#gujarat polls

[thepursuitroom]

Exit Polls: BJP Headed for Victory in Gujarat, Edge over Congress in Himachal Pradesh

New Delhi: The BJP is ready to sweep Gujarat and has an edge over Congress in a tough fight in Himachal Pradesh, exit polls predicted on Monday

Exit polls predicted that the BJP is on course for a landslide victory in Gujarat and could create a record in terms of seats won. He also predicted that AAP would open its account in the Gujarat Assembly and finish third behind the Congress and the BJP.

[bharatlivenewsmedia]

Gujarat Exit Poll 2022: एक्झिट पोलमध्ये भाजपला बहुमताची चिन्हे, काँग्रेस-आपला ‘इतक्या’ जागा मिळण्याची शक्यता

Gujarat Exit Poll 2022: एक्झिट पोलमध्ये भाजपला बहुमताची चिन्हे, काँग्रेस-आपला ‘इतक्या’ जागा मिळण्याची शक्यता

Gujarat Exit Poll 2022: एक्झिट पोलमध्ये भाजपला बहुमताची चिन्हे, काँग्रेस-आपला ‘इतक्या’ जागा मिळण्याची शक्यता गांधीनगर: गुजरातमध्ये दोन टप्प्यात मतदान झाले आहे. त्यापैकी पहिल्या टप्प्यात 19 जिल्ह्यांतील 89 जागांवर आणि दुसऱ्या टप्प्यात आज गुजरातमधील 14 जिल्ह्यांतील 93 जागांवर मतदान झाले. अशा प्रकारे एकूण 182 जागांसाठी मतदान झाले आहे. त्याच वेळी, पहिल्या टप्प्यात सुमारे 63.31 टक्के मतदान झाले.…

[srbachchan]

DAY 6061

Jalsa, Mumbai Sept 21, 2024/Sept 22 Sat/Sun 8:25 am

🪔 ,

September 22 .. birthday greetings to Ef Dharmik Kakadiya from Gujarat .. 🙏🏻❤️🚩

September 21 .. birthday greetings to Ef Subhash Kaura .. 🙏🏻❤️🚩...

and my love and greetings as also the wishes from the glorious Ef 🌹

देर रात तक काम किया ; नींद लगी तो जल्द सो गया ,

मद्य रात फिर याद आया, अरे ब्लॉग लिखना तो भूल गया ;

हढ़ भढ़ा के उठ खड़ा हुआ , तुकबंदी करने बैठ गया ;

लगा

कुछ कविता रूपी लिखूँगा, तो शायद Ef क्षमा भी करदेगा ...

... and then, as is but natural, the thoughts ran to dear Babuji and his words sprung up upon me , titled :

कविता और कविता

चालीस बरस पहले एक कविता पढ़ी थी ;

आज उसे फिर पढ़ता हूँ ,

लगता है पहली बार पढ़ रहा हूँ ।

चालीस दिन पहले एक कविता पढ़ी थी ;

आज उसे फिर पढ़ता हूँ ,

लगता है पुराना अख़बार पढ़ रहा हूँ ।

.. and the embarrassment of having put some words in rhythm above 👆🏼 , and the impressions of Babuji's words resound , that they resemble reading an old news paper ...

No, never compare yourself to genius ; compare your own worth and absorb their genius ..

Work and its absorption comes from the audience that comes to the show and gives their unstinted time and energy to enhance the proceedings .. it is they that make the show .. they applaud , they laugh , they acknowledge the winner , they smile and give credit when due and above all they assist in the winnings of the contestant when ever he or she seeks the 'audience poll ' ..

My extreme love and admiration for them, and even though the event is over, I do go around and give an opportunity to take personal pictures with them , to talk at times, to meet the elderly that make an effort to come , and to accept the hand made gifts that many bring ..

.. the young smiling faces ..

.. the little personal conversation ..

.. their laughter in admiration ..

.. the middle aged and the elderly ..

... an old acquaintance , now weak but full of love and remembrance ..

.. and the respect for the wheel chaired .. immobile through illness but mobile by the desire to be a part of the audience ..

Only respect for them all as I depart, with the lasting memories .. and the wave of gratitude for their love ..

My love in closing and may the day bring happiness ..

Amitabh Bachchan

nt to forget the hand made gifts that they so generously present :

.. a chartered accountant but makes tea and turmeric ,haldi, powder organically .. at home .. I bring it along and shall use them .. 😀

they shall remain in my cells that protect memory ..

🙏

O ! dear and then .. the contestant wishes to ask questions instead of me asking them .. and they put up pictures of mine and ask what were you doing ..???? in them

errr .. jumping off a cliff , about 20-30 feet , no harness in those days, and the expression saying it all - "wonder how many bones I shall be breaking on landing"

the mike and the signboard - stage shows 1983 on a World tour , the first to have started this , and the one in the prestigious Madison Square Garden, New York and the signage informing its on tonight

that green background is the green for camera VFX .. and fooling around on set as the music plays , recorded by my dear musical duo Rohan-Vinayak .. 🤣

.. err either its a yawn or pointing to the fractured toe and the reason why I wear sneakers on set .. 😳

ENOUGH ..

AB 🌺

[foxglovedforest]

Do I even want to know Gujarat poll results 💀💀💀

[mariacallous]

India is in the middle of a 44-day exercise to elect its next government, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi tipped to return his Bharatiya Janata Party to power for a third consecutive term. Modi, who aims to win nearly three-quarters of the country’s 543 parliamentary seats, has surprised many observers by using dehumanizing anti-Muslim language on the campaign trail—rhetoric that is more direct than that of his past speeches.

So far, the BJP campaign has focused on creating an irrational fear among India’s Hindu majority that if Modi doesn’t return as prime minister, a share of their private wealth and affirmative action job quotas will be given to Indian Muslims. Modi and his party have doubled down on this narrative at a moment when reports suggest that their quest for a supermajority is unlikely to succeed. The brazen continuation of such anti-Muslim rhetoric differentiates this campaign from the two others that have put Modi in the prime minister’s office.

