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[rorystormandthehurricanes]

Anthony Hogan's paragraph descriptions of John Byrne (Johnny Guitar), Ringo Starr, Charles O'Brien (Ty O'Brien), and Walter Eymond (Lu Walters) from the book FROM A STORM TO A HURRICANE (2016)

" John [Byrne] was born on 4 December 1939 in Liverpool to Michael Patrick Byrne, a Seaman, born 22 October 1908, and Elsie Ford, who had married in the city in 1932. Elsie was born 10 July 1905 in Liverpool, with her early years being spent at No. 2 Belfast Road in Old Swan. Here she lived with her one sister and four brothers, her mother Eliza (nee Cowan) and her father Henry, who worked as a coal dealer. Her parents had married in 1898 and moved to the Old Swan area from Everton. By 1933 Michael and Elsie were living in London, where they had their first two children, Patrick and Norma. The family returned to Liverpool when Michael's work was moved there. After their return, John and Paul were born. John was a pupil at St Oswald's school in Old Swan and a part of the church of the same name. Like Alan, John had taken dance lessons at Martin's school on Derby lane. They had both attended the boys' club there as well. Just before his teen years John was struck down with rheumatic fever. He pulled through and spent six months in a Southport hospital convalescing. "

" Charles was born Charles William O'Brien in Liverpool on 15 February 1941, to Charles William O'Brien, born 1906 in Liverpool, and Marie Brierly, born 2 October 1904 in Liverpool. The couple married in 1927 at St Michael and Sacred Heart church on West Derby Road, Liverpool. The family lived at No. 49 Pemberton Road, Old Swan, with Charles Sr working as a seaman for the Canadian Pacific Line. Charles had an older sister named Marie who had been born in 1928. (..) Young Charles became a very talented amateur boxer, training at the Derby Lane gym, as well as a very good guitar player. He had been a pupil at St Oswald's school, and attended the church there. Charles, or Chas as he was often called, had known John Lennon and The Quarrymen in their early days. He was also another member of the band who had attended Martin's dance school on Derby Lane in Old Swan, where he proved to be a rather decent dancer. "

" Richard [Starkey] had been born on 7 July 1940, at No. 9 Madryn Street in the Dingle area of Liverpool, to Richard Starkey and Elsie Gleave, who had married in 1936. The couple had spent time dancing together on the ballroom circuit, but the birth of Richard drove them apart. Richard Snr showed little interest towards his son, preferring to spend his time drinking in local pubs. Elsie raised Richard and doted after him. In 1944 they moved the short distance to No. 10 Admiral Grove, the move being done by loading their possessions onto a handcart. Within a year Richard Shr had left and a divorce had been completed; his son barely saw him again. Richard, known as Ritchie, was very ill as a child, developing appendicitis aged six that led to a stay in the Myrtle Street children's hospital. He was a pupil at St Silas primary school and Dingle Vale secondary school, where he was a classmate of Billy Fury. In 1953 he contracted tuberculosis and was admitted to the children's hospital at Heswell on the Wirral. "

" Walter Eymond was born Walter Lewis Eymond on 6 August 1938 off Cazneau Street in Liverpool. His parents, who had married in Liverpool in 1934, were Henry Lewis Eymond, born 1906, and Mary Melia. Henry was the son of Lewis Felix Eymond and Georgina Esther Carruthers (Walter's grandparents) who in 1911 were living at No. 13 Buckingham Road in Walton, Liverpool, with Lewis working as a ship's pattern-maker. Walter's great-grandfather, Jean-Marie Henri Eymond, had brought his family over to England from the Bordeaux region of France. In 1875 he was living in the Dingle area of Liverpool and working as a master mariner. Walter also had a sister named Jean who had been born in 1935. During the Second World War Walter's home was bombed, resulting in the family being rehoused at No. 11 Ulster Road in Old Swan for the remainder of the war. Walter's father Henry worked as an electrical engineer and would often take his family with him when he worked in such places as London, Newcastle and Dudley in Birmingham. "

[driverdefens]

Elgin's Source for New and Used Ford Escape

Find your perfect new or used Ford Escape at Hawk Ford of St. Charles near Elgin. Explore their inventory & schedule a test drive today!

