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justinspoliticalcorner · 3 months ago

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Don Moynihan at Can We Still Govern?: At the Democratic National Convention, speaker after speaker sought to remind viewers of Project 2025. Jim Clyburn referred to it as “Jim Crow 2.0.” Cory Booker mocked it was “Project 1825” and “Project 1925.” Michigan Senator Mallory McMorrow was one of many speakers who brought an enlarged version of the Mandate for Leadership document published by the Heritage Foundation that serves as the backbone to Project 2025. Trump’s campaign has falsely claimed that Project 2025 is dead, and in mailers to voters he has doubled down on his efforts to distance himself from it. (Note to Forbes and other media outlets who confuse repeating Trump’s lies with reporting: this is what you get — becoming a tool in his disinformation efforts).

Of course, Project 2025 very much remains alive and the most relevant way to understand how Trump would govern. At the convention, Tim Walz invoked Project 2025 when he said that “when somebody takes the time to draw up a playbook, they’re going to use it.” The comedian Kenan Thompson gave one of best summaries of the relationship between Trump and Project 2025:

[You know how when you download an app and there are hundreds of pages there that you don’t read. Its just the terms and conditions. And you just click agree, right? Well, these are the terms and conditions of a second Trump Presidency. You vote for him, you vote for all of this.]

Trump dislikes Project 2025 as a brand because it lays out a series of specifics about right wing policy goals, which, it turns out, are unpopular. There has been some schadenfreude in how Project 2025 has become baggage for the Trump campaign, and has in some ways backfired for the Heritage Foundation, who went from energetically promoting their ties to Trump to gingerly defending their efforts from Trump’s own campaign.

We got a glimpse about the scale and nature of these plans when some British undercover journalists performed a sting operation of Russ Vought. Vought is touted as a potential Chief of Staff in a second Trump administration. As a Trump official, he helped to cover up Trump’s withholding of arms to Ukraine, and aggressively pushed Trump’s plan to fire career civil servants. Out of office, he then complains about the weaponization of federal agencies without a trace of irony.

[...]

The Heritage Foundation been portrayed as the central player in Project 2025, deservedly so. But its role reflects a certain continuity of effort — it has been publishing Mandate for Leadership guides since Reagan — that understates the dramatic nature of the change that has taken place on the right. The Conservative Partnership Institute, which has played a less visible role in Project 2025, is more emblematic of the MAGAification of the conservative movement. A recent profile of CPI by Jonathan Blitzer in the New Yorker is eye-opening. CPI was created in 2017 by Jim DeMint, the Heritage Foundation leader who was pushed out for trashing Heritage’s reputation for credible research by making it more partisan and less serious. DeMint also aligned early with Trump, which some Heritage board members never forgave him for. CPI operates less like a think tank, where former Trump officials hang their hat, and more like a venture capital firm providing seed funding for MAGA-aligned organizations, as well as connections to other donors, and physical space to get a foothold in DC. These include:

Russ Vought’s Center for Renewing America

Stephen Miller’s America First Legal

The American Accountability Foundation, which ran attack campaigns against Biden nominees, and is currently compiling an enemies list of career civil servants

Cleta Mitchell’s Election Integrity Network. CPI had been deeply involved in election denial. It helped to organize efforts to disrupt the vote to confirm Biden’s election on January 6th. Mitchell a Secretary of CPI, was the lawyer who helped Trump with his call to Georgia officials asking them to fine more votes. She is organizing a network of legal challenges to block legitimate election outcomes this year.

The State Freedom Caucus Network, whose goal is to embed state versions of the House Freedom Caucus in every state

An API official said that in a speech at Mar-A-Lago: “Trump complained about his personnel. He said he had these bad generals, bad Cabinet secretaries. That was a big signal to the people there.” This is why there is such an intense focus on Schedule F, to fire civil servants, and building a pipeline of dedicated Trumpists as political appointees. Part of the function of CPI was to alter the incentives for Trump officials. A previous generation of conservative lawyers or other appointees might worry about their long-term career prospects for engaging in a little light treason. CPI has created an ecosystem existed to defend them (they have funded legal defenses for John Eastman, Peter Navarro, Mark Meadows and Jeffery Clark), to and to find them new roles after wrongdoing.

@Don Moynihan nails it: The “next phase” of Project 2025 contains plans we don’t even know about.

