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wkemeup · 2 years ago

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I Am Not My Own

summary: Following the Battle of New York, Steve begins to lose himself to the mantle of Captain America. Torn with guilt over the loss of his friend and struggling in a time that does not belong to him, Steve takes comfort in his only solace.

pairing: steve rogers x reader

word count: 3.8k

warnings: descriptions of a panic attack, sad boy angsty steve

a/n: This takes place between Avengers 1 and TWS. Based on an anon request from ages ago along the lines of exploring “the impact of traumas like seeing Bucky falling from the train and the guilt over Bucky's capture, the feeling of displacement which he kept quiet while carrying the mantle of Captain America.” Title inspired by a lyric in Party of One by Brandi Carlile.

Steve Rogers looks upon the crowd gathered below the podium – a sea of star-spangled commercialized t-shirts and homemade costumes. Adoring fans scream as they hold posters raised above their heads professing their love and allegiance. Even as he stands in the back corner of the stage attempting to fade into the shadow cast by the American flag beside him, it does not sway the attention of the crowd.

He can still feel them watching him. Waiting for him. Bouncing on the balls of their feet in anticipation of his slightest movement.

The mayor nears the end of her well-rehearsed speech, and the crowd begins to grow antsier with every second. They’re not here for the mayor’s latest initiative to rebuild the subway following yet another otherworldly attack defended by the Avengers. No – they're here for him.

He almost misses his cue when the mayor steps back from the podium and gestures for him to come forward. The crowd alights with excitement; applause echoing through the treetops of Central Park and casting birds from their homes on the branches.

Steve settles the racing tempo in his chest and presses a tight smile onto his face before he steps from the shadow. It’s what he was trained to do, after all. He shakes the mayor’s hand as he’s done for the last four mayoral projects – none of which have held up to their promises to help the people of this city, but they’ve increased the mayor’s polling averages and the eased public tension toward SHEILD, and he supposes that was all it was ever meant for anyway.

So, Steve waves a hand to the crowd and throws on the charming grin he practiced in the mirror earlier that morning. He poses for pictures in the stance shown to him by the rather uptight woman in PR and he pretends for a moment that this is all there is.

No nightmares that chase him through the cold dark of his dreams until he wakes in blinding terror. No aliens slipping through a hole in space above New York. No memories of a hand he was inches from reaching; of the cold, blistering wind through the snowcapped mountains. No echoing of a scream he’ll never be able to erase as his best friend falls to the ravine.

It’s only the flashing lights. The tight grip of the mayor’s hand in his. The endless chanting of his name through the crowd.

A strange feeling comes over him as the sea of voices begins to fade, as he listens to a chorus of strangers call his name – praising a hero he does not recognize in the mirror. He hears his name and realizes it does not belong to him anymore.

Steve Rogers. Captain America. His name, his title, stripped from his grasp and given to a podium he never asked for. The mantle of the hero Steve can hardly live up to – painted only in light acceptable to the public relations department on level seven.

They erased the dark lingering under his bones and pretended like there is little more to their prized trophy than the glory of red, white, and blue. Because what use is he to them if they discover he is just as broken and battered as the rest of the soldiers left to rot on their own after they’re returned to US soil? What good is Captain America if he can hardly sleep through the night? If he’s constantly looking over his shoulder for the next threat? If he’s got a boulder on his back crippling his spine, burdened with such guilt and shame, he’s certain he’ll drown under the weight of it?

Pieces of him were torn away in the wreckage of the Atlantic, shredded remains left behind in the forties, lost to the battlefields in the city he grew up in. Fragments ripped from his clutches under bleeding nails and given to the people chanting his name, to the lawmakers in their ivory towers, to the only sense of purpose he could find within the walls of the Avengers Tower.

He realizes it then. Steve Rogers is not his own.

***

“Captain Rogers!” a shrill voice calls behind him as he trudges through the main lobby of the tower. Heels click behind his PR agent, Linda, as she struggles to keep up with his long strides. She means well. He knows she does. But he also knows she’s more of a babysitter than anything else – hired to make sure Steve doesn’t stray too far from the picture-perfect image they have set up for him.

His escape plan is thwarted by the elevator when it refuses to open its door before she catches up.

“You’re a fast one, aren’t you?” Linda huffs, trying to catch her breath. She's laughing as if she’s in on the joke, but Steve can barely muster a smile.

All he wants is to get this damn uniform off – to rid himself of the mockery it’s become and the outright lie of heroism attached to it. He feels like he might suffocate under it, like the fabric might burst into flame and devour him whole if he doesn’t peal it from his skin in time. He can already feel the singing burn against his forearms, against his chest, against his back. It’s boiling hot. It’s agonizing. It’s–

“Don’t forget about the auction this Saturday! You’re our top earner!” Linda chimes, scribbling something down in her notebook just as the elevator doors open. Steve exhales a sigh of relief when she does not follow him inside. She doesn’t even look up at him as she rattles off the rest of his upcoming schedule. He lets the doors close before she finishes. He wonders if she will even notice.

The sudden silence in the elevator might have been a relief if not for the constant ringing in his ears. Steve lifts a shaking hand to the strap of his helmet and unlatches it. Slowly, as the elevator begins to climb, he pulls it off. Weight slips from his body but it’s not enough. It’s like removing a stone from the back of a boulder – insufficient and pathetic.

He doesn’t have to look at his reflection in the silver doors to know there are red marks lining his face around where the mask meets his skin. They’ll fade in a few minutes, but they’re deep now. They look like mutilations upon the bone itself. He had asked once to adjust the framing of the helmet to avoid the painful marks, but he was told the alterative designs didn’t poll well in focus groups.

Though he tries to avoid it, Steve catches a glimpse of his reflection in the dull shimmer of the sliver doors. His hair is unkept, messy from the helmet and a rough night of sleep. The bright reflection of red, white, and blue stares back as if to mock him. But what startles him the most is the weight in his own eyes. He looks tired, he realizes. Dark circles under his eyes that never learned to fade after he took his first sip of bourbon alone in an empty bar the night he lost his best friend.

And that crowd dared to call him a hero.

Steve can’t help the shiver that sweeps up his spine. It isn’t a pleasant one. No – it's dark and cold and leaves his fingertips shaking enough that only the sharp curl of his fist is all that eases him. And even then, it’s not enough. The tremors retreat up his arms, past his shoulders, and burrow into his chest around his heart where he’s certain the muscle will twist in on itself until it gives out entirely.

He doesn’t notice the elevator doors have parted until they begin to close again. Steve quickly slips through the small opening before they can trap him inside.

He’s sweating by the time he reaches his room, though he knows the air conditioning is blowing full blast. It’s not the heat of the tower, but his own heart pulsing into overdrive. It’s the kind of panic he endured as a scrawny kid in Brooklyn, so he recognizes the feeling as it settles in.

He might have thought the serum would have taken care of the panic attacks for him, but as it turns out, even superheroes aren’t immune to the consequences of guilt and shame.

Steve digs a hand under the collar of his suit, trying to peel away the fabric from his chest but there are too many zippers. Too many straps and hooks. His hands fumble desperately with the latches but it’s taking too long to rid himself of the material. It's as if the walls are closing in on him – suffocating him, burying him.

He can’t stand the uniform. It doesn't matter how many focus groups the design has undergone or how much cutting-edge technology they sew into the fabric. It’s still the same lie. The same goddamn lie.

He’s not a hero.

He's a propaganda poster.

He watched his best friend fall to death. He laid waste to his own city in an attempt to save it. He aligned himself with politicians and intelligence agencies that puppet him around like he’s little more than a poster boy. He’s not saving anyone. He can’t save anyone.

He’s nothing.

He’s weak. He’s pathetic. He’s —

“Steve?”