[hawkfordstcharles-blog]

Hawk Ford of St. Charles Offer All New Ford GT - 

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[chiseler]

Downward Christian Soldiers

Father Charles Coughlin, 1930s

On January 14 1940, the FBI arrested 18 men in New York City accused of plotting the overthrow of the U.S. government. Fourteen were snatched up in their homes in Brooklyn, the others in The Bronx and Queens. Searches yielded more than a dozen Springfield rifles, a shotgun, some handguns, thousands of rounds of ammunition, and the materials for homemade bombs. J. Edgar Hoover said they were plotting a terrorist campaign targeting transportation, power, and communications facilities; their goal was to rouse the military into staging a coup, placing a strong dictator like Hitler or Mussolini in power, and cleansing the country of Jews.  

The men were mostly of German or Irish descent, and ranged in age from 18 to 38. If employed (a few weren’t), they held low-end jobs, including an elevator mechanic, a telephone lineman, a chauffeur, a couple of salesmen, a couple of office clerks. The 18-year-old was a student. Most troubling was the fact that six of them were National Guardsmen.

They were all followers of a Father Coughlin-inspired movement called the Christian Front. In his mid-1930s heyday, Coughlin was arguably the most powerful pro-Fascist voice in America. An Irish Catholic originally from Canada, he had first turned to radio in the 1920s simply as a way to expand his ministry beyond his tiny congregation in Royal Oaks. He had a strong radio voice, and when CBS started syndicating his weekly sermons in 1929 it was an instant success. The crash and start of the Depression politicized him. His condemnations of Wall Street and President Hoover brought him tens of thousands of fan letters a week, and his high praises for Hoover’s opponent FDR surely had an impact on the 1932 elections. Then, when the invitation he craved to sit among President Roosevelt’s circle of advisors didn’t come, he turned bitter as a jilted lover. He began denouncing Roosevelt, his New Deal, his Jew York advisors, and his friends in the labor movement as all facets of an international Jewish-Communist conspiracy to destroy Christianity and democracy. He also praised Franco, Mussolini, and Hitler for defending their people against this spreading evil.

Coughlin’s call for a “Christian Front” to combat the Communists’ mid-1930s Popular Front coalition with other groups on the left resonated with the Depression-driven anger and paranoia of many Americans, especially in cities like Boston and New York with large communities of lower- and lower-middle class Irish Catholics, who tended to be shut out of other right-wing movements precisely because they were Irish and Catholic. At his peak, Coughlin had tens of millions of listeners to his Sunday radio sermons, a million readers of his weekly magazine Social Justice, and received millions of dollars in small donations.

By 1938, rabid anti-Semitism had become the centerpiece of Coughlin’s message. That year, at a Christian Front rally in The Bronx, he allegedly gave the Nazi salute and declared, “When we get through with the Jews in America, they’ll think the treatment they received in Germany was nothing.” In Social Justice he reprinted the anti-Semitic hoax The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which also topped Henry Ford’s list of favorite reading. In the autumn of 1938, when Coughlin said the Jews had brought Kristallnacht on themselves, radio stations, including WMCA in New York, dropped him. Several thousand Fronters “picketed the station, its advertisers, and Jewish-owned stores throughout the city,” historian Robert A. Rosenbaum writes. “The pickets returned every Sunday afternoon for many months. In the meantime, gangs of Christian Fronters roamed the streets and subways, peddling copies of Social Justice, distributing anti-Semitic leaflets, and orating on street corners, while harassing and assaulting people they took to be Jewish.” The city’s police force, which was nearly two-thirds Irish, turned a blind eye; some number of them were Christian Frontiers themselves.

The Front thrived in parishes in all of New York City’s boroughs. Some of the first Front meetings took place in a church hall near Columbus Circle, and some of the most frequent and well-attended were in The Bronx. In Brooklyn, Father Francis Joseph Healy, the pastor of the St. Joseph’s parish in Prospect Heights, was also the editor of the Brooklyn diocese’s weekly paper, The Tablet, which he made a platform for extremely anti-Communist, pro-Fascist, and pro-Coughlin thought. After Father Healy’s death in 1940, his managing editor Patrick Scanlan continued the paper’s reactionary slant. Scanlan ran Coughlin’s rants on the front page. Healy’s successor at St. Joseph’s, Father Edward Curran, was also a major supporter of Father Coughlin and other pro-Fascist and isolationist groups. During the war in Spain Father Curran wrote dozens of pro-Franco columns for arch-conservative publications around the country.

