect the informal food economy?

iv - individuals

one thing that made the original story by @inneskeeper so appealing to the tumblr public is the proposition that a single person may have changed japanese soy sauce forever.

it bears repeating that major industrial changes (and i would challenge the categorization of this soy sauce happening as "major" in comparison to the general state of japan in the 1940s) are often the culmination of many small decisions from a wide set of actors. what is interesting about the idea of a singular "manipulator" is that it mirrors a common trope in american foreign policy: the idea of "our guy" (e.g. "our guy in afghanistan" [24, p.277], "our guy in panama" [25], etc.), that is, a singular handler for american interests in a foreign theatre of operations. in this case, since the country at hand is managed by an american occupation, "our guy" in the japanese soy sauce industry is an american, ms. blanche appleton. while american policy sometimes prefers to use this paradigm, it does not necessarily mean it works, not is the wishful american imagination correct when it comes to situations on the ground (see citations above). this trope may also possibly be borne of the oft-cited concept of "american individualism," a value that is as much a contradiction (how can a single person be free to change the world as they see fit, while also live in a world free from the will of others?) as it is a real part of american culture.

in the faulty narrative of ms. appleton, we also see a similar contradiction: how can a foreign woman who is allegedly willingly unfamiliar (as it turns out, probably not true [6, p.160]) with the native culture be in total control of an entire element of its cuisine? what is the meaning of "total power": did she personally decide taste profile of the condiment to her tastes, coerce various native parties to the will of the americans (what will?), or facilitate the solution to a complex resource distribution problem? in any case (except the fancifully implausible first case), what is the singular role of ms appleton? did power flow from her, or through her? perhaps a more interesting way to look at this problem is to ask what would have happened if someone else were in ms. appleton's place. would their personal influence be significant enough as to change the outcome? if so, what would have been the extent of the changes? (we can maybe look at the facilitation of the "shoda-ouchi conference" as one point. [6, p.160]) conversely, what would have remained the same as the various parties involved influenced the situation?

a more helpful view is to see the balance between the ideas, institutions, and interests behind each decision that would paint a more complete picture of this historical era. perhaps it is not as flashy to break down a chapter in culinary history as the convergence of multiple influences, but it is the one that does history most justice.

discussion questions

this is for the test

how significant was the dearth of food in late 1940s japan to this situation, and what similar adaptations of food cultures occurred in other post-wwii nations?

what factors from imperial japan, whether before the sino-japanese war or during the war, influenced this situation?

is there any part of this development that forshadows the economic rehabilitation and subsequent growth of japan in the latter half of the 20th century? if so, how?

what american attitudes were at play in this situation, and what japanese attitudes (if you're familiar) were involved as well?

what influence did china, as the originator of soy sauce, a major source of food in east asia, and a significant allied power, have on postwar japan and how did it influence the development of the japanese variants of soy sauce?

what was the influence of the japanese public's tastes?

bibliography:

apologies for the weird mix of ieee inline and mla bibliography formats, ieee works best with hypertext but doesnt make much sense for non-stem subjects.

Allinson, G. D. Japan's postwar history, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004. [link]

Moore, R. A., & D. L. Robinson. Partners for Democracy : Crafting the New Japanese State under MacArthur, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2002. [avail. at libraries]

Okazaki, T. “The Japanese Firm Under the Wartime Planned Economy,” in The Japanese Firm: Sources of Competitive Strength, edited by M. Aoki and R. Dore, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1994. [link, requires academic access]

Sugita, Y. Pitfall or panacea : the irony of US power in occupied Japan 1945-1952, New York: Routledge, 2003. [avail. at libraries]

State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee. United States Initial Post-Surrender Policy for Japan (SWNCC150/4), 1945. [link]

Oguri, T. "醤油製造技術の系統化調査 Development of Soy sauce Manufacturing Technologies" in ��立科学博物館技術の系統化調査報告, Tokyo: National Museum of Nature and Science, 2008. [link; translation of excerpts in an earlier post]

Fruin, W. M. The Japanese Enterprise System: Competitive Strategies and Cooperative Structures, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1994. [link]

Haley, J. O. "Marketing and Antitrust in Japan" in Hastings Int'l & Comp.L. Rev. 51 Vol. 2 No. 1, San Francisco: UC Hastings Law, 1979. [link]

Japan, National Diet. Act on Prohibition of Private Monopolization and Maintenance of Fair Trade (Act No. 54 of April 14, 1947), Tokyo: National Diet, 14 Apr. 1947 [link]

Nakamura, H. "The Japanese Soybean Market" in Illinois Agricultural Economics Vol. 1, No. 2, Milwaukee, WI: Agricultural & Applied Economics Association, 1961. [link]

United States of America, Tariff Commission. Japanese trade studies : special industry analysis no. 13, Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1944-45. [link]

United States of America, Strategic Bombing Survey. Summary Report (Pacific War), Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1946. [link]

Crisis, Time, 1944. [link]

Hirano, M. "Using American Soybeans in the Japanese Economy" in The Soybean Digest Vol. 12 Iss. 11, Cleveland, OH: Penton, 1952. [link]

United States of America, Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service. United States Farm Products In Foreign Trade, Statistical Bulletin No. 112, Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1953. [link]

General Staff of Gen. D. MacArthur. Reports of General MacArthur - MacArthur in Japan: The Occupation: Military Phase Volume I Supplement, Washington, DC: Center for Military History, 1966, reprinted 1994. [link]

Smith, H.F. (Chief, Food Branch, Price and Distribution Division, ESS, SCAP) "Food Controls in Occupied Japan" in Agricultural History Vol. 23, No. 3, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1949 [link]

Fuchs, S. J. "Feeding the Japanese: Food policy, land reform, and Japan’s economic recovery" in Democracy in Occupied Japan: The U.S. Occupation and Japanese Politics and Society, edited by M. E. Caprio and Y. Sugita, New York: Routledge, 2007. [link]

Griffiths, O. "Need, Greed, and Protest in Japan's Black Market, 1938-1949" in Journal of Social History Vol. 35, No. 4, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2002. [link]

Oya, Y. "みそ製造業の構造変化とその要因" in 食品経済研究第30号 (Bulletin of the Department of Food Economics, Nihon University), Tokyo: Nihon University, 2002. [link]

Schonberger, H. "The Japan Lobby in American Diplomacy, 1947-1952" in Pacific Historical Review Vol. 46, No. 3, Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 1977. [link]

Siniawer, E. M. "Befitting Bedfellows: Yakuza and the State in Modern Japan" in Journal of Social History Vol. 45, No. 3, The Hidden History of Crime, Corruption, and States, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2012. [link]

Hill, P. B. E. The Japanese Mafia: Yakuza, Law, and the State, Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2003. [link]

Blaxland, J., M. Fielding, and T. Gellerfy, Niche Wars: Australia in Afghanistan and Iraq, 2001–2014, Canberra: ANU Press, 2020. [link]

Kornheiser, T. "Noriega Our Bountiful Nation" The Washington Post, Dec. 22, 1989. [link]

#the mysterious appearance of miss appleton #voice of the canyon

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mariacallous · 2 years ago

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Partway through oral argument before the Supreme Court in Gonzalez v. Google, Justice Elena Kagan took a moment to acknowledge the limitations of her institution’s ability to weigh complex technical questions about internet governance. “We’re a court,” she said. “We really don’t know about these things. You know, these are not, like, the nine greatest experts on the internet.”

Kagan’s quip got a laugh, but her colleagues on the bench—to their collective credit—appeared to take her point seriously. Over the course of two days of marathon arguments in Gonzalez and its companion case, Twitter v. Taamneh, the justices appeared to genuinely grapple with complex questions about the responsibility of social media platforms for their users’ posts. When the Court first announced that it would hear Gonzalez and Taamneh, scholars of internet law and technology policy were anxious that these grants of certiorari suggested a willingness on the Court’s part to potentially upend the legal structure that has undergirded the internet for more than two decades. After this week’s arguments, though, the potential for a ruling that would throw the online world into chaos seems substantially diminished.