Hate speech is a criminal offense in India, and it is specifically barred during an election campaign. However, Modi chose the three leaders of India’s Election Commission, the agency charged with conducting free and fair polls, and it has ignored his flagrant violations of the election code. As a result, as the campaign continues through the end of May, so too will Modi’s anti-Muslim tirades. India is expected to announce its election results on June 4.

If the BJP wins and Modi is once again crowned prime minister, his Islamophobic rhetoric will not simply disappear. Many political leaders campaign in poetry and govern in prose, but hateful rhetoric has real-life consequences. Modi’s campaign speeches have put a target on Indian Muslims’ backs, redirecting the anger of poor and marginalized Hindu communities away from crony capitalists and the privileged upper castes. It underscores an attempt to make members of the Muslim minority second-class citizens in a de facto Hindu Rashtra, or state.

These social schisms need only a small spark to burst into communal violence, which would damage India’s global status and growth. Furthermore, Modi’s campaign rhetoric is matched by the BJP’s choice to not put up candidates in Muslim-majority Kashmir, reducing its stake in ensuring robust democracy in a region that New Delhi has ruled directly since 2019. His language will also have a direct bearing on India’s fraught ties with its neighbor Pakistan. Finally, the state-backed ill treatment will likely not be limited to Indian Muslims—meaning that other religious minorities, such as Christians and Sikhs, will also be affected.

Around 200 million Muslims live in India—the second-largest Muslim population in the world, after that of Indonesia. Few mainstream Indian political leaders have plummeted to such depths in castigating these citizens. Modi’s campaign rhetoric makes clear that if he is elected to a third consecutive term, the nation’s Muslims will stand politically disempowered, economically marginalized, and deprived of their constitutional rights.

Modi’s political rise came in the wake of significant violence against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, when he was the state’s chief minister. Due to his role in the violence, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States all temporarily barred his entry. Leading the party’s campaign to victory in the state assembly in the same year, his campaign speeches were full of crude language against Muslims. But the BJP’s electoral success in Gujarat—winning the next two assembly elections before the launch of Modi’s national campaign—ultimately gave Modi political credibility within an extreme fringe of the party.

By 2011, Modi had started reinventing himself as a business-friendly leader with an eye on a national role. By the time he became prime minister three years later, the narrative of a so-called Gujarat model of economic development concealed his anti-Muslim ideological moorings. Modi’s mask slipped occasionally, but he often spoke with a dog whistle. Mostly, the prime minister reiterated an imagination of India as a Hindu nation. In a post-9/11 world, Modi presented an alternative model of battling Islamic terrorism and consolidated a Hindu majoritarian voter base—delivering a stunning election victory in 2019 after an attempted airstrike against an alleged terrorist training camp inside Pakistan.

This year, Modi has not campaigned on his track record of the past decade or on the party manifesto for the next five years as often as he has attempted to further polarize Hindus and Muslims. In a speech given on April 21, Modi suggested that the opposition Indian National Congress party, if elected, would redistribute property to Muslims. The party would ��calculate the gold with [Hindu] mothers and sisters” and transfer it “among those who are infiltrators and have more children,” he said—using terms by which his supporters regularly describe Muslims.

Elsewhere, Modi alleged that Congress was helping Muslims in a plot to take over India: “The opposition is asking Muslims to launch vote jihad,” he said in March. Speaking at a rally in Madhya Pradesh in early May, Modi said that voters would have to choose between “vote jihad” and “Ram Rajya,” the latter being a term referring to a mythical, idealized society that purportedly existed during the rule of Lord Rama, the hero of the famous Hindu epic Ramayana.

The prime minister’s economic advisory council soon released a paper that sought to stoke anxieties about a decline in the proportion of Hindus in India; during the period it covered—1950 to 2015—India’s population actually increased by five Hindus for every one Muslim citizen, but BJP leaders soon deployed the report to further demonize Indian Muslims.

The party’s official messaging has echoed Modi’s rhetoric. A now-deleted video posted on the Instagram account for the BJP’s Karnataka branch this month said, “If you are a non-Muslim, Congress will snatch your wealth and distribute it to Muslims. Narendra Modi knows of this evil plan. Only he has the strength to stop it.” It was followed by an animated clip depicting Congress leader Rahul Gandhi hatching a plan to benefit Muslims at the expense of Hindu groups.

Other Indian democratic institutions have done no better. Despite formal complaints from opposition parties and civil society groups, the election commission has neither punished nor restrained Modi. A petition in the Delhi High Court seeking immediate action against Modi for his “communally divisive speeches” was dismissed, with the judges arguing that it was “without merit” because the commission was already looking into the matter. “We can’t presume that they won’t do anything,” one judge said. But as the elections near the finish line, that is precisely what has happened.

Some observers are likely to dismiss Modi’s recent language as par for the course during an election campaign, when tempers run high. However, most surveys and polls have predicted an easy victory for the prime minister and the BJP; he has no need to resort to pandering to base emotions with toxic rhetoric. In an interview, Modi denied that he had uttered a word against Indian Muslims; he was proved wrong by fact-checkers and video evidence. India’s top political scientist said that through his denials in interviews, Modi is trying to influence the naive chroniclers while he continues with his anti-Muslim speeches for the masses and his supporters. Modi’s No. 2, Amit Shah, insists that the party will continue with this anti-Muslim campaign. By persisting with hateful speech, the BJP leadership is fueling a narrative that is likely to intensify discrimination against Indian Muslims during Modi’s rule.