#Project 2025 #2024 DNC #Don Moynihan #Donald Trump #Kenan Thompson #Malcolm Kenyatta #Jim Clyburn #Tim Walz #Russ Vought #State Freedom Caucus Network #Conservative Partnership Institute #The Heritage Foundation #Election Integrity Network #American Accountability Foundation #Center For Renewing America #America First Legal

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dontmeantobepoliticalbut · 2 years ago

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Steps from the Capitol, Trump allies buy up properties to build MAGA campus | The Washington Post

At first glance, the flurry of real estate sales two blocks east of the U.S. Capitol appeared unremarkable in a city where such sales are common. In the span of a year, a seemingly unrelated gaggle of recently formed companies bought nine properties, all within steps of one another.

But the sales were not coincidental. Unbeknown to most of the sellers, the limited liability companies making the purchases — a shopping spree that added up to $41 million — are connected to a conservative nonprofit led by Mark Meadows, who was Chief of Staff to President Donald Trump. The organization has promoted MAGA stars like Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.).

The Conservative Partnership Institute, as the nonprofit is known, now controls four commercial properties along a single Pennsylvania Avenue block, three adjoining rowhouses around the corner, and a garage and carriage house in the rear alley. CPI’s aim, as expressed in its annual report, is to transform the swath of prime real estate into a campus it calls “Patriots’ Row.”

The acquisitions strike some Capitol Hill regulars as puzzling, considering that Republicans have long made a sport of denigrating Washington as a dysfunctional “swamp,” the latest evidence being a successful GOP-led effort to block local D.C. legislation to revise the city’s criminal code.

“So you don’t respect how we administer our city and then you secretly buy up chunks of it?” said Tim Krepp, a Capitol Hill resident who works as a tour guide and has written about the neighborhood’s history. “If it’s such a hellhole, go to Virginia.”

Reached on his cellphone, Edward Corrigan, CPI’s president, whose name appears on public documents related to the sales, had no immediate comment on the purchases, which were first reported by Grid News and confirmed by The Washington Post. “I’ll get back to you,” Corrigan said. He did not respond to follow-up messages.

Former senator Jim DeMint, CPI’s founder, and Meadows, a senior partner at the organization, did not respond to emails seeking comment. Cameron Seward, CPI’s general counsel and director of operations, whose name appears on incorporation documents related to the companies making the purchases, did not respond to a text or an email.

As Congress’s neighbors, denizens of the Capitol Hill neighborhood are accustomed to existing in close quarters with all varieties of official Washington. Walk the neighborhood and you might catch a glimpse of Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) or former Trump strategist Stephen K. Bannon, among those who own homes near the Capitol. The Republican and Democratic national committees both have offices in the neighborhood.

But it’s rare, if not unprecedented, for a nonprofit to purchase as many properties in such proximity and in so short a period of time as CPI has assembled through its related companies, a roster with names like Clear Plains Holdings, Brunswick Partners, Houston Group, Newpoint and Pennsylvania Avenue Holdings. The companies list Seward as an officer on corporate filings, as well as CPI’s Independence Avenue headquarters as their principal address.

Now, in what may be an only-in-Washington vista, a single Pennsylvania Avenue block is occupied by Public Citizen, the left-leaning consumer advocacy group, the Heritage Foundation, the conservative think tank, and CPI, which bought four properties through its affiliates.

In addition to the nine D.C. parcels CPI’s network has bought since January 2022, another affiliated company, Federal Investors, paid $7.2 million for a sprawling 11-bedroom retreat on the Eastern Shore. In 2020, CPI, under its own name, also spent $1.5 million for a rowhouse next to its headquarters, which it leases, a few blocks from the Capitol.

DeMint, a former Republican congressman from South Carolina, started CPI in 2017, shortly after he was ousted as Heritage’s leader amid criticism that the think tank had become too political under his direction. Meadows joined in 2021, after working as Trump’s Chief of Staff. He was by Trump’s side during the administration’s final calamitous days, before and after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol and as the President’s allies were seeking to overturn election results.

On its 2021 tax returns, CPI reported $45 million in revenue, most of it generated through contributions and grants, and paid DeMint and Meadows compensation packages of $542,000 and $559,000, respectively. Its current offices, a three-story townhouse at the corner of Third Street and Independence Avenue SE, is a hub of GOP activity. During the chaotic lead-up to Rep. Kevin McCarthy’s election as House Speaker, dissident Republican lawmakers were observed congregating at CPI.