The underlying facts of Gonzalez and Taamneh are, for legal purposes, indistinguishable. The plaintiffs, family members of victims killed in ISIS terrorist attacks, sued social media platforms on which ISIS had established a presence—seeking to hold them liable under the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA)’s secondary-liability provisions passed in the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act (JASTA). They argued that the platforms had algorithmically recommended ISIS content and failed to adequately enforce policies against abuse of their platforms by terrorists and thus aided in the group’s recruitment and operations generally. Notably, the plaintiffs did not allege that the platforms were used to conduct the specific attacks in which their loved ones were killed but, rather, that ISIS made use of the platforms in general and the platforms thus aided them generally in conducting attacks.

In both cases, the platforms argued they were immune from liability under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996, which—broadly speaking—shields websites from liability for third-party content posted on their services. But thanks to the procedural posture of Gonzalez and Taamneh in the lower courts, each case presented a different question before the Supreme Court. In Gonzalez, petitioners challenged Google’s invocation of the Section 230 liability shield for algorithmic recommendations generated by YouTube, whereas Taamneh concerned whether petitioners’ claims met the standard for liability under the ATA and JASTA.

Because the cases are so alike, the Court’s decision in each case will likely reverberate to the other. If Section 230 protects Google in Gonzalez, it would likely protect Twitter in Taamneh, too. And if the Taamneh petitioners have failed to state a claim under the ATA and JASTA, then so too have the petitioners in Gonzalez. This entanglement between the two cases was on display during oral arguments in Gonzalez, during which both the justices and counsel for petitioners sometimes blurred the distinction between the legal issues under Section 230 and JASTA.

Section 230’s key provision, (c)(1), which holds that platforms cannot be “treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another” user or entity, has been called the “twenty-six words that created the internet” because of its importance in allowing online businesses and platforms to host third-party content without fear of potentially ruinous litigation. (Section 230 has also been called the “Magna Carta of the Internet” for similar reasons.)

Yet Section 230 has become increasingly controversial in recent years, reflecting exasperation across the American political spectrum with the role of large social media platforms in public discourse. Democrats have complained that sites like YouTube and Twitter aren’t removing enough potentially harmful content; Republicans have complained that these services are taking down too much content. Members of both parties have proposed altering the statute or even doing away with it altogether. Meanwhile, in 2020, Justice Clarence Thomas mused that the Court should “consider whether the text of this increasingly important statute aligns with the current state of immunity enjoyed by Internet platforms.”

Thomas seemingly got his wish when the Court decided to take up Gonzalez. The specific question presented by the case concerned to what extent algorithmic recommendations are protected by Section 230, but Gonzalez presented an opportunity for the Court to reconsider the statute more widely. As a CNN headline put it, the case could potentially reshape the “future of internet speech and social media”: with scaled-back protections under Section 230, platforms could face a radically different set of incentives when it comes to leaving up or taking down material online. Advocates for rethinking Section 230 cheered the Court’s decision to hear the case. Others, meanwhile, worried that a hasty decision by the justices could result in a liability regime that pushed platforms to over-remove material or destroy the usefulness of products that rely on algorithmic ranking systems, like search engines.

Taamneh, meanwhile, received less attention but could prove deadly in other ways for platforms. The platforms surely could have done more to control terrorist content on their sites. To read the failure to be optimally energetic in doing so as creating treble damage liability for aiding and abetting terrorist crimes, however, would create an almost impossible business climate for any company that deals with tens or hundreds of millions of customers around the world on an impersonal, computerized basis.

For those worried about what Gonzalez and Taamneh could portend about the future of the internet, though, this week’s arguments suggest the cases might turn out less dramatic than initially expected. Rather than appearing eager to rethink Section 230, the justices seemed full of uncertainty and caution during oral arguments in Gonzalez—which wasn’t helped by an unfortunately clumsy argument by counsel for petitioners, Eric Schnapper. “I don’t know where you’re drawing the line” between immunized and unimmunized actions or content, Justice Samuel Alito told Schnapper at one point. “That’s a problem.”

All the justices seemed to recognize that there are no easy options for the Court when it comes to interpreting Section 230. None of the nine seems satisfied with the status quo—which, following Zeran v. AOL, the 1997 Fourth Circuit case that first articulated what has become the dominant interpretation of Section 230, makes it almost impossible to hold platforms liable for anything having to do with third-party content. Thus, for example, Justice Sonia Sotomayor pressed Lisa Blatt, who argued for Google, about whether a platform with an expressly racially discriminatory algorithm—for example, a job site that excluded minority candidates from search results—should be immune from suit just because the content that its algorithm served up was created by third parties. Seemingly drawing on an amicus brief filed by the Cyber Civil Rights Initiative, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson suggested courts should place greater weight on Section 230(c)(2)’s language describing platform actions “taken in good faith” to moderate content—an interpretation that would limit the statute’s protections for platforms refusing to behave as responsible stewards.

Yet the justices also seemed uncomfortable with the position put forward by Gonzalez and the government, which also participated in oral arguments. Schnapper and Deputy Solicitor General Malcolm Stewart argued that it would be possible to preserve immunity for hosting third-party content while eliminating immunity for the platform’s recommendations regarding that content. Yet as multiple justices noted, platforms have to use some sort of organizing algorithm in literally everything they do, since they are dealing with staggering amounts of content that need to be organized in one way or another. As Kagan put it, “every time anybody looks at anything on the Internet, there is an algorithm involved.”

In one striking concession, Schnapper appeared to say that platforms could even be held liable for how they chose to prioritize results in search engines—which necessarily rely on algorithmic recommendation by providing results to user queries and ranking them in order of relevance. Whatever their distaste at social media platforms encouraging users to watch ISIS videos, none of the justices seemed eager to open up Google to liability for trying to build the best search engine it can.

Beyond the merits of the case, the justices were also highly attuned to the potentially disruptive effects of a decision that upset the status quo. Kagan raised the specter of the “world of lawsuits” that could result if the justices narrowed Section 230’s protections. Justice Brett Kavanaugh worried that “to pull back now from the interpretation that’s been in place would create a lot of economic dislocation, would really crash the digital economy.” In other words, what if, simply by being 27 years late to the party, the Supreme Court has created such weighty reliance interests that it would be difficult for the Court to reorient the judiciary’s approach to interpreting the statute?

Commenting on oral arguments, Blake Reid of Colorado Law School suggests that reliance on a broad interpretation of Section 230 has allowed courts to accrue years of “interpretive debt”—an absence of case law on key tort-law questions of platform liability, because Section 230 allowed courts to throw out litigation before reaching those questions. Upending Section 230 could cause chaos not only for platforms struggling to figure out what they are and aren’t potentially liable for but also for courts newly struggling to resolve these questions with very little in the way of a road map. Along these lines, Stewart seemed not to reassure the justices but instead to make them even more anxious when he suggested repeatedly that lower courts would be able to work through liability questions by evaluating on a case-by-case basis “the adequacy of the allegations under the underlying law.”

One option, which seemed to appeal to a number of justices, would be to hold back from tinkering with the statute’s interpretation so as to give Congress time to act: “Isn’t that something for Congress to do, not the Court?” Kagan asked after joking about the “nine greatest experts on the internet.” It’s a fair point, but the different factions in Congress critical of Section 230 have shown little ability in recent years to pull together and pass a unified reform. Congress is most likely to act on an issue when powerful interest groups use their political and lobbying capital to put something on the congressional agenda. But the status quo on Section 230 is favorable to big technology companies—so a decision by the Court not to touch the statute might make it easier, not harder, for major platforms to bat away congressional reform efforts. If the Court gutted the statute, though, perhaps tech companies would have more of an incentive to push Congress to make something happen.