He freezes at the sound of your voice. The top of his suit is half hanging off his chest, still stuck to his left arm from all the damn sweat. He keeps his back to the door where he knows you’re standing, where he knows you’re looking at him with devastating pity in your eyes. He can hear the confusion in your voice, the concern. He knows what you must think of him.

Your footsteps carry you into the room though he refuses to turn around. He can feel your gaze trailing over him, observing every ounce of the high, rapid rising of his chest, of the flush on his skin, and the sweat beading into his hair. You set your hand against his forearm as you step in front of him and slowly, Steve dares to meet your eyes.

Whatever pity he was preparing for is absent. Instead, he finds only a kind understanding that nearly knocks him off his feet. It’s too much. It’s more than he deserves. And yet, there you are.

Without saying a word, your hand slides up along his arms to begin working the suit from his tired body. He barely moves a muscle as he allows you to peel away the fabric, gentle hands coaxing over his tense muscle. Your lip tugs between your teeth in the effort and Steve can’t help but watch the sharp indent you make, how red it is when you finally release it from your bite.

A chill sweeps over him as you remove the jacket and set it carefully on the bed. He takes in as much of a breath as his lungs will allow – finally able to breathe now that the suit is no longer suffocating him.

You glance at him cautiously before your eyes dip to his belt.

“I’ve got it,” he tells you then, his voice a little rough at its edges, but at least he’s not gasping for air anymore.

You nod and step back, though you do not leave his room. Steve picks up a pair of sweatpants he discarded the evening before and takes them to the bathroom with him. He doesn’t dare a glance at the mirror, doesn’t want to know how flushed his skin has become under the rapid mixture of shame and panic. He doesn’t want to know what you must see when you look at him – this pathetic, hollow shell of the patriotic symbol plastered upon t-shirts and billboards and recruitment posters.

He steps out of his boots, discards the navy-blue pants to the corner tiles, and pulls on the soft fabric of old, familiar sweats. It’s soft against his skin. Loose. Discolored with age with fraying drawstrings and a rip at the hem under his heel. It’s everything the suit isn’t and Steve can finally breathe again.

By the time he gathers himself, he expects you to have left his room. You were dressed in your gym clothes as if you were on your way to the weekly sparring match with Natasha the rookies couldn’t stop gossiping about. You have places to be, clearly. You don’t need to be wasting your time tending to... whatever just happened with him. You’re not his babysitter.

Hell – Steve isn’t sure what you are to him, but he knows he doesn’t want you to see him like this and he’s grateful all the same. Conflict wars within him; this urge to push you away so you never witness his failings again and his desperation to sink into your arms until he finally believes the gentle encouragements you whisper.

But, of course, Steve finds you sitting patiently on his bed when he emerges from the bathroom. You stand as soon as you hear the door open, hands fidgeting in your lap. Your gaze drags over him, noticing every bare inch of his chest and the discarded remains of his suit on the floor behind him.

Your lips part, but Steve is the first to speak.

“You don’t have to be here.”

You furrow your brow, confused. “If you're about to tell me you're fine, don’t.”

Steve doesn’t look at you because he knows you’ll be able to read right through him. “It’s nothing you need to concern yourself with. I can manage.”

Something akin to anger flashes over your features, which surprises him. “You’ve been managing for years, Steve. You can’t keep going on like this.”

“You think I don’t know that?” Steve hisses back, surprising himself.

You don’t flinch at his bite, but he notices the sharp intake of your breath, the surprise that alters your balance just a fraction. Subtle expressions and movements he should not be able to recognize. Another gift of the serum he has come to resent.

You swallow, but you do not cower from him. “I know you’re hurting. I know the weight of the world is sitting on your shoulders. Let me help you. Let me carry some of that weight, Steve. Please.”

He hears the ache in your voice, the desperation, and it nearly brings him to his knees. But he locks the joints and refuses to give in. He can’t show weakness now. He can’t. Because he knows he’ll crumble under it. And you’ve been too good to him – too kind, too generous with your time, too willing to offer him warm smiles he didn’t deserve.

The air conditioner hums over his head as a tunnel of cold air pushes into the room. It’s not enough to quell the sweat on his hair line, and still, he starts to shiver. For a moment, he feels ice under his palms. He feels the wind whipping against his face as he clings to the cold metal of a moving train. He feels Bucky’s fingertips slipping out of reach. He hears— He hears the rusted screws give out under his friend’s weight. The short, sharp snap.

He braces himself for what he knows comes next. The frightened look in Bucky’s eyes as a weightlessness takes him for a fraction of a second. The air suddenly ripped from his own lungs as the realization sets in. And then – the scream.

It follows him to his dreams. It haunts every waking silence. Bucky’s scream as he fell into the ravine.

It happened so quickly and still, Steve remembers every second if he’d drawn each frame himself. Every line upon Bucky’s face. The feel of the ice under his palms. The sting of the wind against his cheeks. The shame burning holes into his chest as he watched Bucky fall until he couldn’t stomach it anymore and he turned away.

“They keep telling me I’m a hero,” Steve says, though his voice is little more than a whimper. “But I’m not. I’m... I’m nothing. I’m no one. I’m an experiment designed to be the perfect soldier and I... I still couldn’t save him.”

He risks a glance at you to find your eyes are wet with tears. He knows then that he doesn’t need to specify. You were with him at the Smithsonian when he first saw the exhibit dedicated to Captain America and the Howling Commandos. You saw Bucky’s face carved into glass and the footage of his youth. You held his hand when he felt like he might collapse under the weight of those memories.

So perhaps he shouldn’t be surprised by how easily you move towards him, how effortlessly you take his hand in yours and gently guide him towards the bed. His legs feel weak, his body aching and tired, so he does as you silently ask and sits on the edge of the bed. You crawl up beside him, kicking off your sneakers, and you tug him until he lays his full body across the mattress with you beside him.

You don’t say a word as you maneuver his arm to lay across your waist and guide his head to lay over your chest. It’s no small task given his size, but he uses what is left of his strength to follow your lead. When you're finished and his right leg is hooked between yours, his right arm curled around you, his ear resting over your heartbeat, Steve feels the weight ease a little from his back. The dizziness begins to fade, the fog over his mind dissipating. He concentrates on the steady thump of your heart until it drowns out the memories threatening to pull him under.

“You’re a good man, Steve,” you tell him softly. He feels the vibration of it in your chest and clings to it. Your hand slips into his hair, fingertips running gently against his scalp, and he sighs at the sensation. “The world sees you as Captain America. To them, you will always be a hero.”

He tenses at the word, but you don’t back down.

“Don’t mistake me,” you continue, “you are, but you are so much more than what they expect you to be.”

Steve shifts against you, but your hold on him doesn’t relent. You don’t shy away from his discomfort or his shame. You don’t wipe your hands of his fears. Instead – you hold him through it.

“You are the man who makes a fresh pot of coffee every morning after the team downs the first batch because you know it takes me longer to drag myself out of bed.” You only smile as surprise jolts in Steve’s chest. He doesn’t lift his head to look at you, but he can feel the soft brush of your fingers trail from his scalp down along his neck, brushing against his jawline in ginger strokes as if to soothe away his worries.

“I know you think I haven’t noticed, but it’s kind of hard to miss how wonderful you are.” There’s a breath of laughter in your voice – as if relief hangs on the end of every syllable. “You are the man who volunteered to teach basic combat after hours to the rookies who are falling below their benchmarks. You entertain all of Sam’s ridiculous attempts to outrace you and you have this uncanny ability to make Natasha laugh even when she’s veering on the edge of darkness. You are kind and sweet and thoughtful and a good, decent man.”

Steve wonders then if you can feel how frantic his heart is beating. Not from adrenaline, not from panic or fear, but born of something else entirely. Something that had to do with the way your hands soothed over his tense muscles, how you touched him so easily and so gently it was if you drew new strength back to his bones.

“And I know,” you begin, taking in a long breath, “I know you would have given your life in a second if it meant saving Bucky’s.”