CPI also provides grants to a cluster of nonprofits headed by Trump allies. Former Trump adviser Stephen Miller, for example, leads America First Legal, which received $1.3 million from CPI in 2021 and bills itself as a check on “lawless executive actions and the Radical Left.”

Cleta Mitchell, an attorney who was on the call Trump made to Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger seeking to reverse votes in the 2020 election, runs what the organization bills as its “Election Integrity Network,” which has cast doubt on the validity of President Biden’s 2020 victory.

“The election was rigged,” EIN tweeted last July. “Trump won.”

CLOSE TO THE CAPITOL

At an introductory meeting in December, recalled Gerald Sroufe, an advisory neighborhood commissioner on Capitol Hill, a CPI representative said the group planned to move its headquarters to a three-story building it had bought on Pennsylvania Avenue, next to Heritage’s office. Until the pandemic forced it to close, the Capitol Lounge had occupied the 130-year-old building. The bar had served a nightly bipartisan swarm of congressional staffers and lobbyists for more than two decades.

The CPI official, Sroufe said, indicated that the group planned to use the new Pennsylvania Avenue properties to “expand” its offices and “provide new retail.” But the official made no mention of Patriots’ Row, Sroufe said, or the three rowhouses the group’s affiliates had bought around the corner on Third Street SE. All of the properties are in the neighborhood’s historic district, which protects them from being altered without city review.

“This is much grander than what we were talking about,” Sroufe said after learning from a reporter about the other purchases. “On the Hill, people are always talking about how wonderful it is to be close to the Capitol and Congress. It’s kind of like a curse.”

As in many commercial corridors hit hard by the pandemic, businesses along Pennsylvania Avenue have struggled over the past couple of years. Tony Tomelden, executive director of the Capitol Hill Association of Merchants and Professionals, said CPI could energize a strip pocked with vacant storefronts.

“I welcome any business because the only thing opening right now are marijuana shops,” said Tomelden, an H Street NE bar owner who helped open the Capitol Lounge in 1996 and, as it happens, instituted a rule that patrons could not talk politics while imbibing. “If they’re going to pay a lot of money and raise property values, I’m all for it. I don’t care about anybody’s politics as long as they pay their tab.”

In an overwhelmingly Democratic city, finding those who are less sanguine about CPI’s growing footprint is not exactly difficult.

Yet politics is only part of the issue, as far as Krepp is concerned. CPI’s purchases, he said, threaten the area’s neighborhood vibe, as would be the case if any group, no matter its ideological leaning, bought as many properties. “I don’t want to create another downtown on Capitol Hill,” he said. “There’s a glut of available office space downtown. You don’t have to buy up neighborhoods.”

Rep. Jamie B. Raskin (D-Md.), a regular commuter to the Capitol from his home in Montgomery County, sees CPI’s acquisitions in terms more political than geographic.

“It just seems like a massive real estate coming-out party for the extreme right wing of the Republican Party,” Raskin said. “This is a very explicit and well-financed statement of intent. They set out to take over the Republican Party and they’re very close to clenching the power.”

Instead of Patriots’ Row, Raskin suggested an alternative name: Seditionist Square.

“Maybe Marjorie Taylor Greene can be their advisory neighborhood commissioner,” he said.

A ‘PERMANENT BULWARK’ IN D.C.

On its 2021 tax return, CPI said its mission is to be a “platform” for the “conservative movement,” and to provide “public policy” training for “government and nonprofit staffers” and meeting space for gatherings and policy debates.

Although not required to identify donors, CPI reported seven contributions in excess of $1 million, including one of more than $25 million. Trump’s Save America political action committee gave $1 million in 2021, according to campaign finance records. Billionaire Richard Uihlein, a major Republican donor, gave $1.25 million a couple of years ago through his foundation, records show.

A CPI-related entity, the Conservative Partnership Center, rented space to two political action committees as of early January, the House Freedom Fund and Senate Conservative Fund, according to campaign finance records. CPI also received $4,000 from Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.), who has recorded his “Firebrand” podcast at the group’s studio, as has the host of the “Gosar Minute,” Rep. Paul A. Gosar (R-Ariz.), according to the group’s annual report. Greene paid CPI $437.73 for “catering for political meetings” in 2021, the records show.