The problem, of course, is that there’s no guarantee that Congress will improve on the statute—especially now that Section 230 has become so politicized. There’s also a very real risk that speech on the internet would suffer greatly during the period of chaos after a ruling by the Court along those lines and before Congress steps in. Chief Justice John Roberts seemed conscious of this danger. In response to a suggestion by Schnapper that Congress would have the option to expand Section 230’s protections following a ruling for the petitioners in Gonzalez, Roberts worried, “The amici suggest that if we wait for Congress to make that choice, the Internet will be sunk.”

The Taamneh argument was also a bit of a surprise. Unlike the proper parameters of Section 230, the issue at stake in Taamneh shouldn’t be that hard a question. The statute, after all provides for liability where there is an “injury arising from an act of international terrorism committed, planned, or authorized by” a foreign terrorist group, for “any person who aids and abets, by knowingly providing substantial assistance, or who conspires with the person who committed such an act of international terrorism.” It’s hard as a textual matter to see how Twitter might be found to have provided “substantial assistance” to the people “who committed such an act of international terrorism” that killed the plaintiffs’ family members merely by inadvertently providing service to ISIS members on the same terms it provides the same services to everyone else in the world. Yes, Twitter and YouTube and Facebook are all generically aware that terrorist groups use their platforms—and they all have a variety of policies designed to prevent this. One can criticize their failure to enforce these policies more aggressively, but without an allegation more specifically tying ISIS’s abuse of Twitter to the specific acts of terrorism in question, it’s hard to see how the statute could be reasonably read to extend to Twitter’s conduct.

If Twitter is liable here, it’s hard to see why—for example—a bank that complied fully with all applicable laws but had some generic knowledge that ISIS members were using its services would not also be liable. Ditto phone companies and other communications providers. It simply isn’t reasonable, much less consistent with the text of the law, to construe such activity as providing “substantial assistance” to an entity in connection with its commission of an “act of international terrorism.”

Of particular concern is the potential implications for free speech of creating too strict a secondary liability regime. After all, social media companies are speech platforms. And if the liability regime holds them responsible for misconduct on their systems too readily, the result will be to clamp down on speech that may not be associated with the ill in question. Seth Waxman, arguing for Twitter, acknowledged that a request from law enforcement to take accounts down could make a platform culpable if the site refused to take action and a terrorist attack resulted. Waxman’s argument was that Twitter could be held liable only if a link could be drawn between a government warning and an act of violence—but his point demonstrates that a looser definition of “substantial assistance” would create an incentive for platforms to remove material whenever a government asks.

That should be concerning for anyone who cares about free speech online, especially because major platforms receive plenty of requests from authoritarian or quasi-authoritarian governments to remove material. Waxman used the example of a request from police in Turkey, a country that has increasingly cracked down on the press and on free expression online. Strangely, though, Waxman didn’t point directly to the danger of quashing speech. The fact that the justices were considering the effect of JASTA on platforms whose business is enabling public discourse—rather than, as in a hypothetical that came up repeatedly, a bank—went oddly unmentioned. The omission was particularly striking given how concerned the justices had been the day before about the potential effects of narrowing Section 230 protections on the digital public square.

Yet the justices seemed to treat Taamneh as a close case. Several of them probed both sides carefully about the scope of secondary liability for platforms in the ATA and JASTA cases. And while it still seems unlikely that there are five votes to read this provision so as to cover the current facts, the opinion may not be a slam dunk, either in numerical terms or in substantive terms.

Despite the mess of oral argument and the lack of a clear path forward, the arguments in Gonzalez and Taamneh are cause for celebration in at least one respect. In an age of increasing polarization, the Supreme Court has increasingly been perceived (fairly so) as yet another partisan institution, in which the justices are chosen for their prebacked policy preferences and ideological priors, and where outcomes can be predicted months, if not years, in advance.

But in the arguments for Gonzalez and Taamneh, a very different Court was on display. All nine justices seemed to be grappling with difficult issues of law and policy, in good faith and with open minds. There was no grandstanding or ideological posturing, and it’s impossible to predict what coalitions will emerge when the decisions are written (if they even are). That’s bad if you’re in the prediction business—but good if, even if only on occasion, you like to think that the Supreme Court is a court rather than a partisan super-legislature.

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calumaai · 7 days ago

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Further intervention into Algorithmic Violence

When researching through my cartoid interventions, I found experiential knowledge of algorithms and how they perpetrated violence against queer practitioners and how they censored and showed content to people that it seemed to know would interact negativly with it.

Ethically, this created a huge dilemma for me because I wasn't technically researching that. However, it alighted me on the navigational limitations imposed by users. So I dealt with that in two ways. I wrote a research paper so I could start to share within academic settings some of what was happening to these queer users. And I also went back and held another conversation with Michaela Stark, who had indicated through their first intervention how their images and their practises were constantly in dialogue with the rules and regulations of Instagram and being taken down or either promoted to a far right sides of the internet where they would be negatively received.

I reached out to their again to have a secondary conversation for an hour over zoom to focus in on the details surrounding a specific moment of algorithmic violence. In practise it was closer to the queer practitioner interventions rather than my more recent Cartoids, as there were no drawings created. I asked Micheala to show and tell me about their experience of this abuse. What I think is really interesting is we spoke very specifically about their experience with the Tate and how it seemed that this institutional validation of their work had been part of the cause that had made it go viral on Instagram and to navigate it to new places where it was so badly received.

It was interesting from a practitioner's point of view that Micheala had always been trying to bring in this kind of oppositional side to the work in question specifically. Originally the whole performance at the Tate was their reaction to people saying, Singer Sergeant's work shouldn't be referred to as fashion and shouldn't have been seen as fashion.

They told me that during the performance, they felt suffocated and they was channelling this feeling of an artist that's "suffocated, I was kind of channeling … the feeling… of working as like an artist or fashion designer, and that suffocation that you feel from the industry, from the hate online, there's no way that you can get out” So this really was about the realities of being a practitioner. They also argued with the Tate because the Tate was saying "they felt that if we let illustrators in, then I would be nothing more than a sitter, and the illustrators would be the real artists" Which again, makes clear subtleties around these institutional ideas of ownership, which echos in what we discussed with Instagram and who owns these images, who owns digital space? Is it the audience? Is it the poster who decides?

Micheala speaks to this really beautiful moment where they says, there was one woman that was there saying, “oh my god, I needed to pee the whole time” [but] ‘I saw you in so much pain and I wanted to live that through you’, so I just made myself hold it so I would be in pain” So I think this really frames what this post was about was already about concepts of ownership, concepts of beauty, concepts of art within institutional settings. What makes the this moment of kindness so harrowing is the response the performance got online.

I think it's important to note that Micheala had already censored these photos. They had altered the images so that they could be networked and so they could be networked without censorship, and they has a lot of bad experiences with Instagram taking down their work and the research they speaks of how the de platforming and the censorship is the most painful outcome thing for her. So they automatically preens themself so that that agency is retained.

This post, because it wasnt sensors, was able to be shared widely. So it was shared on the explore function. So Micheala says that it got 136,000 likes, 3.5 million views, and 94% non follower views, which for anyone who works in analytics and that kind of thing is major. And basically they was telling me that “Most of the comments was people getting really upset and riled up about the fact that it was institutional, that it was in the Tate; and them saying ‘This is not art. Like, what the fuck is this’ … People saying art should not be disturbing, or should not make me feel this way, art should be something beautiful and easy to look at” And we talked about their work being importantly confrontational and presenting new forms of beauty. Micheala presents new forms of beauty and questions, they present the very systems that stop other forms of beauty being institutionally recognised.