Steve anticipates his stomach to bottom out, to feel the floor collapse under him. He’s certain the walls will cave around him and suffocate the last ounce of air from his lungs, but he only feels you. He feels every stroke of your touch, every steady pulse of your heart under his ear. He feels you against him and around him and holding him and somehow – that paralyzing dread he expects never comes. Instead, all that remains is a hollow, painful ache – a memory, a grief.

“I see you,” your voice comes as a gentle murmur against the tension surrounding his heart. “I see the man behind the uniform. I see you, Steve Rogers.”

Something breaks in him at the sound of his name on your lips. He has spent too many years giving himself over to the mantle of Captain America; erasing any trace of the vulnerable, grieving man under the surface. He allowed himself to be made into a symbol, a puppet, a caricature for SHIED, that he’d begun to drown under the weight of it.

But you –

You saw him gasping for air. You saw him struggling to stay afloat as salt water spilled into his lungs. You saw him and dragged his broken, aching body to shore.

Steve curls his arm a little tighter around you and he feels you sigh relief against his crown. Pieces of himself mend together by glue and tape the longer he spends in your embrace, with every reminder you offer of the man behind the mask.

“It’s easy to lose myself sometimes,” he murmurs against your chest.

You sigh, your chest lifting his resting head with a long inhale. “I know, darling. And I will always be here to guide you back.”

It doesn’t matter then what you are to him, he realizes, because he knows he loves you regardless. He must, because nothing has ever calmed him as easily as you do. He’s never found a safer solace than when he caves into the security of your arms. You are his anchor, his grounding upon uneven waters.

And you gave him back his name.

---

Thank you so much for reading! ❤️ If you enjoyed this fic, please consider supporting me at my ko-fi account ✨

#steve rogers #steve rogers x reader #steve x reader #steve rogers one shot #steve rogers x female reader

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brookstonalmanac · 4 months ago

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Events 8.20 (1920-1990)

1920 – The first commercial radio station, 8MK (now WWJ), begins operations in Detroit 1920 – The National Football League is organized as the American Professional Football Conference in Canton, Ohio 1926 – Japan's public broadcasting company, Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (NHK) is established. 1938 – Lou Gehrig hits his 23rd career grand slam, a record that stood for 75 years until it was broken by Alex Rodriguez. 1940 – In Mexico City, exiled Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky is fatally wounded with an ice axe by Ramón Mercader. He dies the next day. 1940 – World War II: British Prime Minister Winston Churchill makes the fourth of his famous wartime speeches, containing the line "Never was so much owed by so many to so few". 1940 – World War II: The Eighth Route Army launches the Hundred Regiments Offensive, a successful campaign to disrupt Japanese war infrastructure and logistics in occupied northern China. 1944 – World War II: One hundred sixty-eight captured allied airmen, including Phil Lamason, accused by the Gestapo of being "terror fliers", arrive at Buchenwald concentration camp. 1944 – World War II: The Battle of Romania begins with a major Soviet Union offensive. 1948 – Soviet Consul General in New York, Jacob M. Lomakin is expelled by the United States, due to the Kasenkina Case. 1949 – Hungary adopts the Hungarian Constitution of 1949 and becomes a People's Republic. 1955 – Battle of Philippeville: In Morocco, a force of Berbers from the Atlas Mountains region of Algeria raid two rural settlements and kill 77 French nationals. 1960 – Senegal breaks from the Mali Federation, declaring its independence. 1962 – The NS Savannah, the world's first nuclear-powered civilian ship, embarks on its maiden voyage. 1968 – Cold War: Warsaw Pact troops invade Czechoslovakia, crushing the Prague Spring. East German participation is limited to a few specialists due to memories of the recent war. Only Albania and Romania refuse to participate. 1975 – Viking program: NASA launches the Viking 1 planetary probe toward Mars. 1975 – ČSA Flight 540 crashes on approach to Damascus International Airport in Damascus, Syria, killing 126 people. 1977 – Voyager program: NASA launches the Voyager 2 spacecraft. 1986 – In Edmond, Oklahoma, U.S. Postal employee Patrick Sherrill guns down 14 of his co-workers and then commits suicide. 1988 – "Black Saturday" of the Yellowstone fire in Yellowstone National Park 1988 – Iran–Iraq War: A ceasefire is agreed after almost eight years of war. 1988 – The Troubles: Eight British soldiers are killed and 28 wounded when their bus is hit by an IRA roadside bomb in Ballygawley, County Tyrone. 1989 – The pleasure boat Marchioness sinks on the River Thames following a collision. Fifty-one people are killed.

#Events

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haggishlyhagging · 2 years ago

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“After a week in which eight men were lynched, [Ida B.] Wells wrote an editorial for Free Speech. She stated categorically that no one any more believed the threadbare lie that black men were being killed because they raped white women. Before the editorial was typeset Wells, wisely, left town. In Philadelphia she was handed a copy of the Daily Commercial which added to the reprint of her editorial:

The fact that a black scoundrel is allowed to live and utter such loathsome and repulsive calumnies is a volume of evidence as to the wonderful patience of southern whites. But we have had enough of it.

There are some things that the Southern white man will not tolerate and the obscene intimations of the foregoing have brought the writer to the very outermost limit of public patience. We hope we have said enough. (quoted in Sterling, 1979, pp. 82-3)

The offices of Free Speech were ransacked and type and furnishings were destroyed. Instructions were issued that incoming trains were to be watched and if Wells were found, she was to be hanged in front of the court house.

Wells made the link between systematic violence, oppression, and an ideology which made it acceptable. It was a similar link to the one made by Gage in relation to witch-hunting. In newspapers in New York she began a crusade against lynching, and, signing herself ‘Exiled’, she presented names, dates, quotations, which demonstrated that no black was immune from the possibility of lynching, and that lynching was a form of intimidation, of systematic violence against blacks, and designed to keep them in their proper place

Gerda Lerner (1981) states that Wells organised an anti-lynching campaign, and, 'Her constant theme was to expose lynching as an integral part of the system of racial oppression, the motives for which were usually economic or political. She hit hard at the commonly used alibi for lynchings, the charge of "rape" and dared bring out into the open the most taboo subject of all in Victorian America - the habitual sexual abuse of black women by white men. Thus, she expressed what was to become the ideological direction of the organized movement of black women - a defense of black womanhood as part of a defense of the race from terror and abuse' (pp. 85-6).”

-Dale Spender, Women of Ideas and What Men Have Done to Them

#dale spender #ida b. wells #male violence #racism #womens history #woc

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mariacallous · 1 month ago

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Ireland is gearing up to flex some muscles and ensure that video-sharing platforms — including Meta's Facebook and Instagram, ByteDance’s TikTok, Elon Musk's X and Google's YouTube — protect their users from hate speech and harmful videos online.

The country's new media and internet regulator, Coimisiún na Meán, on Monday published its long-awaited Online Safety Code, a set of binding rules that will soon apply to the many tech giants whose European headquarters are in Ireland.

The 10 designated platforms are Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, Udemy, TikTok, LinkedIn, X, Pinterest, Tumblr and Reddit.

“The adoption of the Online Safety Code brings an end to the era of social media self-regulation,” Online Safety Commissioner Niamh Hodnett said in a statement.

It will also bring Ireland closer to full compliance with the European Union’s audiovisual law, which mandated such new policing and whose sluggish transposition by Dublin resulted in a €2.5 million fine from the EU’s top court in February.

Under the new code, which complements the EU's content-moderation rulebook, platforms will have to ban the uploading and sharing of harmful content, ranging from videos promoting self-harm or eating disorders to inciting terrorism or racism.

They will also have to restrict minors’ access to adult content like pornography and gratuitous violence; police commercial content advertising cigarettes or alcohol; and introduce ways for users to report content that breaks the rules.

Protecting children online more stringently has become a top priority for policymakers across Europe.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen wants to launch a bloc-wide inquiry into the effects of social media on the well-being of young people.