“No one stood up to the Left as courageously as Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene,” CPI declared in its 2021 annual report, hailing her as a “hero” who “endured sexist fury that always lurks just beneath the progressive surface.” The report described Boebert as a “gun rights advocate” who “wants to protect our environment more than anyone else.”

It was in CPI’s 2022 annual report that the group briefly referred to its expansion plans, writing that it has strengthened “its ability to serve the movement by beginning renovations to Patriots’ Row on Pennsylvania Avenue.”

“In 2022, the Left tried to drag America further into a dark future of totalitarianism, chaotic elections and cultural decay,” the report asserts in an introduction from DeMint and Meadows. “The Washington establishment, per usual, did nothing to stop them. But neither the Left nor the establishment could stop the culture and community we’re building here at the Conservative Partnership Institute.”

“With our expanded presence in D.C.,” they add, “we’re launching CPI academy — a formal program of training for congressional staff and current and future members of the movement.”

“Even if we can’t change Washington, we can create a permanent bulwark against its worst tendencies.”

A SPATE OF SALES

CPI began its expansion in 2020, purchasing the rowhouse next door to its headquarters and christening it “The Rydin House” for Mike Rydin, a construction magnate and prominent conservative donor. When Federal Investors bought the Eastern Shore property, the group named it “Camp Rydin.”

On Capitol Hill, several property owners who sold their buildings to CPI-linked companies were surprised to learn that the buyers were connected to a group led by Meadows and DeMint.

“I did not know,” said Jacqueline Lewis, who sold a townhouse on Third Street SE to 116 Holdings for $5.1 million in July. The company’s officer, according to its corporate filing, is Seward, and the principal address it lists is the same as CPI’s headquarters. A trust document related to the transaction is signed by Corrigan, CPI’s president.

Brunswick Partners, which lists CPI and Seward as contacts on its corporate filing, bought the neighboring rowhouse for $1.8 million in January, according to property records. Brian Wise, the seller, said he did not know of the company’s CPI connection. An attorney who approached him and his wife, he said, “asked if we were willing to sell and we agreed on a price. It was a business sale.”

Keith and Amanda Catanzano also were unaware of CPI when they sold a garage in the alley behind Third Street SE to Newpoint for $1 million in June. Newpoint lists Seward as an officer and the same mailing address as CPI. “We had no idea,” said a woman who answered the phone at a number listed for the Catanzanos before hanging up.

Eric Kassoff, who sold the former site of the Capitol Lounge to Clear Plains, said he knew of the company’s CPI ties before the $11.3 million deal was finalized in January. He also sold the group a carriage house behind the building for $400,000.

Kassoff said he did not want to lease the space to a fast-food restaurant or a convenience store. He said CPI’s political leanings were not a factor in his decision to sell to the organization.

“Why would I have any issue selling my property to proud Americans?” asked Kassoff, who described himself as an independent. “We need to get past the labeling and demonizing and talk to each other, and that’s true in politics as well as commerce. If we were all to take that position we wouldn’t have much of a country left, would we?”

Although the Capitol Lounge closed more than two years ago, vestiges of its past remain on the building’s exterior, including a rendering of Benjamin Franklin beneath a quote concocted by the bar’s founder, Joe Englert: “Beer is proof that God loves us and wants us to be happy.”

James Silk, the bar’s former owner, said he left behind memorabilia when he vacated the building that could be suitable for the new owner: Richard M. Nixon campaign posters still hanging on the walls of what the owners cheekily dubbed the Nixon Room (located across from the Kennedy Room).

“Nixon is finally with his people,” Silk said. He laughed and added: “Nixon was a Republican, right?”

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adbluemediareviews · 8 months ago

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ellinapark · 2 years ago

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apsteq · 5 days ago

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Is it possible to generate 1000 downloads per day for a lifestyle app (iOS & Android)? If so, what are the best channels/budgets for paid marketing?

Yes, it is absolutely possible to generate 1,000 downloads per day for a lifestyle app on both iOS and Android! However, achieving this goal requires a well-thought-out strategy, focusing on effective marketing channels and optimizing your budget. Here’s how you can go about it:

1. Setting Realistic Expectations

Before jumping into marketing efforts, it's important to set realistic goals. While 1,000 downloads a day is an achievable target, it will require substantial effort in both organic and paid marketing strategies. For a new app, generating this level of downloads consistently will likely require a combination of effective App Store Optimization (ASO), targeted paid campaigns, and leveraging the right marketing channels.