However, what Micheala said at the end of this, which I just think is really important to have noted here on the blog because it brings out about why I think this is so ethically important to talk about, is because they said to me as part of this, "I feel like my art doesn't belong to me anymore unless I take it completely offline." And what I think we have here is mob mentality and systems of exclusion that basically refuse queer users access to technology and to live their lives authentically online. Now, this is replicated from systems of oppression that we have in the physical world, but I think it's really important that especially when these technologies able to validate new modes of life that are not accessible and oppressed in the physical world, we now have as Freire would say, horizontal violence against practitioners to refuse them life in the digital world as well, and to de platform them and to intimidate them from sharing. that's why I think this research is so important, and I wanted to share that and it will sit in my research paper, but I also wanted to share it and reflect on it here.

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waldokanan · 1 month ago

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How to Prepare for Your Canadian Citizenship Application: A Comprehensive Checklist

Becoming a Canadian citizen is a major milestone for immigrants who have made Canada their home. It marks the culmination of years of hard work, residency, and commitment. However, the process of applying for Canadian citizenship can be detailed and time-consuming. Preparing thoroughly is crucial to ensure your application is processed smoothly without delays. In this comprehensive checklist, we will walk you through everything you need to gather, check, and submit for a successful Canadian citizenship application.

1. Ensure You Meet the Eligibility Requirements

Before diving into the application, it’s important to confirm that you meet the basic eligibility requirements set by the Canadian government. These include:

Permanent Resident Status: You must hold valid permanent resident (PR) status in Canada, and your PR card should not be under review for immigration fraud.

Residency Requirement: You need to have physically resided in Canada for at least 1,095 days (three years) out of the past five years before applying.

Language Skills: If you are between the ages of 18 and 54, you must demonstrate proficiency in English or French, Canada’s two official languages.

Taxes: Ensure you have filed taxes for at least three of the past five years, meeting the tax filing requirements based on your situation.

2. Gather Necessary Documents

Your application won’t be complete without the right documents. Here’s a list of the essential paperwork to prepare:

Proof of Permanent Resident Status: This could include your PR card, Confirmation of Permanent Residence (COPR), or Record of Landing.

Proof of Language Proficiency: You’ll need to submit proof of your language skills. Acceptable documents include results from an approved language test, a diploma from a Canadian secondary or post-secondary institution, or a transcript indicating completion of a language course.

Identification Documents: These could include your passport, travel documents, or government-issued IDs from your home country. Make sure to include copies of all relevant pages that show your entries into and exits from Canada.

Tax Documents: Provide notices of assessment from the Canada Revenue Agency (CRA) for the years that prove your residency (three out of five years).

Police Certificates (if applicable): If required, you may need to submit police certificates for any country where you lived for more than 183 days after turning 18.

3. Pass the Citizenship Test

Most applicants between the ages of 18 and 54 must take a citizenship test. This test covers Canadian history, geography, government, laws, and the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. To prepare:

Study: Review the official study guide provided by Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship Canada (IRCC), "Discover Canada: The Rights and Responsibilities of Citizenship."

Practice: There are numerous online practice tests available that mimic the format and content of the real citizenship test.

Know the Test Format: The test is usually multiple-choice and true/false questions, and it is offered in either English or French. It can be taken either in writing or online.

4. Prepare for the Citizenship Interview

After your test, you may be invited to an interview with a citizenship official. This interview is to verify your documents and assess your language proficiency and understanding of Canada’s values. To prepare for this:

Be Ready to Answer Questions: You may be asked about your application, your knowledge of Canada, and your reasons for wanting to become a citizen.

Bring Supporting Documents: Ensure that you have your identification and any requested documents with you at the interview.

Practice Speaking English or French: If you need to prove your language skills, be ready to converse in one of the official languages.

5. Pay the Application Fees

The Canadian citizenship application process requires payment of fees. As of 2024, the fee for adults is CA$630, which includes CA$530 for the processing fee and CA$100 for the Right of Citizenship fee. There are reduced fees for minors under 18 years of age. Be sure to pay your fees online using a valid credit card or debit card, and include a copy of the receipt in your application.

6. Complete the Application Form

The main form for the citizenship application is Form CIT 0002, the Application for Canadian Citizenship. When filling out the form:

Be Accurate: Provide detailed and accurate information. Any errors or missing information can delay your application.

Double-Check for Completeness: Ensure all sections are filled in, signatures are included, and all required documents are attached.

Use an Updated Form: Make sure you are using the most recent version of the form, which can be downloaded from the IRCC website.

7. Submit Your Application

Once your application is complete, submit it by mail to the address provided on the IRCC website. Keep a copy of your entire application package for your records, and consider using a courier service or registered mail to track the delivery.

8. Prepare for the Citizenship Ceremony

Once your application is approved, the final step is attending a citizenship ceremony, where you will take the Oath of Citizenship. This ceremony is a formal event where you’ll officially become a Canadian citizen. Be prepared to:

Take the Oath: Recite the Oath of Citizenship, pledging your allegiance to Canada and promising to uphold its laws and freedoms.

Receive Your Citizenship Certificate: After taking the oath, you will receive your certificate, which proves your status as a Canadian citizen. Click here

Conclusion

Applying for Canadian citizenship is a significant process that requires careful preparation and attention to detail. By following this comprehensive checklist, you can ensure your application is complete and reduce the chances of unnecessary delays. From meeting the eligibility criteria to preparing for the test and interview, taking the time to gather the necessary documents and information is key to a successful application. Remember, citizenship isn’t just a status; it’s a commitment to Canada and an exciting new chapter in your life.

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japzz · 2 months ago

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What is the difference between post diplomas in industrial safety?

The term "Post Diploma in Industrial Safety" generally refers to specialized courses that focus on industrial safety practices. However, depending on the institution or context, the structure and focus of such programs might differ slightly. Here’s a breakdown of what the term typically involves and some differences you might encounter:

1. Level of Qualification:

Diploma: Usually refers to a pre-undergraduate level qualification and typically requires a secondary school qualification (high school or equivalent). A diploma course provides foundational knowledge and practical skills in industrial safety.

Post Diploma: A post-diploma qualification is pursued after obtaining a diploma, and it's considered an advanced-level course. This provides more in-depth, technical knowledge and sometimes even managerial skills related to safety practices in industries.

2. Prerequisites:

Diploma in Industrial Safety: Open to students who have completed secondary education (12th grade or equivalent), and sometimes those with a diploma in a related technical field. This is suitable for beginners or those entering the safety field.

Post Diploma in Industrial Safety: Requires a prior diploma or degree in engineering, science, or a related technical field, or prior work experience in industrial safety or a related area. This is designed for individuals with some background in safety, engineering, or technology.

3. Depth of Curriculum:

Diploma in Industrial Safety: The course content is often focused on basic industrial safety regulations, safety management systems, and hazard identification. It may include:

Basic safety regulations

Fire safety

Workplace safety protocols

First aid and emergency response

Post Diploma in Industrial Safety: This is more advanced, diving deeper into areas like risk management, safety audits, advanced hazard control, and safety legislation. Topics may include:

Advanced risk assessment and mitigation techniques

Occupational health management

Industrial safety laws and standards

Safety audit procedures

Advanced fire safety engineering

4. Career Opportunities:

Diploma in Industrial Safety: Graduates may be eligible for entry-level roles in industrial safety, such as safety officers, fire safety inspectors, or safety technicians. These roles are often operational or technical.

Post Diploma in Industrial Safety: This opens the door to higher-level roles like safety managers, safety auditors, or safety consultants. Those who hold post-diploma qualifications may also be eligible for management or supervisory positions in safety departments.