Lawmakers in the European Parliament's internal market committee will work on this topic as part of one of their future reports, while governments are considering a minimum age for using social media or a crackdown on porn sites that don't keep minors away with blanket blocks.

The rulebook "introduces real accountability for online video sharing platforms and requires them to take action to protect those that use their platforms, including by having robust complaints handling procedures and introducing effective age-verification," Ireland's Media Minister Catherine Martin said.

"It will make all of us, but particularly our children, safer online," she added.

Platforms must comply with the general obligations by Nov. 19, while the more prescriptive rules — those that require platforms to tweak their internal systems — have a July 21, 2025 deadline.

In case of noncompliance, they face fines of up to €20 million or 10 percent of their annual turnover, whichever is greater.

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aidan-sousa · 6 months ago

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Social Media Policy

Social Media, like anything else, is always evolving and changing. We see how brand and companies react to the changes on social media. A trend that is happening is that brands on twitter, instagram and facebook will post more lighthearted images and videos such as memes related to their product. One current case is Moody vs Netchoice https://www.oyez.org/cases/2023/22-277. This case is still pending and was just created earlier this year. Another current and ongoing case is the Free Speech Coalition vs Paxton https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/free-speech-coalition-v-paxton/ . This case is also currently ongoing as well. The ongoing issue according to Scotusblock.com is "Whether the Supreme Court should stay the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit’s judgment allowing Texas to enforce the age verification requirements of H.B. 1181 on commercial websites that contain sexual content." I looked at Instagram's code for ethics on social media https://about.instagram.com/blog/announcements/instagram-community-guidelines-faqs#:~:text=Illegal%20Content%20%E2%80%93%20We%20don't,the%20targeting%20of%20private%20individuals. Some basic rules are no nudity, hate speech/bullying, no violence, and praising of terrorism or violence either.

One brand who constantly good social media practices is Patagonia https://medium.com/@vmcgowan/how-patagonia-is-doing-social-media-right-b3bc6e1b06d7. One good thing that they do is that they post photos that people have sent to them wearing their brand or supporting their brand. Patagonia is also a brand that supports the environment. One professional that practices good social media ethics is Jayson Tatum https://www.instagram.com/jaytatum0/. Jayson is someone that any kid can look up to as a good influence and it shows on his Instagram. Jayson is the top player for the Celtics so he knows that he will always be looked at heavily in the public eye. All of his posts are just pictures of him on the court playing, pictures of him with friends and teammates and pictures of him with his kid. All of these posts are very harmless and anyone can go on his account without getting offended at all by anything. Some takeaways to get from his posts are that when you are a celebrity, it is important to know that everything that is posted will instantly be seen for everyone to see forever because that post will be screenshotted by people right away. This same rule can be applied to everyone that uses social media and you really have to careful and think over what you are about to post.

Colorado State University put up a great article on the rules of the internet and how to conduct yourself https://coursedesign.colostate.edu/obj/corerulesnet.html . Some obvious ones that are on here is to respect everyone and remember that the person on the other side of the screen is also a human. Another key thing is to treat another person as you would if you were talking to them in real life. Another important key is to remember to respect everyone else's privacy.

Some core concepts to follow when online that I would like to use

Respect privacy

Be respectful and not to use offensive language publicly

Always be careful of who you accept on friends lists

Make sure you double check everything you post

Remember there is another person on the other side of the screen

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adeyinka-grandson · 8 months ago

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A STAIN ON THE ENGLISH JUDICIARY

By Adeyinka Grandson, former British Political Prisoner.

An Assault on Free Speech:

1.1 Having been wrongly convicted in the Crown Court at Southwark in London on November 30, 2021, and subsequently sentenced on March 31, 2022, to a total of four years and six months imprisonment on fabricated charges of racially aggravated Public Order offence, I have served the sentence for six counts offences of “Publishing and distributing materials on social media platforms, namely four YouTube videos and two Facebook posts as threatening, abusive, insulting, or intending to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, contrary to Section 21(1) and Section 19(1) of the Public Order Act 1986 of the United Kingdom”.

1.2 I maintain my innocence regarding these offences. During my wrongful conviction, in collusion between the Judge, Prosecutor, and my Lawyers, the Crown Prosecution Service in London failed to present the alleged Ibo and Fulani victims of my political activism on social media, their impact statements, or the requested disclosure of documents from the Metropolitan Police Service in London to the Court. Furthermore, the Judge prevented me from using my witnesses or documents that I had available or to mention to the jury my ex-wife’s involvement and motives for reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences, over the custody matter of our children. These factors rendered my conviction unsafe, an assault on free speech, and a stain on the English Judiciary. Due to these egregious violations, I was wrongfully incarcerated as a British Political Prisoner, and my conviction was malicious. Therefore, I am seeking permission to appeal against the conviction to the Court of Appeal.

1.3 For a duration of two years, three months, and ten days, I endured imprisonment by the British State due to my outspoken political views, which criticized the Ibo and Fulani immigrants in Nigeria, whom I have accused on social media of serving as proxies for the English Establishment in the suppression and subjugation of the Yoruba in Nigeria.

1.4 In Nigeria, the Yoruba region constitutes over 25 percent of the total population, generating 49 percent of the national income and contributing 80 percent to the country's total GDP. Despite its significant economic contributions, the region remains impoverished and underdeveloped. This is largely attributed to the control exerted by the English Establishment through its proxies—the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria. These Fulani proxies have held the presidency of the country from 1960 to 2023, enabling them to dominate Yoruba's economic assets. This control extends to various sectors, including mineral and natural resources, financial markets, stock exchanges, taxation, media, education system, judiciary, transportation hubs such as waterways, seaports, and airports, as well as public services, including probation and prison services. Furthermore, they wield authority over the legitimate use of force, including military, police, civil defense, and security services within Yorubaland. Additionally, their Ibo allies have a significant presence in Yorubaland, controlling sectors such as commercial trading, real estate, and the pharmaceutical industry. This systemic control and exploitation have contributed to the economic marginalization and disenfranchisement of the Yoruba people in their own homeland.

1.5 I attribute responsibility to the English, Ibo, and Fulani immigrants in Nigeria for their collective role in usurping control of Yorubaland from the indigenous Yoruba people. They have exploited its wealth and resources to fuel economic growth and development in England, Iboland, and Hausaland, while perpetuating poverty, unemployment, and underdevelopment in Yorubaland. These three entities—England, Iboland, and Hausaland—dominated by the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria—are deemed as eternal adversaries of the Yoruba nation. They orchestrated the suspension of the parliamentary system of Government in Nigeria in 1966 and imposed upon the Yoruba the unitary presidential system of Government. This centralized governance structure was strategically designed to exert control over the Yoruba's economic assets.

2. Circumstances of My Arrest:

2.1 The British Government has historically employed a strategy of criminalizing non-English individuals who resist its oppression and subjugation as terrorists. This tactic was evident in their treatment of members of the African National Congress (ANC) in the 1960s and the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in the 1980s. Both groups fought against English tyranny in South Africa and Northern Ireland, respectively.

2.2 In 2017, I faced threats to my life orchestrated by the English Domestic and External Intelligence Agencies—the MI5 and MI6—due to my outspoken political activism on social media. My activism criticized the complicity of the British Government in the political situation in Nigeria. As a result of these threats, I sought permission from the Family Court to relocate to Yorubaland with my children for our safety. However, in May 2018, despite the substantial risk to our lives, liberty, and physical safety in England posed by MI5 and MI6, the Family Court rejected my application. This decision stemmed from opposition by my ex-wife to the relocation, despite the clear danger we faced.