As prime minister, Modi has spearheaded a project for the political disempowerment of Indian Muslims. For the first time in the history of independent India, the ruling party does not have a single Muslim member of parliament. In the current election, the party has put up just one Muslim candidate—on a list of 440—who is running for an unwinnable seat in Kerala. More broadly, religious polarization has made it difficult for Muslim candidates to win seats in areas without an overwhelming Muslim majority. During recent elections, there have been complaints of authorities barring voters in Muslim-majority localities in BJP-ruled states. Modi’s message to Indian Muslims is unequivocal: You do not matter politically.

India’s Muslims are economically disadvantaged, too. A 2006 committee under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s Congress government found that the Muslim community faced high levels of poverty and poor outcomes on almost all socioeconomic indicators. India’s opposition parties have promised a new socioeconomic survey that could inform future policy without a focus on religion. Modi’s government, by contrast, opted to not conduct even the regular census in 2021—the first such instance in 140 years—due to COVID-19; it has not been conducted since.

Rather than relying on data, Modi and his supporters prefer an emotional response that pitches poor and marginalized Hindus against Muslims. India is a highly unequal country: About 90 percent of the population earns less than the average income of $2,800 per year. This gap has widened under Modi, with the richest 1 percent now owning 40 percent of India’s wealth. By othering Muslims, Modi puts them at risk of becoming the object of other deprived groups’ ire, which could lead to further communal violence. A Muslim man was allegedly lynched in Gujarat during the current election campaign, without making national  headlines.

Islamophobia is at the core of the project to make India a Hindu state. Modi and the BJP frequently weaponize terrorism discourse to delegitimize critics and political opposition. In Kashmir, where the BJP is not running candidates this election, this tactic has fueled anger and hostility. The high turnout in the region seems to be an expression of rage against Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke its semi-autonomous status. When the ruling party leaders conflate Islam with terrorism, there is little chance of extending any hand of peace toward Pakistan, either. Modi and his ministers have vowed to take back Pakistan-administered Kashmir by force if necessary—no matter the grave risk of conflict between two nuclear-armed countries.

Finally, Modi’s rhetoric does not bode well for other religious minorities in India. In the border state of Manipur, the largely Christian Kuki community has suffered state-backed majoritarian violence for more than a year. In Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated state, Christian priests and worshippers are being jailed, beaten, and threatened by both Hindu majoritarian groups and state police. Meanwhile, the BJP has demonized the Sikh farmers who led protests against agricultural laws in 2020 and 2021, labeling them as separatist Khalistani terrorists. (Last year, Modi’s government was accused of involvement in the killing of a Sikh separatist leader in Canada as well as in an attempted assassination in New York.)

Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians are India’s biggest religious minorities; they make up nearly one-fifth of the country’s population. To disempower these groups would spell the end of the historical bond between India and ideas of universal justice, human rights, and democracy. A majoritarian Indian state—a Hindu Rashtra—would instead make a covenant with bigotry, discrimination, and violence. The bipartisan U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom has repeatedly asked Washington to blacklist Modi’s government for its suppression of religious freedom, but the Biden administration has refused to act so far.

However, the evidence is there for all to see—and Modi has further substantiated the charge of bigotry with his campaign speeches targeting Indian Muslims. No matter if the BJP achieves its supermajority, this rhetoric will have significant consequences for India. Modi is serving a warning. The world should take note before it is too late.

[readingthenight]

The worst cities in India poll really made me think about Ahmedabad, where I spent a decade of my life, went to school, turned 18, and why it's the worst city in India.

1. It is genuinely the most communally and economically segregated city in India. Muslim residents are forced into ghettoes and all economic opportunities and real estate is seized by upper caste Hindus and Jains. I went to a school in the Hindu part of Ahmedabad and had one Muslim classmate the whole time. There was no Eid holiday.

2. Ahmedabad has a truly vile history of Anti-Muslim pogroms. The 2002 genocide was so horrific beyond words that I don't think there's been that kind of mass destruction in the country except for the Partition.

3. Ahmedabad and its residents facilitate and support Modi, Shah, and the BJP - much of their power came from Ahmedabad, and they are now trying to make UP what Gujarat is.

4. Alcohol is prohibited because Gandhi was born there. This has led to an underground bootlegging culture which disproportionately affects economically disadvantaged populations and leads to many deaths due to spurious alcohol. Also makes for one hell of a boring city.

5. Speaking of Gandhi, the whole city is obsessed with him, and there's a whole tourism economy dedicated to him with no reflection on his racism, casteism, and r*pe.

6. Speaking of tourism, there is absolutely nothing to do or see in the city. It truly has erased whatever culture it had to begin with.

7. This is because the culture is dominated by UC Hindus and Jains and caters to their preferences. Of course it's boring. While they drink alcohol at house parties, the working class folks have to follow rules which of course don't apply to the rich. Restaurants in other cities have alcohol menus, Ahmedabad restaurants have no onion no garlic menus.

8. Unless you study commerce or medicine, there is absolutely nothing for you here in terms of career prospects. Forget trying to stay in Ahmedabad if you studied humanities, because the city has killed the prospect of communities around the arts.

9. There is a very hostile attitude towards non-vegetarian food - I've been told my house smells like fish, I probably eat anything etc etc. Housing communities are illegally "pure veg". Also for everything that gets said about it being safe....try wearing a dress and going out. There is no non veg street food. Food courts don't serve non veg food. This is not normal.

10. Even the "liberal" circuit is painfully elite and gatekeepy.

[bumblebeeappletree]

Correction:

At 3:24 minutes, the subtitle erroneously read as '...polling service station'. The corrected fact is that wind solar hybrid projects can be categorised into 'cooling service stations' where wind and solar power is connected and the power is stepped up from '33kv to 66kv (kilovolt)'.

We regret the inaccuracy and stand corrected.

Every week, Eco India brings you stories that inspire you to build a cleaner, greener and better tomorrow.

Wind-solar hybrid systems offer many advantages over their standalone counterparts. Gujarat in particular is investing in the technology. Could it help India cut fossil fuels? We check out the pros and cons of this emerging technology.