5. Duration of Study:

Diploma in Industrial Safety: Typically takes around 6 months to 1 year to complete, depending on the institution and mode of study (full-time or part-time).

Post Diploma in Industrial Safety: The course duration is often 1 year or more, depending on the depth of the course and institution requirements. This could also include practical assignments or project work.

6. Industry Recognition and Scope:

Diploma in Industrial Safety: Recognized as a basic qualification, this is suitable for those starting their career or for industries that require safety compliance but do not involve high-risk processes.

Post Diploma in Industrial Safety: More widely recognized in industries with stringent safety requirements like oil and gas, chemicals, manufacturing, and heavy engineering. This can enhance your qualifications for roles requiring specialized knowledge in safety compliance and risk management.

7. Focus Areas:

Diploma in Industrial Safety: Emphasizes general workplace safety practices, hazard control, and compliance with local safety regulations.

Post Diploma in Industrial Safety: Goes beyond the basics, with a stronger focus on strategic safety management, legal frameworks, and integrating safety into broader organizational goals.

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sahraeyll · 4 months ago

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Open Your Future: Discover Lucrative Medical Billing and Coding Specialist Jobs Today!

Unlock Your Future: Discover Lucrative‌ Medical Billing and Coding Specialist Jobs Today!

Are you looking‌ for a rewarding career in the healthcare industry that offers stability, competitive salaries, and plenty of‌ opportunities for growth? If so, a career as a medical ‌billing and coding specialist may be the perfect fit for you. With the ever-increasing demand for healthcare services, medical⁤ billing and coding specialists play a crucial role in ensuring ⁣that healthcare providers receive proper⁣ payment for their services. ‌In this article, we will‌ explore what it takes to become a⁤ medical⁢ billing and coding specialist, the benefits of pursuing this career path, and practical tips for landing your dream⁣ job in this field.

What is Medical Billing and Coding?

Medical ‍billing and coding is the process of translating healthcare services into alphanumeric‍ codes that are used for billing and insurance purposes. ⁣Medical billing specialists are responsible for submitting claims to insurance ‌companies, while medical coding specialists assign the appropriate codes to each service provided by healthcare professionals. Both roles are essential for healthcare providers to⁤ receive timely and accurate reimbursement for their services.

How to Become a Medical Billing⁤ and Coding Specialist

To become a medical billing and ‍coding specialist, you will need to complete ⁤a post-secondary training program in medical billing and coding. These programs typically last between six months to two years and can be completed at community colleges, vocational schools, or online institutions. Upon completion of your training program,‌ you may choose to become certified through organizations such as the American Academy of Professional Coders (AAPC) or‍ the ⁢American Health Information Management Association (AHIMA) ‌to enhance your job prospects.

In addition to formal training, medical billing and coding specialists should possess strong attention to detail, analytical skills, and a solid understanding of medical terminology and‍ coding guidelines. Excellent communication and organizational‍ skills are also crucial in this field, as medical billing and coding specialists often ⁣interact with healthcare providers, ⁣insurance companies, and patients on a daily basis.

Benefits of Pursuing a Career in Medical Billing and Coding

There are numerous benefits‍ to pursuing a career as a medical billing and coding specialist, including:

1.⁣ Job ��Security: The healthcare industry is expected to continue growing, providing a steady demand for medical billing and coding specialists. 2. Competitive Salaries: According to the Bureau of Labor ⁢Statistics, the median annual wage for medical ⁣records and health information technicians was $42,630 in⁢ May 2020. 3. Flexibility: Medical billing⁢ and coding specialists have the option to work‍ in a ‍variety of healthcare settings,‌ including hospitals, physician offices, and insurance companies. 4. Career Advancement:‍ With experience and additional certifications, medical billing and coding specialists can advance‌ to supervisory or management roles within the field.

Practical Tips for Landing Your Dream Job in Medical Billing and Coding

1. Obtain Relevant Certifications: While certification is not always required, holding a certification from AAPC or AHIMA can make ‌you a more attractive candidate to potential employers. 2. Gain Hands-On Experience: Consider completing an internship ‍or externship in a healthcare setting to gain practical experience ‍in medical billing and coding. 3. Network: Attend industry events, join professional⁣ organizations, and connect with other⁢ medical billing and ⁤coding specialists‍ to expand your professional network. 4. Customize‍ Your Resume: Tailor your resume to⁤ highlight your relevant skills, experience, and certifications in medical billing and coding. 5. Prepare‍ for Interviews: Practice common interview‌ questions and be prepared to discuss your ‍knowledge of medical billing and coding practices.

Unlock Your Future Today!

a career as a medical billing and coding specialist‌ offers a stable and rewarding path in the healthcare industry. By completing the necessary training, obtaining relevant certifications, and honing your skills, you can position yourself for success in this growing field. Whether you are a‍ recent graduate looking to start your career or a seasoned professional seeking a new ⁣challenge, medical billing and coding‍ specialist jobs offer a wealth of opportunities for growth and advancement. Take the first step towards‍ unlocking your future today and embark on a fulfilling career in medical billing and coding.

youtube

https://medicalbillingcertificationprograms.org/open-your-future-discover-lucrative-medical-billing-and-coding-specialist-jobs-today/

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janavimishra09 · 7 months ago

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Title: "Mind Matters: The Critical Importance of Mental Health Awareness on College Campuses"

College is a time of exploring, developing and knowing oneself. Yet, even as students take part in new experiences with great vigor as they pursue knowledge in academic fields, it is important that they bear in mind an important component of their health – mental well-being. Occurrence rate when sorted from least frequent would be top order mental related problems that affect students can only be addressed through increase knowledge creation programs whereby various resources including counseling services must be availed on university grounds globally. In the blog, we explore why awareness about mental health at college is important and how it deeply affects the outcomes of students by providing an introduction to its essence in relation to their success at school, adaptability, and general life satisfaction.

The Mental Health Crisis on College Campuses:

Statistics present a picture of the serious mental health difficulties that many college students are grappling with these days, with studies indicating a surge in anxiety, depression, and stress-related disorders among those of college age who feel overburdened by academic and personal responsibilities. The combination of transitioning to college life, increased academic demands, financial stressors, and social pressures can worsen mental health issues hence creating a combination of challenges that students have to undergo

Breaking the Silence:

Mental health problem is very wide spread, however it is difficult for students to ask for help or talk openly about their difficulties due to stigma and shame surrounding its discussions, even though mental well-being is still on high priority. This kind of stigma can be as a result of false belief such as viewing people who go for mental health counseling as failures or weaklings. Therefore, a change in culture characterized by openness, empathy and support is long overdue within universities where silence has always ruled the day.

Promoting Mental Health Awareness:

Creating knowledge on mental health is the initial stage in enhancing a university community that supports and incorporates everyone. By educating‚ organizing campus-wide events and providing support facilities colleges and universities have a big part to play in promoting a culture of enlightenment about mental illness. According to this quote from the article, workshops where students are taught how to manage stress and practice self-care still hold with them seminars as well as group counselling programs could give room for that encouragement needed in order for these learners to always place themselves first and prioritize students well being

Building Resilience and Coping Skills:

In addition to raising awareness, we must also be sure that students are given practical strategies to build resilience and handle stress. Students can be empowered when they acquire techniques such as mindfulness, problem solving skills or emotion regulation for building resilience The integration of these divisions is an essential element in the ongoing efforts aimed at creating resiliency by the community of post-secondary educational institutions; this would provide them with coping mechanisms for thriving both in higher education (during times when they might encounter frequent failures) and beyond.