2.3 In February 2019, I faced death threats directed towards myself and my children due to my political activism on social media. These threats were reported to the Metropolitan Police Service in London. However, the police did not investigate the criminal report, citing that the threats originated from a withheld telephone number, making it difficult to trace the caller. I perceived the Metropolitan Police Service's refusal to investigate the threats as discriminatory. In response to the danger posed by these threats, I applied to the High Court of the Family Division for permission to leave England with my son and return to Yorubaland. Despite this effort, the High Court rejected the application, as my ex-wife opposed the separation of our two children. Consequently, I remained in England to ensure the safety and well-being of my children, maintaining active involvement in their lives despite the challenges.

2.4 In March 2019, I initiated legal proceedings against my ex-wife by taking her to the Special Educational Needs Tribunal and the Family Court. This action was prompted by my discovery that she had falsely registered our son as a disabled child and enrolled him in a school for disabled students, all without consulting me. Despite his only issue being a speech delay, she had claimed disability benefits on his behalf. Furthermore, I uncovered that she had utilized my children's British passports to support her boyfriend's application for a resident permit in the United Kingdom. This deceitful act directly impacted the renewal of my resident permit as the biological father of two Yoruba-British citizen children.

2.5 In an attempt to halt my application for custody of our children and the necessary assessment by the Special Educational Needs Tribunal, which would determine our son's education, health, and social care needs, my ex-wife resorted to drastic measures. Fearing the loss of custody and the disability benefits she received for our son, she falsely reported my political activism on social media as terrorism and racial hatred offences to the Welsh-speaking South Wales Police in Cardiff. Following an investigation, the South Wales Police found no evidence to support the allegations and took no further action. Dissatisfied with this outcome, my ex-wife escalated the matter by reporting the allegations to the English-speaking Metropolitan Police Service in London, despite not residing in London at the time of the alleged offences. The Metropolitan Police Service, lacking jurisdiction over the case, nonetheless pursued it due to my vocal and active opposition to the British Government's complicity in political situation in Nigeria.

2.6 On August 6, 2019, as the leader of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), I was criminalized as a terrorist by the English Metropolitan Police Service in London, who arrested me for terrorism and racial hatred offences over my political activism on social media, maliciously reported to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences by my ex-wife due to our custody dispute over our children.

2.7 The British Government, however, stands as the true perpetrator of terrorism and racism for its historical enslavement and colonization of the Yoruba Country between 1851 and 1951. This period saw the devastating loss of 20 million Yoruba lives, surpassing the 5 million Jewish population murdered by the Germans between 1940 and 1945.

2.8 When the English first arrived in Lagos, Yorubaland, in 1851, their conquest and imposition of colonial rule brought devastation to the Yoruba people. Through violence and coercion, they overwhelmed the land, shooting and killing indiscriminately, burning farms and homes. The thunderous roar of cannons filled the air, shrouding the horizon in smoke, instilling fear and panic among every Yoruba man, woman, and child. This onslaught led to the tragic loss of 5,000 Yoruba lives out of the 22,000 inhabitants of Lagos, Yorubaland, sparking widespread resistance against the English invaders.

2.9 The resistance culminated in an uprising in 1855, sparked by the rejection of formerly enslaved black people from England who were repatriated to Yorubaland, despite not being of Yoruba descent. In response, the English brutally massacred thousands of Yoruba people during this uprising.

2.10 In 1892, a conflict erupted between the Yoruba and English over the utilization of waterways in Lagos. The English sought assistance from the Fulani and other non-Yoruba groups, including individuals from Ghana and Sierra Leone, to attack the Ijebu and Remo tribes of the Yoruba Country, who had the support of the other Yoruba tribes and the people of Brazil and Portugal. In this ensuing war, which revolved around control of the port of Lagos, millions of Yoruba people fell victim to English aggression.

2.11 The English established an armed contingent in Yorubaland known as the West African Frontier Force, predominantly composed of non-Yoruba individuals, particularly Fulani from Senegal and Gambia. This force launched assaults on the Oyo tribe of the Yoruba nation in Ilorin, first in 1901 and then in 1902. They ousted the legitimate ruler of the city, Alhaji Inakoju Alanamu, a Yoruba citizen, displacing him to Jebba. In his stead, they installed a Fulani immigrant in Ilorin as the Emir of the city, who had collaborated with the English in the massacre of thousands of Yoruba people in Ilorin.

2.12 The British Government perpetrated acts of terrorism against the Yoruba nation on five occasions between 1851 and 1951. These acts resulted in the extermination of 20 million Yoruba people and the seizure of Yorubaland from its indigenous inhabitants. Additionally, over 10 million Yoruba individuals were forcibly sold into slavery in North and South America, as well as in the Caribbean. The British also plundered the wealth and resources of Yorubaland to fuel economic growth and development in England, all without providing reparations to the Yoruba people for their heinous actions. This reign of terror persisted until Obafemi Awolowo, a Yoruba leader, assumed political leadership in Yorubaland as the Leader of Government Business and Minister of Local Government and Finance. He became the first Premier of the Western Region under Nigeria's parliamentary system in 1951, effectively ending the era of British terror in Yorubaland.

2.13 The British Government's condemnation of the Nazi Party in Germany for its actions during the Second World War and the Holocaust against the Jewish people was indeed a significant historical event. However, it is important to acknowledge the hypocrisy in this condemnation, considering the British Government's own history of colonial atrocities, particularly in Yorubaland. While the Germans paid reparations to the Jewish people for the Holocaust, a crime that lasted for a relatively shorter period, the British Government failed to acknowledge or compensate the Yoruba people for the extensive atrocities committed during the 100-year period of colonial rule in Yorubaland. This stark contrast highlights the double standards and hypocrisy in the British Government's approach to historical injustices. The refusal of the British Government to address its colonial past and provide reparations to the Yoruba people underscores a broader issue of accountability and justice in historical contexts. It emphasizes the need for acknowledgment, reparations, and reconciliation for past wrongs committed by colonial powers against indigenous peoples around the world.

2.14 The departure of the English from Nigeria in 1960, having forced together the Yoruba, Ibo, Hausa and others to create the Federation of Nigeria, left behind a nation deeply divided along ethnic lines and plagued by longstanding power imbalances. This division stemmed from the British colonial administration's policy of favouritism towards the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria, who were granted disproportionate control over the presidency of the country. The dominance of the Fulani, supported by their Ibo allies acting as proxies for the English in Nigeria, marginalized the Yoruba people and perpetuated systemic inequality and injustice against them. This imbalance of power fuelled ethnic tensions and hindered the country's progress towards unity and development. It wasn't until 2023 that Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba citizen, assumed the presidency of Nigeria, breaking the long-standing control of power by the Fulani and Ibo in Nigeria. Tinubu's presidency marked a significant shift in Nigerian politics, providing a historic opportunity for the Yoruba people to assert their political rights and influence the direction of the country.

2.15 While we cannot romanticize the past, nor are we going to re-investigate it, we must always be conscious of the past because the past is not something to be forgotten. On this premise, as the leader of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), my political activism on social media was, deeply rooted in addressing the suppression and subjugation faced by the Yoruba in Nigeria, perpetuated by the British Government through its proxies — the Ibo and the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria. These forces collectively:

(i) On September 12, 1963, wrongfully convicted Obafemi Awolowo, the first Prime Minister of Yorubaland, on false charges of treason and sentenced him to 10 years' imprisonment.

(ii) Nigerialized all the Yoruba’s economic assets, including the mineral and natural resources, money and capital markets, stock exchange, taxation, mainstream media, schools and curriculum, courts, waterways, seaports, airports, land borders, commercial tradings, real estate, pharmaceutical industry, public service, probation and prison services, and the legitimate use of the monopoly of violence such as the military, Police, civil defence, and security services in Yorubaland in the 1960s.

(iii) On January 15, 1966, suspended the regional parliamentary system of Government in Nigeria and imposed the unitary presidential system on the Yoruba.

(iv) On January 15, 1966, assassinated Ladoke Akintola, the second Prime Minister of Yorubaland.