2. Best Marketing Channels to Drive 1,000 Downloads/Day

Here’s a breakdown of the most effective marketing channels to achieve your download goal for a lifestyle app:

A. Paid Advertising

Paid ads are one of the quickest ways to drive installs for your app. The right advertising platforms can help you target your ideal audience and generate high-quality installs. Here are the best channels:

Google Ads (Universal App Campaigns): Google Ads offers Universal App Campaigns (UAC) that run across Google Search, YouTube, Google Play, and the Google Display Network. It uses machine learning to target the best audience for your app, maximizing downloads with optimized bids. Google Ads is a highly effective platform to scale your installs quickly.

Budget: Start with a daily budget of $20-$50 for testing, depending on your target cost-per-install (CPI). Gradually increase the budget once you find a winning campaign. If your app is well-targeted, a $500/day budget could drive 1,000 installs depending on your CPI and market.

Facebook/Instagram Ads: Facebook’s targeting options allow you to reach a broad audience, segmenting by demographics, behaviors, and interests. Instagram also has a highly engaged user base, which is ideal for lifestyle apps looking to target users interested in health, wellness, fashion, or travel, depending on your app’s niche.

Budget: Start with a budget of $20-$40/day, testing different creatives and audiences. Increase the budget once you see what works, with larger campaigns often requiring $500-$1,000/day to scale effectively.

TikTok Ads: TikTok is an excellent platform for reaching a younger audience, especially for lifestyle apps related to fashion, fitness, beauty, and wellness. TikTok offers highly engaging video ad formats that work well with lifestyle brands.

Budget: Initial campaigns may require a minimum budget of $50-$100/day, depending on your campaign goals. To scale to 1,000 installs per day, you may need to increase your budget to $500-$1,000/day.

Snapchat Ads: Snapchat is popular for its younger demographic and visually engaging ads. For lifestyle apps focused on fashion, beauty, or fitness, Snapchat can be a great channel to reach users who value self-expression and creativity.

Budget: Start with $25-$50/day, and once you identify high-performing ads and audience segments, scale up to $500/day.

B. Influencer Marketing

Partnering with influencers is an excellent way to boost visibility and generate organic installs for your lifestyle app. Influencers have established trust with their audiences, which makes them valuable allies when trying to drive downloads.

Micro-Influencers: For a lifestyle app, working with micro-influencers (10k-100k followers) who have a high engagement rate can be more cost-effective than larger influencers. These influencers often work on a cost-per-post or a cost-per-download basis.

Budget: Influencer fees vary, but expect to pay anywhere from $50 to $500 per post, depending on the influencer's audience and niche. A campaign with multiple micro-influencers across Instagram, YouTube, and TikTok could easily contribute to 1,000 installs per day with the right targeting.

C. Affiliate Marketing

You can set up an affiliate marketing program where affiliates promote your app in exchange for a commission per download or in-app purchase. This model works well if your app offers premium features, subscriptions, or in-app purchases.

Affiliate Networks: Platforms like Tapjoy, AdMob, or OfferToro allow you to run app install campaigns with affiliates who bring in traffic that converts into installs.

Budget: For affiliate marketing, you may start with a daily budget of $100-$300, depending on your payout model and how much you’re willing to spend per install or user acquisition.

D. Mobile Ad Networks

There are several mobile ad networks that specialize in promoting apps. Some of the most popular ones include:

Chartboost

Unity Ads

Vungle

AdColony

These networks allow you to run ad campaigns on various apps, targeting users based on their behaviors, locations, and interests.

Budget: Start with $50-$100/day and scale as you optimize campaigns. You can typically expect $0.50 - $2 CPI, so a $500/day budget could lead to 250-1,000 installs depending on the effectiveness of your campaign.