Creating a Supportive Campus Environment:

It is imperative that universities are able to create a helpful campus atmosphere, where pupils feel secure, highly regarded, and listened to, in order to improve mental health and wellness. It therefore means that one has to nurture belongingness, advocate for diversity and inclusion as well as ensure that there is full access to mental health services. Better utilization of student support facilities will allow schools make such culture within college that makes mental wellness the topmost priority while at the same time providing each learner with equal chances for achievement.

In Conclusion:

In order to understand how essential it is to promote awareness about mental health among students studying science-related courses over different higher learning institutions. It is therefore important that faculties encourage conversations surrounding matters affecting mental health; establish counselling centers where victims embrace their conditions as well as encourage students with psychological problems seek medical help early enough before things get out of hand (PainMedicine). This way if emphasised properly by institutions, they are likely find solutions for their problems together through experts who they will talk personally about them receiving some advice (Cook).

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pmpprep · 10 months ago

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Charting Your Career Path: CBAP vs. PMP Certification Demystified

In today's competitive job market, professional certifications hold vital importance, providing individuals with a competitive edge and opening doors to lucrative career opportunities. Among the myriad of certifications available, the Project Management Professional (PMP) certification stands out as a recognition of excellence in the field of project management. Combined with Business Analysis (BA) training, individuals can further enhance their skill set, making them invaluable assets to organizations in a variety of industries.

Understanding PMP Certification What is PMP certification? The PMP certification, offered by the Project Management Institute (PMI), is a globally recognized credential that validates an individual's proficiency in project management. It demonstrates proficiency in project management processes, best practices, and methodology.

Benefits of PMP Certification Earning PMP certification offers many benefits, including increased job opportunities, higher earning potential, and increased credibility in the eyes of employers and clients. It also provides individuals access to a vast network of professionals and resources within the project management community.

Requirements for PMP Certification To qualify for PMP certification, candidates must meet certain prerequisites, including at least 35 hours of project management education and either a post-secondary degree (high school diploma, Associate degree, or global equivalent). Four-year degree with 4,500 hours of leading and directing projects.

Importance of Business Analysis (BA) Training Role of Business Analysts Business analysts play a vital role in bridging the gap between business objectives and IT solutions. They are responsible for identifying business needs, gathering requirements, and facilitating communication between stakeholders to ensure successful project outcomes.

Skills acquired through BA training BA training equips individuals with a diverse skill set, including critical thinking, problem-solving, communication and stakeholder management skills. It also introduces them to various tools and techniques used in requirements elicitation, analysis and documentation.

How BA Training Complements PMP Certification While PMP certification focuses primarily on project management processes and methodology, BA training enhances individuals' ability to effectively understand and address business needs. By combining PMP Prep and BA training, professionals can develop a holistic approach to project management encompassing both technical and business aspects.

PMP Preparation and BA Training Program Overview of PMP Preparation Courses The PMP Preparation course is designed to help individuals prepare for the PMP certification exam by covering the key concepts, processes, and knowledge areas outlined in the PMBOK (Project Management Body of Knowledge) guide. These courses typically include extensive study material, practice exams, and interactive sessions led by experienced instructors.

Types of BA Training Programs Available BA training programs vary in scope and delivery methods, ranging from classroom-based courses to online workshops and self-paced study modules. They can focus on specific domains such as requirements analysis, process modeling, or agile methodology, meeting the diverse needs of aspiring business analysts.

Recognized Institutes Providing Combined PMP Preparation and BA Training Many accredited institutions offer integrated PMP preparation and BA training programs, allowing individuals to gain expertise in both project management and business analysis simultaneously. These programs are designed to provide participants with comprehensive preparation for certification examinations while equipping participants with practical skills applicable to real-world scenarios.

Choosing the Right Program Factors to Consider When Selecting a Program When choosing a PMP preparation and BA training program, individuals should consider factors such as accreditation, instructor expertise, course curriculum, and scheduling flexibility. Assessing the alignment of the program with individual career goals and learning preferences is essential to ensuring a rewarding educational experience.

Reviews and testimonials from past participants Reading reviews and testimonials from past participants can provide valuable information about the quality and effectiveness of the PMP preparation and BA training program. Positive feedback and success stories indicate a program's ability to deliver tangible results and prepare individuals for certification success.

Comparing course content and duration Before enrolling in a programme, it is advisable to compare the course content, duration and delivery format of the different options available. Some programs provide additional resources such as exam simulators, study aids, or online.

Success Stories and Testimonials Real life examples of individuals who have benefited from PMP preparation and BA training Countless professionals have transformed their careers through PMP preparation and BA training, and have achieved personal and professional achievements along the way. From securing coveted positions in top-tier organizations to leading successful projects with confidence, the impact of certification and training is undeniable.

What impact did the training have on his career? By obtaining PMP certification and BA training, individuals open up new opportunities for career development and advancement. He has demonstrated his expertise in project management and business analysis and has earned recognition from peers and employers alike. With advanced skills and credentials, they have established themselves as leaders in their respective fields, leading to innovation and success in their organizations.

Tips for Success in PMP Preparation and BA Training setting realistic goals Setting clear, achievable goals is essential to success in PMP preparation and BA training. Whether the goal is to pass a certification exam on the first attempt or acquire new skills to excel in a current role, having a roadmap can help individuals stay focused and motivated throughout their training journey.

effective study techniques It is important to find the right study techniques that work for individual learning styles for maximum retention and understanding of course material. This may include active learning strategies such as taking notes, practicing with sample questions, or participating in study groups to reinforce key concepts.

time management strategies Balancing work, study and personal commitments can be challenging, but effective time management strategies can help individuals make the most of their available time. Prioritizing tasks, breaking study sessions into manageable chunks, and maintaining a consistent study schedule can ensure steady progress toward certification goals.

conclusion Ultimately, PMP Prep and BA training provide valuable opportunities for individuals wishing to advance their careers in project management and business analysis. By obtaining PMP certification and gaining the necessary skills through BA training, professionals can enhance their marketability, expand their job prospects, and contribute meaningfully to organizational success. With dedication, persistence, and the right resources, anyone can embark on a rewarding journey toward professional growth and achievement.

questions to askWhat is the difference between PMP certification and BA training?The PMP certification focuses on project management processes and methodology, while the BA emphasizes business analysis skills such as training requirements and stakeholder management.

Can I get PMP certification without prior experience in project management?While prior experience in project management is not mandatory, PMI requires candidates to complete a certain number of hours leading and directing projects to qualify for PMP certification.

How much time does it take to prepare for PMP and complete BA training?The duration of PMP preparation and BA training programs varies depending on the institution and delivery format. Typically, these programs last from several weeks to several months.

Are online courses as effective as in-person training programs?Online courses can be just as effective as in-person training programs, provided they offer interactive components, comprehensive study materials, and support from experienced instructors. Will PMP preparation and BA training guarantee career advancement?While PMP certification and BA training can enhance career prospects, success ultimately depends on individual effort, skills, and opportunities available in the job market.

#PMP Prep #Ba Training

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honysoytquimalpence · 10 months ago

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post-genre music classification

(from 2020)

At [REDACTED] Institute of [REDACTED], a friend and I made several lackluster, temporally-separated attempts at placing music into bins other than those meant to hold vinyl records, cassettes, & compact discs — pop, rock, indie (one of the least-helpful classifications of them all), jazz, and so on.

For two kids looking to walk into a thrift store and pick up a music object (CD, cassette, vinyl) with decently attractive artwork (just like us, HA!), the descriptions offered to us by Wikipedia or some other generic website never proved all that accurate.

“Experimental” can mean so many things, only half of which I’m into. “Jazz” can make me rip my ears straight off, or it can ease my riddled mind like nothing else can.