*********

Credits:

Supervising Producer: Nooshin Mowla

Field Producer: Aadya Baoni

Script: Jessica Goel

Video Editor: Sujit Lal

Director of Photography: Chinmay Deshpande

Producer: Ipsita Basu

Voiceover: Chandy Thomas

Executive Producer: Sannuta Raghu

[abhishekpandey123]

Elections in India

India’s national election will take place in phases over 44 days. Here’s why it takes so long

Nearly 970 million people or over 10% of the global population are eligible to vote in India’s general elections. The mammoth exercise is the biggest anywhere in the world and will take 44 days before results are announced on June 4.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is aiming for a third consecutive term in office. He is set to compete against a diverse yet faltering coalition of opposition parties who are finding it difficult to counter his popularity. The majority of polls forecast a comfortable victory for the nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, solidifying his position as one of the most prominent and influential leaders in the country.

WHY DOES IT TAKE SO LONG?

Two primary factors contribute to this situation: the vast expanse of India, the most populous nation globally, and the intricate logistics required to enable each eligible voter to participate in the electoral process.

Over the years, the duration of voting has wavered. It took nearly four months to complete the vote in India’s first elections in 1951-1952, after it gained independence from British rule, and just four days in 1980. In 2019, voting took 39 days, and this year’s election is the second longest.

With 969 million registered voters, the size of India’s electorate is bigger than the combined population of the 27 European Union member states. This includes 18 million first-time voters, and around 197 million who are in their 20s.

The vote to choose 543 lawmakers for the lower house of Parliament takes place over seven phases. India’s 28 states and eight federal territories will vote at different times. Each phase is one day, with the first held on April 19 and the last on June 1.

Some states may complete their voting process within a day, while others might require more time. For instance, Uttar Pradesh, the largest state in India with a population of 200 million, equivalent to the size of Brazil, will conduct voting over seven days. This extended duration of the voting process in India's general elections has been criticized by Modi's opponents, who argue that it provides an advantage to the prime minister in terms of campaigning and travel, particularly in states where his party is not as strong.

EVERY VOTE COUNTS

The Election Commission of India is responsible for ensuring that a voting booth is accessible within a 2-kilometer radius of each voter. Chakshu Roy from PRS Legislative Research emphasized the extensive efforts election officials must undertake to enable every voter to cast their ballot. Around 15 million election officials and security personnel will travel across deserts and mountains, utilizing various modes of transportation such as boats, walking, and even horseback riding, to reach all voters.

It can be especially arduous. In 2019, when India last held elections, a team of polling officers trekked over 480 kilometers (300 miles) for four days just so a single voter in a hamlet in the remote state of Arunachal Pradesh, which borders China, could exercise their right.

Officials also traveled to a village tucked away high up in the Himalayas in 2019 to install a booth at 15,256 feet (4,650 meters), the highest polling station anywhere in the world.

This time too, polling stations will be installed in remote places, including one inside a wildlife sanctuary in southern Kerala state and another in a shipping container in western Gujarat state.

TIGHT SECURITY

Security is cited as a significant factor behind the multi-phase elections in India, according to experts. In order to ensure safety, a large number of federal security forces, who typically guard borders, are mobilized and work in conjunction with state police. Their primary responsibilities include preventing violence, escorting electoral officials, and transporting voting machines. Previous elections in India have been marred by deadly clashes between supporters of rival political parties, particularly in West Bengal. However, the presence of heavy security forces has contributed to a decrease in such incidents over the years, resulting in relatively peaceful voting. The geographical diversity of the country, with its rivers, mountains, snow, and jungles, poses challenges for the movements of security forces. Despite these obstacles, the chief election commissioner, Rajiv Kumar, has emphasized their commitment to ensuring a smooth voting process by going the extra mile for the convenience of voters.

[nividawebsolutions]

How to choose an equitable flutter app development company in India?

Numerous things regarding Flutter would have been mentioned to you. Flutter, according to some, is the technology of the future. Others believe Flutter programming to be a breeze, while some claim that the apps created using Flutter, win a lot of awards. Yes, Flutter is genuinely winning people over, and its popularity says a lot about it. Many companies have embraced technology, like Alibaba, Tencent, Hamilton Musical, Reflectly, as well as an unending list of other popular Flutter App development companies in Vadodara.

With the help of this cross-platform framework, next-generation applications with unparalleled and incredibly dependable mobile UI may be created. The fact that native interfaces can be cross-platform and have high levels of quality is wonderful. 

Do you want to create one for your startup company? Don't know what advantages it provides? Do you have trouble deciding which Flutter app development firm to hire? Do not fret. We have addressed each of these concerns in this article and provided clear solutions. Let's begin with a quick overview of Flutter. 

Flutter:

Google created the open-source, cross-platform programming tool called Flutter. It offers every service under one roof. Beautiful programmes that function on various platforms and have a native-like feel are possible. 

We have already talked about how the most recent Flutter version 1.20 is gaining popularity. After, Flutter is ranked third. In the list of most favoured frameworks from the poll are Net Core and Torch. 

The programming language used by Flutter, Dart, has a simple learning curve. One codebase can be created and used across various platforms. Flutter is simple to use, strong, and capable of handling all project complexity levels. It makes developers more productive and enables them to create applications more quickly. 

One needs to be aware of the Flutter advantages that a Flutter App development company in Gujarat offers in order to maximize them. 

·         Single Codebase:

·         Faster coding:

·         Better speed:

·         Rich Widgets:

·         Google Firebase support:

·         Faster testing:

·         Abundant libraries:

·         Easy learning curve:

·         Cost-effective app management: 

How to choose an equitable Flutter App Development Company in India?

Choosing an excellent Flutter App development company in India that can assist you in offering dynamic and new-age mobile app solutions is not an easy task. The chosen business should have a wealth of experience and provide services at competitive rates. Before you begin the process of choosing a development partner, you need to take a few factors into account. 