3. Best Budgets to Achieve 1,000 Installs/Day

To achieve 1,000 installs a day, you need to allocate a sufficient budget to paid campaigns. Here's a rough breakdown:

Google Ads (UAC): $500 - $1,000/day

Facebook/Instagram Ads: $500 - $1,000/day

TikTok Ads: $500 - $1,000/day

Influencer Marketing: $500 - $2,000 per campaign (depending on influencers)

Affiliate Marketing: $100 - $300/day to start

Mobile Ad Networks: $300 - $1,000/day

Depending on your app’s niche, audience targeting, and the ad creatives you use, you may need to adjust the budget to reach your goal. Start small to test and optimize, then scale up once you find high-performing strategies.

4. Optimizing Your Marketing Campaigns

Optimize your app store listings (ASO): This helps ensure that users who see your ads are more likely to download. The app’s title, description, and keywords should align with the target audience.

Track performance: Use analytics tools to monitor your campaigns and adjust based on metrics like cost-per-install (CPI), retention rates, and engagement levels.

A/B Testing: Always test different creatives, audiences, and messaging to find out what works best for your app.

Conclusion: Achieving 1,000 Downloads Per Day for Your Lifestyle App

It is definitely possible to generate 1,000 downloads per day for a lifestyle app with the right approach and marketing budget. Paid advertising platforms like Google Ads, Facebook/Instagram Ads, and TikTok are excellent for scaling your installs quickly. Complement these efforts with influencer marketing and affiliate programs for added reach.

If you need expert guidance to grow your app and optimize your marketing campaigns, APS TeQ is a trusted app marketing agency that specializes in driving results through tailored marketing strategies. Visit our Website and sign up for a free strategy session to learn how we can help you boost your app’s installs!

#marketing #mobile app development #digitalmarketing #app #digital marketing #android

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affiliateprogramsinindia · 4 months ago

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news365timesindia · 20 days ago

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[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 24th October. The possibility of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee resigning from her position is a subject that has sparked many discussions across political circles, both within the state and outside it. While some may see her resignation as a momentous political shift, a closer analysis reveals that it might not necessarily lead to the relief that many anticipate. In fact, Mamata Banerjee’s resignation might only pave the way for greater instability and a continuation of the political challenges that have long plagued West Bengal. Mamata Banerjee: A Political Titan of West Bengal Mamata Banerjee, the leader of the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC), has been a towering figure in West Bengal politics for over a decade. Her rise to power in 2011 ended the long-standing dominance of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) and heralded a new era in the state’s political landscape. Known for her populist policies, grassroots appeal, and often polarizing leadership style, she has firmly entrenched herself in the political framework of West Bengal. However, in recent years, Banerjee’s leadership has been marred by accusations of corruption, authoritarianism, and the mishandling of several key issues, including law and order. Critics argue that her government’s tolerance of violence, coupled with the rise of local strongmen, has created an atmosphere of fear and oppression for ordinary citizens. As a result, there is growing sentiment among some sections of the population that her resignation could be the first step toward a brighter future for the state. Resignation vs. Electoral Defeat: The Key Difference While many might view Mamata Banerjee’s resignation as a potential solution to West Bengal’s problems, it’s important to understand that a resignation would not necessarily dismantle the political machinery she has built. A resignation does not indicate a loss of political power; it is simply a change of leadership, leaving the door open for another figure from within her party, or even more dangerous forces, to take her place. In contrast, a clear and convincing electoral defeat would dismantle the very structure that supports her power, leading to more substantial change. If Mamata Banerjee were to resign, the likelihood of another leader, possibly more authoritarian or opportunistic, rising to power is high. West Bengal’s political landscape is fraught with factionalism and patronage networks, and a sudden leadership change could exacerbate these divisions. This could lead to greater instability and a period of political turbulence that might make life even more difficult for the people of West Bengal. The Danger of Successors: From Bad to Worse? One of the most significant concerns regarding Mamata Banerjee’s resignation is the question of who would replace her. Given the current political scenario in West Bengal, it is highly probable that her successor could be an equally, if not more, problematic figure. Mamata Banerjee’s administration has been accused of fostering a culture of political violence and cronyism, and any potential successor would likely emerge from this same system. The reference to the possibility of “more Sandeskali” or “more Shahajahan Sheik” points to the rise of local power brokers and strongmen under Banerjee’s regime. These figures, often associated with acts of lawlessness and intimidation, thrive in an environment of weak governance and political patronage. A new leader, particularly one from within the same political framework, could continue to rely on such actors to maintain control, thus perpetuating the very issues that have caused so much frustration in the state. Furthermore, a leadership vacuum could create opportunities for more dangerous or radical elements to exploit the situation, further destabilizing the region. Mamata Banerjee’s resignation, therefore, might not lead to a democratic renewal but rather a continuation of West Bengal’s political dysfunction under a different name.