We initially began classifying music based on the four temperaments — sanguine, choleric, melancholic, phlegmatic. This is what you would have done too if you, like us, had been taking far too many courses in the humanities. If you also had a professor that read 1000 pages of Latin a day or whatever the hell that factoid was. I believe she also could manage her way through the Greek language as well when necessary, if I recall.

Though this was probably / definitely too abstract and too limiting (only FOUR options for any given song), we ended up with a system based on four colors that, though equally abstract, could evolve over time into whatever we needed it to.

So, armed with RED, GREEN, BLUE, & YELLOW, we started classifying music completely un-objectively over the course of however many years we had left at that world-renowned university I was essentially failing. If there was one thing I was going to do besides (maybe) get a degree, it was going to be related to classifying music based on completely subjective responses to color. Neither of us is synesthetic, by the way.

A person I barely knew with the name [REDACTED] was synesthetic, but he wasn’t in on this sneaky, little, dumb pastime. He could play a mean Pink Floyd cover at open mic night with his superpower. But who likes Pink Floyd anyway? (One day I’ll get around to listening to one of their songs other than the “money” and “education” ones. Maybe those are the same song. I don’t care.)

At some point we began giving each song two colors, one primary color and a secondary one that described the song to a lesser extent. Now, we had 12 different labels for songs. (I decided to leave out yellow-yellow, blue-blue, red-red, & green-green.) And we could extend this classification to albums too, I guess, though I’m not too sure we ever did that.

What did each color mean? Well, to me, it goes something like this (as of now — I’m sure it began differently):

RED — these songs carry “intense” energy: chaotic, diverse (variety within the length of a song), harsh or non-standard instruments / noises, tiresome (after extended listening).

BLUE — these songs passively fit into the background with you when you, yourself, are in the background: (often) slower & more melancholic, fitting with the common connotation of “blue.”

YELLOW — these songs are social butterflies, which means they can either brighten a mood or annoy you if you’re not ready for them, I guess?: “poppy” or bright, usually pretty happy-sounding and energetic.

GREEN — these songs cause you to get lost in repetition & familiarity and to lose sense of time: go listen to NEU! and you’ll know instantly what I mean by green. Молчат Дома is also fairly green to me.

Let it be noted that different people (from different cultures & backgrounds) will hear things differently, so what sounds “poppy” to me could be melancholic to someone else. Someday, I’ll procure some increasingly objective words for each color — words that transcend culture & time (if that is at all possible).

Also, with two colors per song, you’ll never have only a single color for a song, which can make it trickier to sort out which colors describe which aspects of the song.

Also also, I believe there’s a significant “what is my current state of mind?” factor that contributes to determining which songs please my mind. Am I happy and ready to go for a run? Maybe yellow-dominant music will sound good. Tired after a long day of creating a bunch of dumb, pseudo-creative artworks? Time to blue it up, baby! Yellow music, in this state of mind, could irk me.

Where are we both now with post-genre music classification? We’re both still (passively) pondering potential alternative solutions in our free time. And I’m still randomly guessing which colors songs are… whenever I think to do so. I think my own personal Color Classification System is pretty accurate (for me), at this point. I’m consistent with my guesses, I mean to say.

We’ll see where this all leads to. If you have any other post-genre music classification ideas, feel free to shoot ’em my way.

All right, that’s enough for now.

Till next time, vi ses, hejdå, tack för att du läste detta.

#music genres #writing #article #blog #2020

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almostfancywombat · 1 year ago

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"Many works of literature feature characters who accept or reject a hierarchical structure. This hierarchy may be social, economic, political, or familial, or it may apply to some other kind of structure. Analyze how that character’s response to the hierarchy contributes to an interpretation of the work as a whole. Do not merely summarize the plot." - AP English Lit prompt

Set in a fictional town in the deeply religious American South, Flannery O'Connor’s Wise Blood follows the life of Hazel Motes, a preacher-like figure who attempts to shed his long-instilled obsessions with Jesus and Christian redemption. As a child, Hazel was certain he was destined to become a minister like his grandfather. However, this certainty fades when he is drafted by the army and sent overseas, a period where Hazel studies his soul and assures himself “that it was not there.” Although he believes this to be a grand awakening, this concept only serves to further embed him in a world he wishes to suspend. His savior complex is introduced when Asa Hawks, a blind street preacher, displays signs of discontent with the status quo of religion. Hazel is then led to founding the Church of Christ Without Christ, an institution that preaches an antireligion, the pursuit of sins and nihilism.

Throughout the novel, Hazel is routinely mistaken for a preacher. His denial of religious affiliation is received with disbelief, and his anger at these misunderstandings suggest he is fleeing a spiritual calling that is visible to those around him, but which he refuses to recognize despite the ever-developing connection he wishes to sever. O’Connor fills Hazel’s landscape with evangelizing signs promoting Christianity and religious symbols, from hand-painted rocks to the imagery of the Madonna and Child formed by Sabbath Hawks cradling the small corpse Enoch, foil and parallel to Hazel, steals from a museum.

A deliberate stylistic choice is the lack of capitalization when referencing the Church’s deity’s title “new jesus,” in lowercase. This alludes to a troubling experience and displays Hazel's desire to create distance from a suppressive system that values certain types of people over others. This concept is central to his ideology and principles, as he believes no human, regardless of their respective backgrounds, is perfect.

The secondary themes are viewed through the lens of a post-WWII society, which O’Connor utilizes to showcase overt racism or misogyny. The few female and African-American characters that appear in the novel are in service roles; the many waitresses and the porter on the train are presented as fierce figures steeled against hardships while the white police force is painted as grotesque, insensitive, and cruel.

In the climax, Hazel murders his self-imposed imposter by mowing him down with his car. Beyond the figurative death of the semi-sane man he was prior the church’s creation, the car symbolizes Hazel’s sense of free will and comfort, as it is a place of solace when he becomes overwhelmed by the erratic psyches of his company, though he continues to willingly subjugate himself to their antics. This may be viewed as a continuation of his self-harming tendencies, and the church itself establishes a place in which he holds the power to deliver himself and others from the world’s monotonous troubles. And although he rejects the conventional, Hazel’s obsession with salvation sees an ultimate return to standard religion, and in accordance with the morals of his childhood, blinds himself in atonement for his hubris. In his attempts to thwart faith, Hazel ultimately discards himself to it.

Although religion and literature appear to belong to two separate fields, they are so intertwined that they can be considered two organs of the same body. In the context of Wise Blood, it can be appropriately assumed the great thematic qualities of sin, its origins, penalties, and deliverance, contribute to the hierarchy of religion and its pitfalls, establishing the foundation which Hazel Motes experiences a morally antagonistic call to action and his subsequent refusal. Organized religion is inherently oppressive and exclusionist, and in this ludicrous tragic hero, the principles of divine force and hierarchy are challenged.

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latestindustryreports · 1 year ago

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Compounding Pharmacies Market by Manufacturers, Regions, Type And Application, Forecast To 2028

The novel offering by The Insight Partners on- “ Compounding Pharmacies Market Analysis| 2028” unfolds different prospects of the market. This market study provides an overview of the industry and later dives into details such as market size, shares, CAGR estimates, and revenue forecasts. The research is capable of providing a thorough understanding of key drivers and challenges ahead of manufacturers. Alongside, this further sheds light on some key trends Compounding Pharmacies manufacturers can leverage for a competitive edge in the industry.

The report offers a thorough account concerning future progressions drawn from the past information and current conditions of the market. It gives a comprehensive perspective on the worldwide Compounding Pharmacies market to settle on smart choices concerning future changes. This report is the outcome of detailed scrutiny of industry changes, inputs from key participants, and verified statistics representing actionable insights.