By 1939 small cells of Fronters in Manhattan and Brooklyn were calling themselves “sports clubs,” though the only sport they practiced was target shooting at rifle ranges. The Guardsmen in the group evidently pilfered the rifles and ammo from their posts, and trained other Frontiers in how to use them. 


Along with the cops and Guardsmen, the Front cells were also peppered with spies. The FBI had informants keeping tabs on them. Two independent investigators would write very successful books in which they claimed to have infiltrated the Front as well, and dozens of other underground hate groups. Richard Rollins’ I Find Treason would be published by William Morrow in 1941; John Roy Carlson’s similar Under Cover would be a runaway bestseller for E. P. Dutton two years later, galloping through 16 printings in its first six months. Both writers used pseudonyms. Carlson was actually Arthur Derounian, an Armenian immigrant. Rollins was apparently Isidore Rothberg, an investigator for Congressman Samuel Dickstein of the House Special Committee on Un-American Activities. Partly because the writers used pseudonyms while naming scores of individuals they claimed were pro-Hitler and pro-Fascist, both books were widely denounced on the right as fabrications and smear campaigns.


Derounian wrote that he was riding the subway one day in 1938 when he picked up a leaflet of “bitterly anti-Semitic quotations” published by something called the Nationalist Press Association on East 116th Street in Italian East Harlem. He decided to research, and found himself exploring a vast underground world of wannabe Hitlers and Mussolinis, society matron super-patriots, racists, Anglophobes, White Russians, and assorted conspiracy theorists and kooks.
 Born in 1909, Derounian had grown up in another world of hate. After struggling to stay alive as Armenians in Greece at a time of chaos and slaughter in the Balkans, his family fled to New York in 1921. Arthur learned English and earned a degree in journalism at NYU in 1926. In 1933 he learned that the turmoil in the Balkans had followed him across the ocean, when the archbishop of New York’s Armenian Orthodox Catholics, while serving Christmas Mass in his Washington Heights church, was stabbed to death by radical Armenian nationalists opposed to his politics.

So when Derounian read that hate sheet on the subway in 1938, he was primed to follow up. The 116th Street address was an old tenement with a barber shop on the ground floor. The Nationalist Press “office” was a dingy back room stacked to the stained ceiling with right-wing books, newspapers and pamphlets. Poking around in the gloom were a few Italian men and Peter Stahrenberg, a tall blond Aryan type “with blunt features and a coarse-lipped, brutal mouth,” who wore a khaki shirt and a black tie with a pearl-studded swastika tie tack. Stahrenberg was the publisher of the National American, a pro-Hitler newspaper whose striking logo was an American Indian giving the Nazi salute before a large swastika. He was also the head of the American National-Socialist Party. Derounian, calling himself George Pagnanelli and expressing interest in the “patriotic movement,” wormed his way into Stahrenberg’s confidence.

As he explored Stahrenberg’s twilight world, Derounian claimed, he found pro-Nazis and pro-Fascists all over New York City, holding meetings and rallies in every borough. It was a topsy-turvy world where street thugs from the city’s poorest neighborhoods mingled with wealthy Park Avenue crackpots, and Irish Catholic Fronters convinced that Communism was an international Jewish plot sat in the same meetings with Protestant zealots convinced that the Vatican was a Jewish front. He met rabidly anti-Communist D.A.R. socialites, and retired military officers who were certain that FDR and the Jew Dealers were leading the nation to ruin. He met the prominent conservative organizer Catherine Curtis, introducing himself as George Pagnanelli; she kept calling him Mr. Pagliacci. He even found black pro-Nazis in Harlem. Some were attracted by Hitler’s anti-Semitism; others simply cheered the idea of a white man making trouble for other whites.

When the Christian Front clique was arraigned in Brooklyn’s federal courthouse in February, they all pleaded not guilty to charges of conspiracy and theft of government property. The lawyer for 12 of them was Leo Healy – Father Healy’s brother. A crowd jeered and booed as they were perp-walked into the courthouse. Winchell and La Guardia both derided them as “bums,” La Guardia adding that if they were the best the enemies of democracy could muster, no one need lose any sleep. But the defendants also had their sympathizers. Father Curran was the keynote speaker at a large rally in Prospect Hall to express support for them.  