·         Determine your precise business needs: 

You need to be aware of your business expectations, as we have emphasised numerous times. What you hope to accomplish, how you plan to do it, and why you want to. You should know the answers to these most common questions before you contact a potential app development business. 

So that the answers do not surprise you, the plan should at the very least be comprehensible. Some pertinent queries to consider for oneself are 

·         What features would you like to integrate?

·         Which platform would you like to target?

·         Who are your ideal clients? 

·         Specify your budget: 

You must specify the financial budget you have set aside for app development. It is preferable to consult it with your potential employer. Request quotes from several businesses and compares the costs and the facility. You can also conduct a search on the internet to learn how much other businesses charge. 

However, you must remember that as you switch to a developing country, the cost will alter. 

·         Shortlist your preferred options: 

Now is the time to start looking for options after having a better grasp of the sector. You might enquire about references from your friends and family. Make a note of the businesses you have been referred to, then start looking through their websites. Keep an eye out for every minute detail and make note of any noteworthy observations. 

Explore services and portfolios of top Flutter App development companies in Vadodara by visiting their websites and it will help you to shortlist a few of your preferred business options in this manner, from which you can subsequently select one. 

·         Verify the company's size: 

Although this exercise doesn't have a significant impact on the choice, it's always a good idea to perform some background research. You can see if they can handle a project that matches your magnitude from the staffing information. Because a business with fewer staff could get overworked, which also affects the calibre of applications. 

Additionally, it would be fantastic if you could learn more about the development team's skill set. Knowing the history of the skill set can help you set reasonable expectations. 

·         Verify the cost and prompt delivery: 

Although it can appear too straight, you must inquire about their turnaround time. This is so they won't let you down by making up justifications. You can also look at their web reviews if you don't feel comfortable approaching them personally. 

Verify to see whether they have been reported for missing deadlines. Make sure they have a strong team and a time-management plan in place. 

Having said that, a short response time doesn't necessarily indicate that the business charges more. At the outset of the conversation, make the financial restrictions with them fairly obvious. 

·         Sales Support: 

Additionally, we have emphasised time and time again that the development company's responsibility extends beyond simply delivering the finished product. Pitfalls within their duty to handle all future support-related inquiries. When they run into technological problems, they should offer to fix them. Find out whether they offer upgrading facilities. 

·         Examine the reputation: 

With the advent of the internet, it is now much simpler to learn any specifics about a firm or a person. Therefore, thoroughly investigate your potential development partner. Keep an eye on their social media accounts to learn more about how they operate. Examine the testimonies and ratings posted on online platforms. 

·         Final Thoughts: 

The online environment has been subdued by Flutter's innovative apps. It is a state-of-the-art framework that can assist developers in creating the majority of high-grade apps. We wholeheartedly concur with this. Please don't hesitate to get in touch with our experts at Nivida Web Solutions Pvt. Ltd. - a popular Flutter App development company in India, if you have any doubts about Flutter. We have the know-how and a track record of developing excellent Flutter apps. We are able to manage all the Flutter-related difficulties and enable you to achieve your project objectives.

[typesoftravelinindia]

Daman and Diu “Uncovering the Rich History and Culture”

Daman and Diu “Uncovering the Rich History and Culture”

Daman and Diu are two small Union Territories in India located on the west coast, separated by the Gulf of Khambhat. The state of Gujarat and the Arabian sea bordered the territory. A colony of Portugal since the 1500s, the territories were taken over by India in 1961 with the annexation of Goa.

Between 1961 and 1987, Daman and Diu were governed as a part of the union territory of Goa, Daman and Diu; however, following the Goa Opinion Poll, they were designated as a separate union territory.

https://googleads.g.doubleclick.net/pagead/ads?client=ca-pub-4442598159180864&output=html&h=280&adk=2799676532&adf=1927411510&pi=t.aa~a.3209530687~i.7~rp.4&w=795&fwrn=4&fwrnh=100&lmt=1682923624&num_ads=1&rafmt=1&armr=3&sem=mc&pwprc=1229669007&ad_type=text_image&format=795x280&url=https%3A%2F%2Fradhadigi.com%2Fdaman-and-diu-uncovering-the-rich-history-and-culture%2F&host=ca-host-pub-2644536267352236&fwr=0&pra=3&rh=199&rw=795&rpe=1&resp_fmts=3&wgl=1&fa=27&adsid=ChEI8KO4ogYQ_umiidrttPT6ARI5AA2h8_wIxXGjZVl6ZVMgv5BrB-x3yRuX8s8uV5srgDHdnUDPY9uw-S1DDJOVlSrcwxAbLhEj6xu_&uach=WyJXaW5kb3dzIiwiMTAuMC4wIiwieDg2IiwiIiwiMTEyLjAuMTcyMi42NCIsW10sZmFsc2UsbnVsbCwiNjQiLFtbIkNocm9taXVtIiwiMTEyLjAuNTYxNS4xMzgiXSxbIk1pY3Jvc29mdCBFZGdlIiwiMTEyLjAuMTcyMi42NCJdLFsiTm90OkEtQnJhbmQiLCI5OS4wLjAuMCJdXSxmYWxzZV0.&dt=1682923624648&bpp=3&bdt=2057&idt=3&shv=r20230426&mjsv=m202304260101&ptt=9&saldr=aa&abxe=1&cookie=ID%3Dacdc0bcb98f47255-224b08f938d9004f%3AT%3D1673275956%3ART%3D1673275956%3AS%3DALNI_MaGo_FcHBcDF78e7OxE0_s90iwwHA&gpic=UID%3D00000ba0f5614dae%3AT%3D1673275956%3ART%3D1682923490%3AS%3DALNI_MYC3BYp9NXdrZSiKG41ShvjGmB7mQ&prev_fmts=0x0%2C795x280&nras=2&correlator=7393314106835&frm=20&pv=1&ga_vid=973158984.1663918981&ga_sid=1682923624&ga_hid=1997432712&ga_fc=1&u_tz=330&u_his=8&u_h=768&u_w=1366&u_ah=728&u_aw=1366&u_cd=24&u_sd=0.9&dmc=8&adx=211&ady=1147&biw=1501&bih=694&scr_x=0&scr_y=0&eid=44759926%2C44759837%2C44759875%2C31071755%2C31073967%2C31074193%2C44788442%2C44789761%2C44789923&oid=2&pvsid=3707315269869171&tmod=564353616&wsm=1&uas=0&nvt=1&ref=https%3A%2F%2Fradhadigi.com%2Fwp-admin%2Fpost.php%3Fpost%3D3187%26action%3Dedit&fc=1408&brdim=0%2C0%2C0%2C0%2C1366%2C0%2C1366%2C728%2C1517%2C694&vis=1&rsz=%7C%7Cs%7C&abl=NS&fu=128&bc=31&jar=2023-05-01-06&ifi=6&uci=a!6&btvi=2&fsb=1&xpc=ehJGsV2vCZ&p=https%3A//radhadigi.com&dtd=32 In 2019, legislation was passed to combine the union territory of Daman and Diu with the neighbouring union territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli. This new union territory, which will take effect on January 26, 2020, will be known as Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Daman and Diu.