(v) On July 29, 1966, assassinated Adekunle Fajuyi, the first Military Prime Minister of Yorubaland.

(vi) The June 12, 1993, presidential election results in Nigeria, won by Moshood Abiola, a Yoruba citizen, were annulled, despite being widely regarded as free and fair, sparking widespread protests and political turmoil in the country.

(vii) On June 22, 1994, arrested and imprisoned Moshood Abiola, the first Yoruba to have won a presidential election in Nigeria, after he declared himself the rightful winner of the annulled 1993 presidential election.

(viii) On June 4, 1996, assassinated Kudirat Abiola, the wife of Moshood Abiola and a prominent Yoruba activist in her own right.

(ix) On July 7, 1998, assassinated Moshood Abiola, the acclaimed winner of the 1993 presidential election in Nigeria and a prominent Yoruba leader.

(x) On October 8, 2020, systematically arranged the #EndSARS protests in Lagos, Yorubaland, targeted at the assassination of Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba citizen, in the run-up to the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria.

2.16 When the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF) became aware of the British Government’s complicity in the political situation in Nigeria, we began openly criticizing the English Establishment on social media. We advocated for the nationalization of British business interests in Yorubaland and Nigeria. Additionally, we called for the cessation of trade and military ties with England and urged the Yoruba leaders to cultivate strong relationships with the United States of America, the State of Israel, the Federative Republic of Brazil, the Portuguese Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of France, and the Scandinavian countries as allies. Our goal was to garner support for the Yoruba people to achieve autonomy and potentially divide Nigeria along its natural boundaries. This was especially important in light of the suspension of Nigeria’s regional parliamentary system of Government in 1966 by the Ibo and Fulani, which we aimed to address either through a return to the original constitution of 1960 or through alternative means.

2.17 The above and many more statements I made on social media against the British Government and its proxies—the Ibo and the Fulani immigrants in Nigeria—resulted in my being labeled a terrorist by the English Domestic and External Intelligence Agencies—the MI5 and MI6, respectively.

3. Events Following My Arrest:

3.1 Following my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences on August 6, 2019, Taylor Rose Solicitors was instructed by the Metropolitan Police Service in London to act on my behalf as the solicitor in the case. I was, after that, granted a Police bail pending further investigation. However, the solicitor acted shockingly dishonestly when they acted as my solicitor in the case. For instance:

(i) Following my release from the Police station after being granted bail, I provided Taylor Rose Solicitors with crucial information about my personal history. I disclosed that I had been in a long-term relationship with my ex-wife, with whom I had lived for 13 years and had two children. However, after discovering her infidelity in 2012, I initiated divorce proceedings. I explained that from 2015, our relationship deteriorated due to disagreements over childcare and schooling, leading to her making five false allegations against me to the Police in High Wycombe and Cardiff between July 2015 and January 2017. These allegations, ranging from harassment to child neglect, were either dismissed by the Police or overturned by the Court. The stress from these events contributed to my mental health struggles, including PTSD, depression, and anxiety between 2017 and 2019, coinciding with her subsequent report of my political activism on social media as terrorism and racial hatred offences. Despite my explicit instructions, Taylor Rose Solicitors failed to contact my GP and other relevant organizations that I provided them who could assist in my case with my mental health difficulties. This failure casts doubt on the completeness of the evidence presented during the trial.

(ii) On February 10, 2020, six months after my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences without being formally charged, I instructed Taylor Rose Solicitors to file a lawsuit to the Court. The lawsuit aimed to dismiss the case due to the Metropolitan Police Service's failure to charge me within the statutory six-month period outlined in the Terrorism Act 2000 and 2006 of the United Kingdom. However, Taylor Rose Solicitors failed to take action on my instructions.

(iii) On March 4, 2020, due to the repeated failures of Taylor Rose Solicitors to follow my instructions, I decided to appoint a new solicitor, Janes Solicitor, to assist with my case. Despite not being charged with any offence at that time, the matter was still pending charge at the Police station. Despite my request, accompanied by a written letter of authority, for the transfer of my case file to Janes Solicitors, Taylor Rose Solicitors refused to release it. Unbeknownst to me at the time, Taylor Rose Solicitors was covertly working with the Metropolitan Police Service to secure my conviction, hence their refusal to transfer my case file to Janes Solicitors.

3.2 On May 20, 2020, the Counter Terrorism Police in London concluded that I had no affiliation with any proscribed organizations, and since the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF) was not a proscribed organization, they had no interest in pursuing terrorism-related charges against me. However, the English Metropolitan Police Service in London, noting the political nature of the YYF and its anti-Ibo and anti-Fulani stance, charged me with six counts of “Publishing and distributing materials on social media platforms, between July 2017 and August 2019, four YouTube videos and two Facebook posts as threatening, abusive, insulting or intending to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, contrary to Section 21 (1) and Section 19 (1) of the Public Order Act 1986 of the United Kingdom”.

3.3 The six counts of the offences were listed as follows:

Count 1: This count is related to a YouTube video titled "YYF First Public Course of Action". The video discusses the YYF Street Protest Code named 'Organized Violence', which involves actions such as shutting down the Lagos International Airport, the Lagos Stock Exchange, the Apapa Wharf, and the Tin Can Port Complex. These actions are proposed in the absence of a return to the parliamentary system of Government in Nigeria and the control of the presidency of Nigeria by only the Yoruba, who are considered the economic backbone of Nigeria. Additionally, the video mentions the potential use of chemical and biological weapons to defend Yorubaland in times of war and as a deterrent to future attacks on Yorubaland.

Count 2: This count is related to a YouTube video titled "Currency for the Yoruba Liberation". The video discusses the 'Oodua Coin', which the YYF created to support Yorubaland's economic growth and development. Additionally, the video mentions a letter that I had written to and received from Her Majesty, the Queen of England, addressing concerns about the British Government’s complicity in the political situation in Nigeria.

Count 3: This count pertains to a YouTube video titled "The Last Chance". The video advocates for a return to the parliamentary system of Government in Nigeria as a means to prevent another civil war.

Count 4: This count concerns a YouTube video titled "Attacks on Yoruba in Yorubaland". The video addresses the assault on Demola, a Yoruba citizen, who was reportedly killed by Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland. The incident occurred amid allegations that Demola had stolen a ballot box during the presidential election of February 2019 in Nigeria.

Count 5: This count pertains to a post on the "Adeyinka Grandson" Facebook page, managed by the Media and Publicity Department of the YYF. The post discussed the alleged atrocities committed by the Ibo and Fulani in Yorubaland. It was authored by the Facebook page administrators based in Yorubaland.

Count 6: This count pertains to another post on the "Adeyinka Grandson" Facebook page. The administrators, situated in Yorubaland, made this post in direct response to a tweet by US President Donald Trump.

3.4 On June 18, 2020, Taylor Rose Solicitors appointed Miss Laurie-Anne Power, a Jamaican barrister working with 25 Bedford Row Chambers in London, to represent me in the case. Despite my expressed preference for an English barrister, given my previous five cases, in which I was represented by English barristers, who had won all the cases for me, and due to a negative past experience with a barrister of Jamaican descent, Taylor Rose Solicitors proceeded with the appointment of Miss Laurie-Anne Power against my objections. This decision contravened the LAA contract, which entitled me to choose my barrister. Unbeknownst to me at the time, Miss Laurie-Anne Power was appointed as my barrister but discreetly collaborated with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) to secure a conviction against me. This clandestine arrangement explains why Taylor Rose Solicitors disregarded my objections to her appointment.

3.5 On July 1, 2020, I appeared before Judge Taylor, an English lady who also held the position of Honorary Recorder of the Southwark Crown Court. Interestingly, she retained jurisdiction over my case exclusively, preventing any other Judges from overseeing the proceedings from start to finish. Unaware of the collusion between Taylor Rose Solicitors, Miss Laurie-Anne Power, Judge Taylor, the Crown Prosecution Service, and the Metropolitan Police Service to maliciously prosecute me, I proceeded with the legal process.