Fourteen defendants were left when the trial began in April; one of the original 18 had committed suicide, and charges against three others were dropped. As the trial sputtered along through May, it began to appear that the FBI and prosecutors hadn’t built a very strong case. When the proceedings stumbled to a close on Monday June 24, the jury acquitted nine of the defendants and pronounced themselves hung on the other five.


It was a major embarrassment for Hoover. The Front and their supporters cheered it as a great victory, and would continue to spread hate and violence well into the war years. Through 1942 and 1943 there would be numerous reports in the press of roving gangs of young men, mostly identified as Irish and affiliated with the Front, beating and sometimes even knifing Jews in neighborhoods like Flatbush, Washington Heights and the South Bronx, where Irish and Jewish communities abutted. Many shops, synagogues and cemeteries were vandalized. Jewish leaders pleaded with Mayor La Guardia and Police Commissioner Valentine, but they took little action.

Coughlin would rant on into 1942, when the federal government shut down Social Justice as a seditious publication, and the Archbishop of Detroit finally ordered him to stop all political activity. Father Curran, however, continued undeterred, making anti-Semitic, anti-war speeches to Frontiers and others through the entire war.

by John Strausbaugh

[joecottonford-blog1]

About Us:

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[minefavorites]

The Ford Edge is an SUV great for small families and towing. If you are looking for a car dealer for Ford Edge, visit Hawk Ford of St. Charles.

[santamonicaday]

Where To Buy A Vaporizer In Santa Monica

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Charles Nelson Pogue invented a carburetor that vaporized gasonline, instead of nebulizing it into tiny drops, thus dramatically increasing mileage per gallon of gasoline used.

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Rosie DiManno: Blue Jays’ legends of the fall touch ’em all again — 25 years later. The Blue Jays’ walk-off homer to win the 1993 World Series and electrify a city still resonates.

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NORML | September 20, 2018. SANTA FE, NM — New Mexico’s Health Secretary Lynn Gallagher has agreed to proposed changes in the state’s medical cannabis law that would permit patients with obstructive sleep apnea to access marijuana; but she rejected calls to expand access to patients with other debilitating conditions, including Tourette’s syndrome (TS) and opioid dependency.

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[charleshigginsatnewtonford]

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[thecardaddy]

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[addictionrecoveryassistance]

Detox Centers In Wellman Texas 79378

Contents

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At Brownfield Rehabilitation and Care Center we provide the highest quality skilled and rehabilitative care in a home like environment. … brownfield rehab suites …

79378 is zip code located in Wellman, Texas. The population is 300, making 79378 the largest zipcode in Wellman and the 3rd largest in Terry County. There are 1 public schools in 79378 with an average Homefacts rating of A-. there are 1 registered sex offenders residing in the zip code 79378.

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Florida lawmaker who helped craft new tax law stands to gain

New Post has been published on https://goo.gl/szeEhE

Florida lawmaker who helped craft new tax law stands to gain

WASHINGTON/April 2, 2018 (AP)(STLRealEstate.News) — As Republicans streamed out of Washington in late January for their annual retreat, dozens of them headed to Union Station near the U.S. Capitol to catch a train to the luxury Greenbrier resort in West Virginia. Rep. Vern Buchanan wasn’t among them. The Florida lawmaker made the short trip in his Embraer Phenom 300, an executive jet that costs around $9 million.

Already one of the wealthiest lawmakers on Capitol Hill, Buchanan could become even wealthier after he and other Republicans muscled a sweeping rewrite of the U.S. tax code through Congress late last year that includes breaks for the real estate and automobile industries that generate most of his income.

The potential windfall for Buchanan — worth at least $80 million and perhaps much more — echoes on a smaller scale how favorable the new tax law is to President Donald Trump, whose fiery populism won him support from struggling American workers and families. While Trump and Republican allies have billed the tax law he signed as a victory for a stressed middle class, the $1.5 trillion package provides the most significant tax cuts for corporations and the most prosperous Americans.

Not a single Democrat in the House and Senate voted for the legislation, which they’ve depicted as a payout to the GOP’s largest donors. Seeking to convince voters otherwise, Republicans have trumpeted announcements from companies that credit the overhaul as the reason their workers are getting bonuses and wage increases. But the biggest winners are those who are already doing well.

The nonpartisan Tax Policy Center estimated that for the richest 0.1 percent — those making over $3.4 million — the tax cut should be worth 2.7 percent of their after-tax income. For middle-income earners, it’s 1.6 percent, according to the center. And only high-income people would get a meaningful tax cut after 2025, when nearly all the plan’s individual income tax provisions are due to expire.