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[nividadigital]

Top Digital Marketing Trends to Watch in 2025

The digital marketing landscape is constantly evolving, with new trends and technologies shaping how businesses connect with their audiences. As we approach 2025, staying ahead of these trends is crucial for maintaining a competitive edge. Whether you're a small business or a large corporation, partnering with the Best Digital Marketing Agency in Vadodara, Gujarat, or India can help you leverage these trends effectively.

Let’s dive into the top digital marketing trends expected to dominate in 2025 and how they can transform your marketing strategy.

1. AI-Powered Personalization

Artificial Intelligence (AI) has revolutionized how businesses interact with their customers. In 2025, AI will play a bigger role in delivering hyper-personalized content, product recommendations, and user experiences. Tools powered by AI can analyze user behavior, predict preferences, and help marketers craft targeted campaigns that resonate deeply with their audience.

Partnering with the Best Digital Marketing Agency in Gujarat ensures you stay ahead in utilizing AI-driven tools and strategies.

2. Voice Search Optimization

With the continued rise of smart speakers and voice assistants, optimizing content for voice search is no longer optional. By 2025, voice search queries will account for a significant percentage of online searches, making conversational keywords and local SEO essential for businesses.

If you're aiming to dominate local markets, the Best Digital Marketing Agency in Vadodara can tailor voice-friendly SEO strategies to make your business stand out.

3. Interactive and Immersive Content

From augmented reality (AR) ads to interactive polls and quizzes, engaging your audience through immersive experiences will be key. In 2025, brands that prioritize interactive content will see higher engagement and conversion rates.

Whether you're experimenting with AR or dynamic infographics, the Best Digital Marketing Agency in India can help create captivating campaigns that leave a lasting impression.

4. Sustainability Marketing

As consumers become increasingly conscious about sustainability, brands need to reflect these values in their messaging. Highlighting eco-friendly practices and aligning your brand with sustainability goals will resonate with the modern consumer in 2025.

Agencies that understand this shift, such as the Best Digital Marketing Agency in Gujarat, can craft campaigns that authentically communicate your commitment to sustainability.

5. Influencer Marketing 2.0

Influencer marketing continues to grow, but in 2025, brands will focus on building long-term collaborations with micro and nano influencers who have highly engaged niche audiences. Authenticity will trump follower count, making strategic influencer partnerships essential.

Working with the Best Digital Marketing Agency in Vadodara ensures access to the right influencers who align with your brand values and goals.

6. Advanced Analytics and Predictive Insights

Data-driven decision-making will become even more sophisticated in 2025, thanks to advanced analytics and predictive tools. These technologies allow marketers to anticipate trends, optimize campaigns in real-time, and measure ROI with precision.

To make sense of complex data, the Best Digital Marketing Agency in India offers expertise in leveraging analytics for actionable insights.

7. Privacy-Centric Marketing

With stricter data privacy regulations on the horizon, businesses must adapt to privacy-centric marketing strategies. Transparency, ethical data collection, and consent-driven campaigns will be critical to maintaining customer trust.

Choosing the Best Digital Marketing Agency in Gujarat ensures compliance with evolving privacy laws while implementing innovative marketing strategies.

8. Social Commerce Expansion

Social media platforms are becoming powerful shopping destinations. In 2025, seamless in-app shopping experiences will redefine how customers discover and purchase products. Brands must optimize their presence on platforms like Instagram, Facebook, and TikTok to capitalize on this trend.

The Best Digital Marketing Agency in Vadodara can design social commerce strategies to boost your sales and visibility.

Conclusion

Digital marketing in 2025 will be defined by personalization, innovation, and a strong focus on customer experience. By embracing these trends, your business can stay ahead of the curve and achieve remarkable growth.

Whether you're looking to enhance your local presence or scale nationally, partnering with the Best Digital Marketing Agency in Vadodara, Gujarat, or India ensures you have the expertise and tools needed to thrive in the ever-changing digital landscape.

Stay future-ready and make 2025 the year your digital marketing strategy sets new benchmarks!

[mariacallous]

Over the past two decades, thanks to Narendra Modi, Hindu nationalism has been coupled with a form of national-populism that has ensured its success at the polls, first in Gujarat and then in India at large. Modi managed to seduce a substantial number of citizens by promising them development and polarizing the electorate along ethno-religious lines. Both facets of this national-populism found expression in a highly personalized political style as Modi related directly to the voters through all kinds of channels of communication in order to saturate the public space.