3.6 On October 23, 2020, the Metropolitan Police Service in London arrested me concerning a video I posted on social media during the #EndSARS protests in Lagos, Yorubaland. Titled "48-Hour Ultimatum," the video demanded that Ibo immigrants leave Yorubaland due to their involvement in killing and property destruction during the protests. Subsequently, I appeared before a Judge at the Bromley Magistrates’ Court in London on the suspicion that the video violated my bail conditions. However, the Judge determined that the video did not breach my bail conditions, leading to my release from Police custody.

3.7 However, on January 25, 2021, the Metropolitan Police Officers handling my case tampered with video, splitting it into two edited videos titled: “Igbo in Yorubaland Get 48 Hours to Relocate” and “YYF Changing the Course of History." They then added these two edited videos as counts 7 and 8 offences. This unethical conduct by the Police compromised the integrity of the case. Moreover, Judge Taylor permitted this action, further undermining the fairness of the proceedings.

4. Preparation for Trial:

4.1 In my defence statement, I unequivocally denied that my YouTube videos and Facebook posts threatened, abused, insulted, or intended to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria or that racial hatred was likely to be stirred up as a consequence of the videos and posts.

4.2 I requested the following individuals from the Metropolitan Police Service to appear as witnesses for the Prosecution:

(i) My ex-wife, who reported my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences.

(ii) The Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, who were the alleged victims of my political activism on social media.

(iii) The Senior Investigating Officers who had previously investigated me for terrorism and racial hatred offences before and after my arrest.

(iv) The two detective constables who conducted the interviews with me under caution after my arrest.

(v) The detective who conducted the forensic analysis of my two phones and laptop.

4.3 In addition, I requested materials not yet disclosed to the defence which might reasonably be considered capable of undermining the case for the Prosecution or of assisting the case for the defence, including:

(i) Copies of the letters I had written to and received from Her Majesty, the Queen of England, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service during the investigation.

(ii) Copies of the letters I had written to and received from Mr Donald Trump, the US President, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service during the investigation.

(iii) Copies of the letters I had written to and received from Senator Risch, the US Senate's Chairman on Foreign Relations, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service during the investigation.

(iv) Copies of the letters I had written to and received from the Head of the CIA, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service during the investigation.

(v) The statement provided by my ex-wife to the police in March 2019 regarding her report of my political activism on social media as terrorism and racial hatred offences.

(vi) Copies of the 520 videos from my YouTube channel that were published between 2007 and 2019 and subsequently deactivated by the Metropolitan Police Service without a court order following my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences.

(vii) Copies of the 520 political speeches I made between 2007 and 2019, seized from my home by the Metropolitan Police Service in London during the investigation.

(viii) Related reports of investigations about me provided to the Metropolitan Police Service in London by the US Government/CIA and the UK Government/MI5.

4.4 Further to the above disclosures requested from the Metropolitan Police Service, I prepared the following four arguments to tell the jury at trial:

(i) To tell the jury about the motives of my ex-wife for reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences.

(ii) To play to the jury, three videos and show them two documents that I had prepared in my defence, including:

(a) The video footage of the body-worn cameras of my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences by the Metropolitan Police in London on August 6, 2019.

(b) The video footage of Demola, a Yoruba citizen, being murdered by the Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland, over the allegations of a stolen ballot box during the presidential election of February 2019 in Nigeria.

(c) The video footage of the Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland, killing people and destroying private and public buildings during the #EndSARS protests in October 2020.

(d) The copy of the political asylum documents granted by the British Government to members of the IPOB, a terrorist group in Nigeria.

(e) The copy of my interview with the Punch Newspaper in Lagos, Yorubaland, on August 13, 2017.

(iii) To show the jury the ethnic map of Nigeria and explain to them what is responsible for the State of war in Nigeria.

(iv) To call the twenty-one witnesses in my case, who had seen my videos and posts on social media and were willing to give evidence in Court that I wasn’t threatening, abusing, insulting, or intending to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, but highlighting the suppression and subjugation of the Yoruba in Nigeria by the Ibo and Fulani.

4.5 Having prepared the four arguments to say to the jury, in addition to the disclosures requested from the Metropolitan Police Service, Miss Laurie-Anne Power wanted me to do a documentary about my political activism and trial with Channel 4 Television in London. She asked that I consent to the documentary, which allowed the production crew to record my conferences with her.

4.6 The production crew recorded three of my meetings with Miss Laurie-Anne Power, during which we discussed several crucial aspects of my case. These discussions included: my ex-wife's involvement in the case, the videos to be played to the jury at trial, the documents to be included in the trial’s bundle, the use of the ethnic map of Nigeria to explain to the jury what is responsible for the State of war in Nigeria, and what each of the twenty-one witnesses in my case had written in their statements.

4.7 One of the twenty-one witnesses in my case was Nelson Adeola, who also served as a member of the YYF Advisory Council. However, unbeknownst to me, the Metropolitan Police Officers managing my case recruited him as a spy within the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF). This recruitment occurred shortly after I had provided his name to Miss Laurie-Anne Power as one of the witnesses in my case.

4.8 Nelson, acting as an undercover agent within the YYF, conducted surveillance on me, my family, and other members of the YYF on behalf of the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case. He gathered intelligence regarding the YYF's public course of action and collected personal information on the YYF's leaders, potentially for use in targeted actions such as assassinations.

4.9 At the time of Nelson's involvement with the YYF, we did not suspect him of being a spy. However, his reports to the Metropolitan Police contained no incriminating information beyond the personal details of YYF leaders and their families that he had discreetly collected. Our group held no private views that contradicted our public stance on the political situation in Nigeria, advocating for a return to the parliamentary system of government or in support of the Oduduwa Republic.

4.10 On November 12, 2021, three days before my trial's commencement, the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case invited me to their office to view certain YouTube videos that had not yet been disclosed to the defense but were intended to be shown to the jury during the trial. I declined this arrangement but instructed Taylor Rose Solicitors to request the videos from the Police and email them to me for review. The Metropolitan Police Officers described these videos as "sensitive" and refused to provide them to me. Consequently, I instructed Miss Laurie-Anne Power to object to the inclusion of these videos in the trial proceedings.

5. Perversion of Justice:

5.1 My trial commenced on November 15, 2021, and concluded on November 30, 2021.

5.2 On November 15, 2021, the first day of my trial, the defence was not provided with the disclosures requested from the Metropolitan Police before the start of my trial. Despite my voiced concerns about this oversight, Judge Taylor and Miss Laurie-Anne Power ignored my concerns regarding the Metropolitan Police Officers’ failure to provide these crucial witnesses and documents.

5.3 On the same day, Miss Laurie-Anne Power requested Nelson Adeola to convince me not to disclose my ex-wife's involvement in the case to the jury. I explained to him that mentioning my ex-wife's involvement would provide necessary context to the jury. However, he responded with abusive and disrespectful language because I declined to heed his or Miss Laurie-Anne Power's advice.

5.4 The Prosecution Counsel and Miss Power deemed my ex-wife's involvement in the case as potentially detrimental to the Crown Prosecution Service's case. They held a meeting with Judge Taylor in her chambers, urging her to prohibit me from mentioning my ex-wife's involvement to the jury. This request came after their unsuccessful attempt, using Nelson, to dissuade me from disclosing her involvement during the trial.

5.5 On November 19, 2021, the second day of my trial after a three-day adjournment, Judge Taylor made a ruling that barred me from disclosing my ex-wife's involvement to the jury. Subsequently, Miss Laurie-Anne Power threatened me with imprisonment and other repercussions if I dared to mention to the jury my ex-wife's role in reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences. This prejudicial ruling, which infringed upon my right to present a defense, left me unable to inform the jury about my ex-wife's involvement in the case. This significantly compromised the trial's fairness.