The tax code overhaul is especially generous to real estate businesses and car dealerships, many of which are organized as “pass-through” companies. That means they pay personal income tax on business earnings. The new law allows them to reduce their taxable business income by 20 percent.

The bedrock of Trump’s personal fortune is real estate, and his company, the Trump Organization, is made up of about 500 pass-through entities, according to his lawyers.

Buchanan’s online biography describes him as a self-made businessman who grew up in a blue-collar household and worked his way through college. He once owned nearly 20 auto franchises but sold off most of them since being elected to Congress in 2006.

He earned at least $4 million in 2016 from real estate holdings, automobile dealerships and other assets, according to an Associated Press analysis of his most recent financial disclosure. He’s the managing member of or a partner in nearly 20 limited liability companies, or LLCs, which are the most common type of pass-through company. His congressional office provided a brief statement but didn’t respond to the AP’s questions about how the tax law would benefit him and about whether he advocated for specific provisions as a member of the House committee that played a central role in crafting the tax plan.

“This isn’t about Vern, it’s about the tens of thousands of small businesses that have been unfairly penalized by high taxes,” spokesman Riley Ploch said in a statement. “Local mom and pop stores and medium-sized businesses should not face a higher tax rate than Exxon Mobil and other large corporations.”

The version of the tax bill that Buchanan and other House Republicans approved in November also preserved the interest deduction that’s prized by car dealers. They rely on what are known as “floor plan loans” to buy cars from manufacturers and then hold the vehicles in their inventory. The House agreed to allow dealers to keep deducting 100 percent of the interest they pay on these lines of credit.

But the Senate Finance Committee refused to go along. That touched off alarms at the National Automobile Dealers Association, the trade group that represents thousands of dealerships across the United States. Charles Gilchrist, a member of the association’s board of directors and a Ford dealer in Weatherford, Texas, warned at the time in an op-ed piece he wrote for The Fort Worth Star-Telegram that cutting back the deduction could increase his tax bill by $650,000.

Lawmakers eventually decided to keep the deduction in the bill Trump made law.

Buchanan, as a member of the House Ways and Means Committee, had more of a hand than most lawmakers in putting the tax bill together. And he’ll play a central role this year monitoring how the Treasury Department and IRS implement the law. He was selected in January to head the panel’s subcommittee on tax policy.

Members of Congress are required only to report their assets, income and liabilities in broad ranges, making it impossible to know precisely how they’re affected by the tax law. Buchanan’s assets in 2016 ranged from $101.5 million to $269.5 million, according to his financial disclosure. His outstanding liabilities were between $21.3 million and $105.7 million.

One of his larger liabilities — between $5 million and $25 million — is a loan for the Phenom 300. FAA records show that the jet was manufactured in 2016 and is owned by an LLC called Aircraft Holding and Leasing that Buchanan formed in 2002.

Buchanan arrived in West Virginia hours ahead of his GOP colleagues, according to the flight tracking service Flightwise. They were delayed when their train slammed into a garbage truck at a rural rail crossing in Virginia, killing a trash collector.

_____

By RICHARD LARDNER, Associated Press, published on STL.NEWS by St. Louis Media, LLC (PS)

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DOWNWARD CHRISTIAN SOLDIERS

Father Charles Coughlin, 1930s

On January 14 1940, the FBI arrested 18 men in New York City accused of plotting the overthrow of the U.S. government. Fourteen were snatched up in their homes in Brooklyn, the others in The Bronx and Queens. Searches yielded more than a dozen Springfield rifles, a shotgun, some handguns, thousands of rounds of ammunition, and the materials for homemade bombs. J. Edgar Hoover said they were plotting a terrorist campaign targeting transportation, power, and communications facilities; their goal was to rouse the military into staging a coup, placing a strong dictator like Hitler or Mussolini in power, and cleansing the country of Jews.  

The men were mostly of German or Irish descent, and ranged in age from 18 to 38. If employed (a few weren't), they held low-end jobs, including an elevator mechanic, a telephone lineman, a chauffeur, a couple of salesmen, a couple of office clerks. The 18-year-old was a student. Most troubling was the fact that six of them were National Guardsmen.