Drawing on original interviews conducted across India, Christophe Jaffrelot shows how Modi’s government has moved India toward a new form of democracy, an ethnic democracy that equates the majoritarian community with the nation and relegates Muslims and Christians to second-class citizens who are harassed by vigilante groups. He discusses how the promotion of Hindu nationalism has resulted in attacks against secularists, intellectuals, universities, and NGOs. Jaffrelot explains how the political system of India has acquired authoritarian features for other reasons, too. Eager to govern not only in New Delhi, but also in the states, the government has centralized power at the expense of federalism and undermined institutions that were part of the checks and balances, including India’s Supreme Court.

Modi’s India is a sobering account of how a once-vibrant democracy can go wrong when a government backed by popular consent suppresses dissent while growing increasingly intolerant of ethnic and religious minorities.

[kani-2br]

Political Battle Ahead in 2024

India is already in election mode, and 2023 will witness three layers of political competition — for the elections to the nine states that will be held over the year; for the elections of 2024, which will determine the composition of the 18th Lok Sabha and shape the next government; and for the post-Narendra Modi political landscape that will begin to emerge in the course of what is likely to be his third and perhaps final term post-2024

To be sure, these timelines and layers cannot be easily distinguished. The first will feed into the second, which will feed into the third. There is also an element of speculation involved, for events have a way of intruding dramatically into political scripts. Still, examining each layer of competition yields useful insights.

The battles of 2023

The year will begin with elections in the northeastern states of Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Tripura. Before 2014, these polls would have merited a mere passing glance in the national political consciousness. But to the credit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has made the political integration of the region a political priority and takes every election in the region with utmost seriousness as a way to expand its power and democratic legitimacy, these elections have got more attention in recent years.

In Tripura, the BJP was able to dislodge an entrenched Left regime in 2018. Its plank rested on Modi’s appeal, resentment against the Left government, quick organisation-building on the back of work done by the Sangh, and clever tactical coalitions with tribal outfits. It has since replicated here a tactic used in Uttarakhand and Gujarat — replace the chief minister if there are reports of anti-incumbency and internal strife. While the Left is a pale shadow of itself, and the BJP may still emerge as the single largest party, it will face a challenge from a new tribal formation led by the former ruler of Tripura Pradyot Debbarman, a disillusioned former Congress loyalist. There is also the possibility of a Left-Congress tie-up to pose a unified challenge to the BJP.

In Nagaland, a state with no opposition legislators (see the story alongside for more on this), the more interesting political thread is the fate of the peace process. Before every elections, there is a renewed attempt to explore a broader settlement of the Naga question — which includes recognition of its distinct identity and symbols, issues of autonomy, and the intersection of Nagaland and Naga-speaking areas in other states. But a peace accord continues to look elusive and it is unlikely that the election will change that.

In Meghalaya, the last election resulted in a post-poll coalition between the Conrad Sangma-led National People’s Party and the BJP; this alliance has now broken down but its revival can’t be ruled out. Within the Opposition, however, Mukul Sangma — the Congress veteran who served as chief minister until 2018 — has shifted to the Trinamool Congress and the battle between him and his bête noire, Vincent Pala of the Congress, will be interesting to watch.

From the North-East, the political action will shift to Karnataka, where the BJP faces extremely strong anti-incumbency and a churn within its internal social coalition. The Congress has its own share of internal discord, but reports suggest that Rahul Gandhi’s Yatra has helped give new life to the party organisation here.

After a brief lull in the summer, across west and central India, the BJP and the Congress will battle it out for power. In Rajasthan, both parties have internal leadership tussles to resolve (Ashok Gehlot versus Sachin Pilot for the Congress, Vasundhara Raje versus central party leadership in the BJP), and the Congress faces the additional challenge of anti-incumbency in a state that sees regimes alternate every five years. In Chhattisgarh, chief minister Bhupesh Baghel has invested a fair bit in crafting his public image and keeping the central leadership happy, but his rival, TS Singh Deo, is sullen after having been denied his turn at the wheel. The silver lining for the Congress is that the BJP doesn’t have a clear face after Raman Singh either.

Madhya Pradesh will see the first assembly election after Jyotiraditya Scindia’s entry into the BJP. But the Congress, under Kamal Nath and Digivijay Singh, will do its best to avenge its ouster from power despite having emerged as the single largest party in 2018.

Telangana, too, will head to polls at the end of the year. If K Chandrashekar Rao can preserve his bastion for the third time in a row, it will be a boost to his national ambitions. The Bharat Rashtra Samithi (formerly the Telangana Rashtra Samithi) is the clear favourite in the polls, and the only question to watch out for is how well the BJP does vis-a-vis the Congress.

Back in the North-East, Mizoram goes to the polls. The BJP has struggled to make inroads in the Christian-dominated state, with the Mizo National Front continuing to exercise power and battle the multi-party, non-Congress Zoram People’s Movement for dominance.

Put together, the year will serve as a comprehensive status check: How do the Congress and the BJP now tackle internal leadership disputes? Will the Congress be able to retain Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, and win Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh, giving it some momentum for 2024? Or will it shrink further and be left with no state government across the western, central and southern swathe? What has been the electoral impact of the Bharat Jodo Yatra? Will the BJP retain its dominance in the north-east, either directly or with regional partners, or will the region see new alternatives emerge? How will the BJP’s performance shape internal power equations in the party?

The battle of 2024

While these are interesting questions in themselves, the lesson from 2018 and 2019 is to not treat the events of 2023 as a predictor for 2024.

In 2018, the BJP had failed to form the government in Karnataka, and the swearing-in of a JD(S)-Congress government saw all opposition leaders congregate in Bengaluru. The BJP also lost power in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh, after having retained power in those last two states for 15 years. It appeared to face severe challenges in maintaining its multi-caste coalition and addressing rising agrarian distress.