Mamata’s Electoral Defeat: A Path to Lasting Change? The alternative to Mamata Banerjee’s resignation, and arguably a more effective route to long-term improvement in West Bengal, is her decisive defeat in an election. Electoral defeat would mark the end of the political system that has supported her and open the door for new administrative forces to take over. It would also signal a clear mandate from the people of West Bengal for change, potentially ushering in a new era of governance. In the event of her electoral defeat, the TMC’s political network, which has been deeply rooted in every aspect of West Bengal’s administration, would likely lose its grip on power. A new government, untainted by the influence of Banerjee’s political machinery, could institute reforms aimed at improving governance, restoring law and order, and reducing the influence of political strongmen. Additionally, a peaceful transfer of power through elections would provide legitimacy to the incoming administration, reducing the chances of instability and ensuring a smoother transition. This would bring a sense of relief not only to the people of West Bengal but also to those watching from outside the state, as it would mark the end of a turbulent political chapter and the beginning of a new one. The Risk of Further Deterioration Post-Resignation It is important to recognize that Mamata Banerjee’s resignation without a broader political upheaval would leave the structures of her rule intact. The political patronage, the strongmen, and the entrenched networks of power would remain, and a new leader would likely inherit these systems. The very issues that have made life difficult for many in West Bengal, including political violence and poor governance, could worsen under a new administration that lacks the mandate or authority to enact meaningful change. There is also the risk that Banerjee’s resignation could embolden more radical or opportunistic forces within her party or among her political opponents. This could lead to a power struggle, further destabilizing the state and making it even harder for any meaningful reform to take place. In this scenario, the people of West Bengal could find themselves living through even more difficult times, with no clear end in sight. Conclusion: Resignation Is Not the Solution Mamata Banerjee’s resignation alone is unlikely to bring about the kind of political and social change that West Bengal needs. While many may hope for her departure, it is crucial to understand that a mere change in leadership does not guarantee a shift in the entrenched systems of power and patronage that have defined her administration. True change can only come through a decisive electoral defeat, where the people of West Bengal, through their votes, dismantle the structures of power that have caused so much frustration. This would pave the way for a new administration that can bring relief to the people and restore faith in governance. Thus, while Mamata’s resignation may appear to some as a quick fix, it would likely only replace one problematic leader with another, leaving the root causes of West Bengal’s challenges unaddressed. Real change will only come when the people are able to vote for a new set of leaders who can rebuild the state’s institutions and restore accountability to the political process. It is clear that West Bengal’s future lies in the hands of its people. While Mamata Banerjee’s resignation might seem like a significant event, it is ultimately through democratic processes that true progress can be made. The power of the vote is the most effective tool in dismantling entrenched political systems, and the people of West Bengal must exercise this power judiciously. In the end, it is not the resignation of one leader that will bring about change, but the collective will of the people to elect leaders who are capable of guiding West Bengal toward a more prosperous and stable future. The post Mamata Banerjee’s Resignation:

A Quick Fix or a Path to Deeper Chaos in West Bengal? appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

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adsplay · 3 months ago

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news365times · 20 days ago

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A Quick Fix or a Path to Deeper Chaos in West Bengal? appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

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accapitalmarket · 1 month ago

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US CPI rebounds, Wall Street mixed

US stocks ended lower on Thursday as inflation and weekly jobless data came in stronger than expected, possibly denting hopes for further interest rate cuts by the Federal Reserve this year.

The headline US consumer price index (CPI) was up 2.4% year-on-year in September, down from 2.5% in August but above the consensus forecast of 2.3%. Month-on-month CPI was up 0.2%, the same as in the previous month, against forecasts for 0.1% growth.

Core CPI rose at 0.3% month-on-month in September, taking the annualised increase to 3.3%, well above estimates for 2.3% growth.

In a separate report, US jobless claims rose by 33,000 to 258,000 for the week ending October 5, the highest reading for a year and above estimates of 230,000.