They were all followers of a Father Coughlin-inspired movement called the Christian Front. In his mid-1930s heyday, Coughlin was arguably the most powerful pro-Fascist voice in America. An Irish Catholic originally from Canada, he had first turned to radio in the 1920s simply as a way to expand his ministry beyond his tiny congregation in Royal Oaks. He had a strong radio voice, and when CBS started syndicating his weekly sermons in 1929 it was an instant success. The crash and start of the Depression politicized him. His condemnations of Wall Street and President Hoover brought him tens of thousands of fan letters a week, and his high praises for Hoover’s opponent FDR surely had an impact on the 1932 elections. Then, when the invitation he craved to sit among President Roosevelt’s circle of advisors didn’t come, he turned bitter as a jilted lover. He began denouncing Roosevelt, his New Deal, his Jew York advisors, and his friends in the labor movement as all facets of an international Jewish-Communist conspiracy to destroy Christianity and democracy. He also praised Franco, Mussolini, and Hitler for defending their people against this spreading evil.

Coughlin’s call for a “Christian Front” to combat the Communists’ mid-1930s Popular Front coalition with other groups on the left resonated with the Depression-driven anger and paranoia of many Americans, especially in cities like Boston and New York with large communities of lower- and lower-middle class Irish Catholics, who tended to be shut out of other right-wing movements precisely because they were Irish and Catholic. At his peak, Coughlin had tens of millions of listeners to his Sunday radio sermons, a million readers of his weekly magazine Social Justice, and received millions of dollars in small donations.

By 1938, rabid anti-Semitism had become the centerpiece of Coughlin’s message. That year, at a Christian Front rally in The Bronx, he allegedly gave the Nazi salute and declared, "When we get through with the Jews in America, they'll think the treatment they received in Germany was nothing." In Social Justice he reprinted the anti-Semitic hoax The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which also topped Henry Ford’s list of favorite reading. In the autumn of 1938, when Coughlin said the Jews had brought Kristallnacht on themselves, radio stations, including WMCA in New York, dropped him. Several thousand Fronters “picketed the station, its advertisers, and Jewish-owned stores throughout the city,” historian Robert A. Rosenbaum writes. “The pickets returned every Sunday afternoon for many months. In the meantime, gangs of Christian Fronters roamed the streets and subways, peddling copies of Social Justice, distributing anti-Semitic leaflets, and orating on street corners, while harassing and assaulting people they took to be Jewish.” The city’s police force, which was nearly two-thirds Irish, turned a blind eye; some number of them were Christian Frontiers themselves.

The Front thrived in parishes in all of New York City’s boroughs. Some of the first Front meetings took place in a church hall near Columbus Circle, and some of the most frequent and well-attended were in The Bronx. In Brooklyn, Father Francis Joseph Healy, the pastor of the St. Joseph's parish in Prospect Heights, was also the editor of the Brooklyn diocese's weekly paper, The Tablet, which he made a platform for extremely anti-Communist, pro-Fascist, and pro-Coughlin thought. After Father Healy's death in 1940, his managing editor Patrick Scanlan continued the paper's reactionary slant. Scanlan ran Coughlin’s rants on the front page. Healy’s successor at St. Joseph’s, Father Edward Curran, was also a major supporter of Father Coughlin and other pro-Fascist and isolationist groups. During the war in Spain Father Curran wrote dozens of pro-Franco columns for arch-conservative publications around the country.

By 1939 small cells of Fronters in Manhattan and Brooklyn were calling themselves “sports clubs,” though the only sport they practiced was target shooting at rifle ranges. The Guardsmen in the group evidently pilfered the rifles and ammo from their posts, and trained other Frontiers in how to use them. 

Along with the cops and Guardsmen, the Front cells were also peppered with spies. The FBI had informants keeping tabs on them. Two independent investigators would write very successful books in which they claimed to have infiltrated the Front as well, and dozens of other underground hate groups. Richard Rollins’ I Find Treason would be published by William Morrow in 1941; John Roy Carlson’s similar Under Cover would be a runaway bestseller for E. P. Dutton two years later, galloping through 16 printings in its first six months. Both writers used pseudonyms. Carlson was actually Arthur Derounian, an Armenian immigrant. Rollins was apparently Isidore Rothberg, an investigator for Congressman Samuel Dickstein of the House Special Committee on Un-American Activities. Partly because the writers used pseudonyms while naming scores of individuals they claimed were pro-Hitler and pro-Fascist, both books were widely denounced on the right as fabrications and smear campaigns.