And yet 2019 saw Modi return with an even bigger majority than in 2014. Indian voters have shown, now in two elections in a row, that the question of leadership — of who will become PM — matters to them; and it is here that Narendra Modi continues to have a huge advantage over his rivals.

The BJP, in 2023, will showcase India’s presidency of the G20 (see the second essay on this page) as a mark of Modi’s foreign policy success. The inauguration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya at the end of 2023 will cement the support of the core base. Welfare schemes, particularly the provision of drinking water, will be a key talking point. The Opposition will focus on economic mismanagement, unemployment, pandemic policies and rising inequality, while regional parties in North India will play up the demand for a caste census to break the Hindu vote.

The battles beyond 2024

All in all, there is little doubt that Modi starts out as the clear favourite to win a third term. But beneath the surface, Indian politics is already witnessing the third layer of competition. Within the BJP, there is increased speculation about home minister Amit Shah and Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath as possible successors for leadership; both will do their best in 2024 to buttress their claims for the future.

Within the Opposition, there is a battle underway between the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party to be the big national challenger, if not immediately then at least six years from now. But to do even that, the Congress will have to cross the 100 mark first, and AAP will have to expand nationally and win Lok Sabha seats across states.

For now, the BJP’s hegemony and the Opposition’s crises remain entrenched facts. The future of India now depends on how each party plays its role.

Source: Hindustan Times

[phoenixx-news]

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah (Amit Shah) – A Biography

Early Life and Education

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah, born on October 22, 1964, in Mumbai to Mrs. Kusum Ben and Mr. Anilchandra Shah, hails from a family with deep roots in Gujarat. His grandfather was a prosperous merchant (Nagar Seth) in Mansa, a small princely state of the Baroda State of Gaikwad. Shah spent his early years in Mansa, where he received his primary education. His upbringing was steeped in the ‘Indian Value Tradition,’ under the guidance of eminent scholars from the Gaikwad State, focusing on Indian scriptures, historical texts, grammar, and epics.

Influences and Early Political Engagement

After completing his primary education, Shah’s family relocated to Ahmedabad. Influenced by his mother, an ardent Gandhian, Shah embraced the simplicity of Khadi. His fascination with the biographies of patriots and the writings of K.M. Munshi deeply influenced his young mind.

At the age of 13, during the 1977 general elections amidst the Emergency period, Shah actively participated in the campaign, supporting Maniben Patel, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s daughter, who contested from the Mehsana Lok Sabha seat as a Jana Sangh candidate.

Early Political Career

Shah’s formal political journey began at 16 when he joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) as a young Swayamsevak in 1980. By 1982, he was the joint secretary of the Gujarat unit of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and worked as a polling agent for the BJP in 1984. He joined the BJP Yuva Morcha in 1987 and became involved with the Deendayal Research Institute, serving as its treasurer for eight years. This period allowed him to learn from the social reformer Nanaji Deshmukh.

Rise in the BJP

In 1989, Shah became the BJP secretary of Ahmedabad, playing a pivotal role during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and the Ekta Yatra. He managed election campaigns for senior leaders like L.K. Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Gandhinagar until 2009. Shah’s association with Narendra Modi began in the 1990s when Modi was the BJP’s Organization Secretary in Gujarat. Shah’s business acumen helped him significantly when he became the chairman of the Gujarat Pradesh Finance Corporation in 1995, turning around the corporation’s financial health.

Political Achievements in Gujarat

Shah was appointed the National Treasurer of the BJP’s Yuva Morcha in 1997 and won the Sarkhej assembly by-election by a margin of 25,000 votes. He continuously won assembly elections until 2012, with increasing margins each time. As an MLA, Shah facilitated numerous development projects and became the state secretary of Gujarat BJP in 1998, and state vice-president within a year.

Leadership in Cooperative Sector and Further Political Roles

At 36, Shah became the youngest chairman of the Ahmedabad District Co-operative Bank (ADCB) in 2000, transforming its financial status. He was appointed as the convener of the BJP’s National Cooperative Cell in 2001. He played a crucial role in the 2002 Gujarat assembly elections under Narendra Modi’s leadership and served as a minister in the Gujarat government, holding key portfolios like Home, Traffic, Prohibition, Parliamentary Affairs, Law, and Excise.

National Politics and BJP Presidency

In 2013, Shah became the BJP’s National General Secretary. During the 2014 elections, he was pivotal in the BJP’s success in Uttar Pradesh, securing 73 seats. On July 9, 2014, Shah became the BJP National President. Under his leadership, the BJP expanded its organizational base and achieved significant electoral successes, forming governments in states like Assam, Tripura, Manipur, Haryana, and Maharashtra. He was re-elected as the national president in 2016 and became a trustee of the Somnath Temple Trust the same year.

Ministerial Roles and Legislative Achievements

In 2017, Shah was elected to the Rajya Sabha from Gujarat and continued to strengthen the party’s presence across India. He contested the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from Gandhinagar, winning by a significant margin. Appointed as the Home Minister in 2019, Shah played a crucial role in major legislative changes, including the abrogation of Article 370 and the enactment of the Citizenship Amendment Act.

Contributions to Security and Disaster Management

Shah has been instrumental in resolving long-standing issues in Kashmir and the northeastern states, implementing a zero-tolerance policy against Left-Wing Extremism, and improving disaster management protocols. His efforts have bolstered internal security and the National Disaster Response Force’s (NDRF) effectiveness.

Ministry of Cooperation and Personal Life

In 2021, Shah was appointed as the Minister of Cooperation, focusing on revitalizing the cooperative movement. Despite his busy political career, Shah enjoys various cuisines, old films, and chess. He has not traveled abroad since 2006, maintaining a disciplined and spiritual lifestyle.

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah’s journey from a young activist to one of India’s most influential politicians is marked by strategic acumen, dedication to public service, and a deep commitment to the nation’s security and development.