In the aftermath of the data, Atlanta Fed President said that he was open to downshifting to a quarter point rate cut or may even support an unchanged decision should the recent stronger inflation and labor market data persist. Meanwhile, Chicago Fed President Austan Goolsbee said he sees gradual rate cuts over the next year-and-a-half, and the New York Fed’s John Williams said he still sees rate reductions ahead.

At the New York close, the blue-chip Dow Jones Industrials Average was down 0.1% at 42,454, while the broader S&P 500 index shed 0.2% at 5,780, and the tech-laden Nasdaq Composite slipped 0.05% to 18,282.

SPX500 H4

Among the movers, Delta Air Lines fell 1.2% after unveiling current-quarter earnings guidance that missed analysts’ expectations, as it contends with the fallout from a summer computer network outage and pricing pressures from overcapacity. Other airlines also fell back, with American Airlines shedding 1.4%.

Tesla lost 1.0% as investors awaited the electric vehicles maker’s event to unveil its robotaxi later on Thursday. And Advanced Micro Devices dropped 4.0% as the chipmaker kicked off its artificial intelligence (AI) event to showcase its latest plans including new products to compete with rival Nvidia, which itself advanced 1.6%.

NAS100 H4

Also on the up, GXO Logistics leaped 14.1% after news reports suggested that the company is mulling a sale of the business.

The third-quarter earnings season shifts into gear on Friday, with major banks JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo and Bank of New York Mellon all set to report third-quarter earnings. Meanwhile peers Goldman Sachs, Bank of America and Citigroup will report their earnings next week, together with the likes of Johnson & Johnson and Walgreens Boots.

Among commodities, oil prices rose as Hurricane Milton slammed into Florida, although it largely avoided oil infrastructure in the Gulf of Mexico, with supply worries already heightened over a potential escalation in the conflict in the Middle East.

UK Brent crude jumped 3.7% to $79.40 a barrel, while US WTI was 3.5% higher at $75.77 a barrel. Both contracts had fallen by around 5% over the previous two sessions.

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justinspoliticalcorner · 5 months ago

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Amee Vanderpool at SHERO:

Congressional disclosures by the US Senate and House — that detail the report of gifts received from outside organizations — show that the Conservative Partnership Institute (CPI) has sponsored elaborate trips held between February 2021 and April 2024. The CPI, which describes itself as the the place “Where Conservatives Go to Win,” advertises that they “train, equip, and unite Conservative leaders in Washington and across the country.” Essentially, the lobbying group is a conservative bankroll that seeks to cement a political bond between the mainstream Republican Party and far right election-denial extremists. Between February 2021 and April 2024, the CPI held 21 disclosed events for Conservative Members of Congress and US Senators, based on House Ethics Committee filings provided by Congressional staff. Thanks to the mandatory description required for each filing of the travel gift, its estimated value, the identity of the donor and the date received, we know that CPI held lavish training sessions for congressional staff at their lush Maryland ranch, as well as retreats at several luxurious Florida resorts.

While the submitted record of disclosure forms for these events are online in separate House and Senate repositories, and available for download, there is no way to directly search through the forms by using a specific term or donor organization. I have compiled a list of all of the disclosed CPI trips for Members and staff of the US House for the Year 2024 here, so that you can easily view who was in attendance at these locations during the specified times. The CPI is currently led by former Trump Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, who was recently indicted in Arizona for his alleged role in a fake electors scheme in 2020, and former Heritage Foundation president Jim DeMint. At their lavish events, the Conservative political powerhouse enlists approved organizations and far-right extremist organizations to help promote their agenda in a resort vacation setting.

[...] The main objective for CPI is to further develop MAGA partnerships and implement a stronger network that was not in place during the Trump administration. Meadows, was critical in implementing Trump’s agenda which included the "Schedule F" executive order. This ongoing plan was developed and refined in secret over most of the second half of Trump’s term, and launched 13 days before the 2020 election with the goal of radically reshaping the federal government and eradicating thousands of civil servants in order to fill career posts with Trump lackeys and his America First ideology. Ultimately, this elite group provides the resort clubhouse for a secret fraternity of Trump loyalists, who are currently developing the Human Resources department that will implement the MAGA infrastructure to incorporate the federal government.

The Conservative Partnership Institute (CPI) is creating an army of far-right MAGA loyalists to serve in government roles.

#Conservative Partnership Institute #MAGA Cult #Donald Trump #Ted Cruz #Jim DeMint #Mark Meadows

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