John Roy Carlson

Derounian wrote that he was riding the subway one day in 1938 when he picked up a leaflet of "bitterly anti-Semitic quotations" published by something called the Nationalist Press Association on East 116th Street in Italian East Harlem. He decided to research, and found himself exploring a vast underground world of wannabe Hitlers and Mussolinis, society matron super-patriots, racists, Anglophobes, White Russians, and assorted conspiracy theorists and kooks.

Born in 1909, Derounian had grown up in another world of hate. After struggling to stay alive as Armenians in Greece at a time of chaos and slaughter in the Balkans, his family fled to New York in 1921. Arthur learned English and earned a degree in journalism at NYU in 1926. In 1933 he learned that the turmoil in the Balkans had followed him across the ocean, when the archbishop of New York's Armenian Orthodox Catholics, while serving Christmas Mass in his Washington Heights church, was stabbed to death by radical Armenian nationalists opposed to his politics.

So when Derounian read that hate sheet on the subway in 1938, he was primed to follow up. The 116th Street address was an old tenement with a barber shop on the ground floor. The Nationalist Press "office" was a dingy back room stacked to the stained ceiling with right-wing books, newspapers and pamphlets. Poking around in the gloom were a few Italian men and Peter Stahrenberg, a tall blond Aryan type "with blunt features and a coarse-lipped, brutal mouth," who wore a khaki shirt and a black tie with a pearl-studded swastika tie tack. Stahrenberg was the publisher of the National American, a pro-Hitler newspaper whose striking logo was an American Indian giving the Nazi salute before a large swastika. He was also the head of the American National-Socialist Party. Derounian, calling himself George Pagnanelli and expressing interest in the "patriotic movement," wormed his way into Stahrenberg's confidence.

As he explored Stahrenberg's twilight world, Derounian claimed, he found pro-Nazis and pro-Fascists all over New York City, holding meetings and rallies in every borough. It was a topsy-turvy world where street thugs from the city's poorest neighborhoods mingled with wealthy Park Avenue crackpots, and Irish Catholic Fronters convinced that Communism was an international Jewish plot sat in the same meetings with Protestant zealots convinced that the Vatican was a Jewish front. He met rabidly anti-Communist D.A.R. socialites, and retired military officers who were certain that FDR and the Jew Dealers were leading the nation to ruin. He met the prominent conservative organizer Catherine Curtis, introducing himself as George Pagnanelli; she kept calling him Mr. Pagliacci. He even found black pro-Nazis in Harlem. Some were attracted by Hitler's anti-Semitism; others simply cheered the idea of a white man making trouble for other whites.

When the Christian Front clique was arraigned in Brooklyn’s federal courthouse in February, they all pleaded not guilty to charges of conspiracy and theft of government property. The lawyer for 12 of them was Leo Healy – Father Healy’s brother. A crowd jeered and booed as they were perp-walked into the courthouse. Winchell and La Guardia both derided them as “bums,” La Guardia adding that if they were the best the enemies of democracy could muster, no one need lose any sleep. But the defendants also had their sympathizers. Father Curran was the keynote speaker at a large rally in Prospect Hall to express support for them.  

Fourteen defendants were left when the trial began in April; one of the original 18 had committed suicide, and charges against three others were dropped. As the trial sputtered along through May, it began to appear that the FBI and prosecutors hadn’t built a very strong case. When the proceedings stumbled to a close on Monday June 24, the jury acquitted nine of the defendants and pronounced themselves hung on the other five.

It was a major embarrassment for Hoover. The Front and their supporters cheered it as a great victory, and would continue to spread hate and violence well into the war years. Through 1942 and 1943 there would be numerous reports in the press of roving gangs of young men, mostly identified as Irish and affiliated with the Front, beating and sometimes even knifing Jews in neighborhoods like Flatbush, Washington Heights and the South Bronx, where Irish and Jewish communities abutted. Many shops, synagogues and cemeteries were vandalized. Jewish leaders pleaded with Mayor La Guardia and Police Commissioner Valentine, but they took little action.

Coughlin would rant on into 1942, when the federal government shut down Social Justice as a seditious publication, and the Archbishop of Detroit finally ordered him to stop all political activity. Father Curran, however, continued undeterred, making anti-Semitic, anti-war speeches to Frontiers and others through the entire war.

by John Strausbaugh

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