Central participants contend in the Worldwide market are - Fagron, Inc., Elixir Compounding Pharmacy, Avella specialty pharmacy, B. Braun Melsungen AG, PharMEDium Healthcare Holdings, Inc., Fresenius Kabi AG, Belle Sant? Diagnostic & Therapeutic Institute Pvt. Ltd, Triangle Compounding Pharmacy, Vertisis Custom Pharmacy, US Compounding Inc..

Our Research Methods:

This syndicated research is crafted using Primary Research, Secondary Research, Company Share Analysis, and Model (including Demographic information, Macro-financial pointers, graphical information, and Industry markers: Expenditure, framework, area development, and offices).

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Shares of key market players are taken into consideration while projecting overall industry growth. Just as an investigation of the incomes of organizations for the last three to five years additionally gives the base for determining the market size (2028) and its development rate. This Compounding Pharmacies Market Report covers worldwide, provincial, and nation-level market size, pieces of the overall industry

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A brief account of COVID-19 impact analysis is a unique feature of this research. This section exclusively takes you through supply chain dynamics, distribution strategies, and a range of business responses. This study goes the extra mile to add projections on the post-pandemic recovery of the Compounding Pharmacies market. Estimates are recorded in association with the cusp of transformation the industry has undergone during the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Based on Product of Compounding Pharmacies Market Research report:

Oral Medications

Topical Medications

Suppositories

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Pain Medications

Hormone Replacement Therapies

Dermatological Applications

Based on Regions:

North America (U.S., Canada, Mexico)

Europe (U.K., France, Germany, Spain, Italy, Central & Eastern Europe, CIS)

Asia Pacific (China, Japan, South Korea, ASEAN, India, Rest of Asia Pacific)

Latin America (Brazil, Rest of Latin America)

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Rest of the World…

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Syndicate Market Research Methodology

#pharmacy #business #b2b lead generation #b2b

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gravitascivics · 1 year ago

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“TEACHER” AS A COMMONPLACE, IV

This blog is currently describing how apt teachers are to incorporate the tenets of a liberated federalism model in the teaching of civics at the secondary level. This blog in past postings reviewed the makeup of another version of federalism, that being parochial/traditional federalism.

As compared to that earlier version, liberated federalism, while based on federalist ideas and ideals, one, sheds parochial federalism’s parochialism, two, adopts, to a guarded level, natural rights views that accept a more pluralistic populus with its varied cultural perspectives and, three, approaches civics from a more contemporary perspective. This is not to say it would neglect the federalist foundations of the nation, but in the bulk of its inspired materials, it would emphasize current political conditions.

The judgment of this account is that the proposed liberated construct offers an approach that can be seen as being more congruent with teachers’ stated orientation of social studies. That is, social studies subject matter is responsible, along with the efforts of parents and other institutions, to socialize the nation’s youth concerning citizenship attributes[1] including those that promote mutual responsibilities. That includes the transmission of a political culture more in tune with federalist principles.[2]

Other points that might appeal to teachers would include the fact that research shows teachers are significantly more likely than the general population to become involved in political activity.[3] They are also noticeably more religious than the general population which might indicate a leaning toward moral concerns. Adding to that, they tend to hold onto social capital values that promote non-economic goals and aims to further the health of society.[4]

This account judges that the teacher corps would potentially be receptive to materials that emphasize political interaction and moral behavior that would advance the commonwealth. And further, such concerns transcend both the public and the private sectors, both what government is about and what one’s next-door neighbor is about if what he or she is doing hurts or helps the common condition, short of being a busybody.

The last point to be made about teachers in relation to their receptiveness to the liberated federalism perspective is that, given the proclivity of most teachers, a textbook based approach with a federalist view, or at least conducive to a federalist view would be essential. This textbook reliance is not considered as being helpful, but it is what it is.

Timothy Scott, et al., write of this reliance. After listing some significant shortfalls with American education, they observe:

Policymakers, believing achievement gaps result from teaching performance, have argued for additional academic controls that promote rigorous standardized instruction to reduce existing achievement gaps. However, a state-mandated textbook-driven curriculum that prioritizes test-taking strategies will only exasperate previous educational deficiencies. As numerous schools face significant financial constraints, technological and resource investment is severally limited, and teacher professional development is marginalized. Without appropriate tools or skills to adapt curriculum, classes devolve into simple rote-learning of textbook content lacking any semblance of differentiated instruction. Students in impoverished communities [for example] disassociate with taught content as textbooks lack a multicultural presentation; thus [sic] they perceive school environments as unwelcoming and hostile towards their lived-experiences [sic]. Performance-based funding through high-stakes accountability further … [incentivizes] underfunded schools to abandon student-centric learning designs and prioritize a textbook dependent ‘one-size-fits-few’ strategy to avoid sanctions to meet state benchmarks.[5]

And, in agreement, Stephen Thornton, back in 1991, states that the content of most classes, including social studies, is defined by the textbook used. This is because most teachers are not comfortable with their own knowledge of the material.[6] This has a possible positive consequence and a more likely negative one.

This account holds that there is no substitute for teacher knowledge of subject matter. But given the state of affairs articulated by Thornton and, by implication, Scott et al., perhaps teachers are not that committed to the content of the material they are presently using. If an alternative could be presented in a professional and responsible fashion, teachers might be open to an alternative view that meets many of their social concerns that this research indicates.

Again, though, teachers might be so unsure of their position that any change might be seen as a threat. This account believes that the effort to make the change to the liberated federalism model is worth it and that convincing teachers of its merits is a possibility. Now it is up to administrators to see the prudence of making the change. And with that, this blog will move on from the commonplace, “teachers,” and next address the commonplace, “milieu,” in which the proposed change is offered.

[1] For example, Rebecca Winthrop, “The Need for Civic Education in 21st-Century Schools,” Brookings (June 4, 2020), accessed October 16, 2023, URL: https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-need-for-civic-education-in-21st-century-schools/.

[2] Federalist principles are those that support the make up of a federalist polity. A federalist model is one in which a nation’s polity results from its people directly or through representatives coming together, on an equal basis, to develop and agree upon a covenant or compact forming a legalized partnership. Such an agreement is held as sacred – either on a sectarian or secular basis – that establishes the aims for the polity, the structure of a government, other provisions, consequences for noncompliance, soliciting God (in the case of a covenant) to witness the agreement, and the signatures of those coming to the agreement. If the agreement is arrived at by representatives, a ratifying process follows the submission of the agreement. The US Constitution is a compact.

[3] While current rates of political activity among teachers was difficult to cite, union membership, a sign of political engagement, does hover around 70% as compared to 10% among the work force. See for example, “Total Number of Public School Teachers and Percentage of Public School Teachers in a Union or Employees’ Association, by Selected School Characteristics: 2015-16,” National Teacher and Principal Survey (n.d.), accessed October 16, 2023, https://nces.ed.gov/surveys/ntps/tables/Table_TeachersUnion.asp.

[4] Robert O. Slater, “American Teachers: What Values Do They Hold?” Education Next, 8, 1, accessed October 16, 2023, https://www.educationnext.org/american-teachers/#:~:text=According%20to%20the%20NORC%20survey,Americans%20say%20they%20do%20so.

[5] Timothy Scott, Hua Mak Campus, and Farhat N. Husain, “Textbook Reliance: Traditional Curriculum Dependence Is Symptomatic of a Larger Educational Problem,” Journal of Educational Issues, 7, 1 (April 23, 2021), accessed October 17, 2023, URL: https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1304270.pdf.

[6] Stephen J. Thornton, “Teacher as Curricular-Instructional Gatekeeper in Social Studies,” in Handbook of Research on Social Studies Teaching and Learning, edited by James P. Shaver (New York, NY: MacMillan Publishing Company, 1991), 237-248.

#liberated federalism #natural rights view #parochial/traditional federalism #teacher performance #textbook based instruction #civics education #social studies

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