5.6 Also, during the trial proceedings, Judge Taylor permitted the inclusion of new videos and articles labeled as 'sensitive' by the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing the case, despite them never being disclosed to me prior to the trial. This unfairness in the presentation of evidence deprived me of my right to a fair trial.

5.7 Moreover, Judge Taylor ruled that my twenty-one witnesses in the case were too numerous for a Crown Court trial and reduced them to five witnesses. Subsequently, I learned that this ruling was false and inaccurate, as Crown Court proceedings allow for up to 50 witnesses in a case. Therefore, the Judge's decision was prejudicial and infringed upon my right to a fair trial, depriving me of the chance to present a comprehensive defence.

5.8 On November 24, 2021, Judge Taylor ruled that I could not play to the jury three videos I had prepared in my defence, including:

(i) The video footage from the body-worn cameras capturing my arrest for terrorism and racial hatred offences by the Metropolitan Police was deemed inadmissible by Judge Taylor on November 24, 2021. In the video, I provided context regarding my political activism on social media and the political situation in Nigeria to the MI5/MI6 agents and the Counter Terrorism Police Officers who arrested me. Despite its relevance to my trial, Judge Taylor ruled against its presentation to the jury, citing potential prejudice against the Metropolitan Police whose officers were heavily armed during my arrest. This ruling infringed upon my right to present a comprehensive defense.

(ii) Judge Taylor's ruling on November 24, 2021, also barred the presentation of video footage depicting the murder of Demola, a Yoruba citizen, by Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland. Despite my request to blur Demola's body and present the footage to the jury, both the Judge and Miss Laurie-Anne Power rejected this plea. Consequently, I was unable to provide context to the jury regarding the impact of Demola's killing, when I made the Count 4 video titled "Attacks on Yoruba in Yorubaland”, which was my response to the killing of Demola. This denial severely hindered my ability to defend against the Metropolitan Police's allegations that my response to the killing of Demola was intended to inciting racial hatred against the Ibo in Nigeria. Judge Taylor's decision not only tainted the jury's perception but also infringed upon my right to a fair trial.

(iii) During the trial proceedings, the Prosecution Counsel argued against the presentation of a video footage depicting the killing of people and destruction of private and public building by the Ibo immigrants in Lagos, Yorubaland during the #EndSARS protests, on the instructions of Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of IPOB, a terrorist group in Nigeria, being supported by the MI6 in London. The Prosecution alleged that the Metropolitan Police had not been provided with this evidence prior to the trial. However, this statement was false, as the video had indeed been submitted to the Police six months before the trial began. Despite this, Judge Taylor sided with the Prosecution and ruled against allowing the video to be shown to the jury. This decision deprived me of the opportunity to demonstrate the impact of the events in Lagos on my actions, particularly when I issued a 48-hour ultimatum to the Ibo immigrants in Yorubaland to leave. The Prosecution further alleged that my response to the killings and destruction perpetrated by the Ibo immigrants during the #EndSARS protests constituted offences of inciting racial hatred against them. Despite my attempts to counter these allegations by showing the jury the relevant video evidence, Judge Taylor's prejudicial ruling prevented me from doing so. This unfair restriction significantly influenced the jury's perception of the case and violated my right to a fair trial.

5.9 Miss Laurie-Anne Power's failure to include the three documents I prepared in my defense and provided to her, as well as her subsequent failure to disclose this evidence during my cross-examination, severely compromised my ability to present a complete defense. Specifically, the documents she omitted from the trial bundle were:

(i) The copy of the political asylum documents granted by the British Government to members of the IPOB, a terrorist group in Nigeria, was a crucial piece of evidence that could have supported my defense. Its omission from the trial bundle and failure to disclose it to the jury during cross-examination by Miss Laurie-Anne Power significantly hindered my ability to present relevant evidence to the jury.

(ii) The copy of my interview with the Punch Newspaper in Lagos, Yorubaland, on August 13, 2017, was another vital piece of evidence that could have provided context and clarity to my statements and actions. Its absence from the trial bundle and failure to disclose it to the jury during cross-examination by Miss Laurie-Anne Power deprived the jury of potentially relevant information regarding my beliefs and intentions.

(iii) The copy of the ethnic map of Nigeria showing the 15 nations that the English forced together to create the Federation of Nigeria was crucial for providing context to my political activism and the underlying tensions in Nigeria. Its inclusion in the trial bundle would have allowed me to explain to the jury the complexities of Nigeria's ethnic landscape and how it contributed to the ongoing conflicts in the country. Its absence hindered my ability to fully present my case and denied the jury important background information.

5.10 Judge Taylor's decision to allow the trial to continue despite the inconsistencies in the trial transcripts and the failure of the Metropolitan Police Service to disclose required documents and witnesses raised significant concerns about the fairness of the proceedings. These shortcomings undermined the accuracy and completeness of the evidence presented, potentially leading to an inaccurate assessment of the case and the reason why I not agree to the Agreed Facts of the case. My objections and concerns regarding these issues during cross-examination raised with Judge Taylor should have prompted a more thorough investigation and disclosure of evidence. However, Judge Taylor's reliance on these errors or omissions contributed to the denial of my right to a fair trial by not addressing these fundamental issues adequately.

5.11 On November 26, 2021, following the conclusion of my cross-examination, Miss Laurie-Anne Power and Nelson Adeola, having succeeded in threatening me not to mention my ex-wife's involvement in the case to the jury, began to discourage me from calling my witnesses. They asserted that my cross-examination was effective enough and suggested that calling witnesses was unnecessary. Two of the witnesses were already present in court; one was on her way, and the other two were prepared to testify remotely from their homes in America and Germany. Despite my insistence, Miss Laurie-Anne Power refused to cross-examine the witnesses in court and prevented the others from testifying. At that moment, I began to question whether Miss Laurie-Anne Power's loyalties had been compromised, as her actions seemed to align with a desire for my conviction. However, at the time, I did not suspect Nelson's involvement as an undercover agent of the Metropolitan Police within the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF). The ineffective legal representation provided by Miss Laurie-Anne Power during the trial severely compromised my ability to receive a fair trial.

5.12 On November 30, 2021, Judge Taylor made a statement expressing scepticism about Nigeria’s State of war, following the jury’s question on whether Nigeria was in a state of war when I made my videos and posts on social media platforms between 2017 and 2019. The Judge’s scepticism was prejudicial and violated my right to a fair trial. There was no doubt that Nigeria was in a state of war when I made the videos and posts on social media. But the scepticism expressed by Judge Taylor about Nigeria’s State of war, without any expert opinions on the matter, following which she directed the jury not to consider the State of war in Nigeria in their deliberation, prejudiced the case against me. Moreover, Miss Laurie-Anne Power's failure to correct Judge Taylor’s assumption regarding Nigeria’s State of war contributed to the misunderstandings and misinterpretations of the matter. This failure to address the Judge’s scepticism was indicative of the barrister’s lack of diligence in ensuring the accuracy of the trial record because, in my defence statement, I clearly stated that Nigeria is in a state of war and the rationale for my political activism on and off the social media, particularly given the Boko Haram’s insurgency group in the Kanuri region of Nigeria, the Fulani’s militia terrorism in the Hausa region of Nigeria, the ongoing war between the Fulani’s herdsmen and the indigenous farmers in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria, the IPOB’s war with the security services in the Ibo region of Nigeria, the militancy in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, and the agitation for the Oduduwa Republic in the Yoruba region of Nigeria. The failure of Judge Taylor to acknowledge the State of war in Nigeria influenced the jury’s perception and prejudiced the case against me.

5.13 After my wrongful conviction, I discovered that the recordings of my conferences with Miss Laurie-Anne Power were shared with the Crown Prosecution Service and the Metropolitan Police Service before my trial. This was done under the guise of creating a documentary about my political activism and trial with Channel 4 Television. The purpose was to assess the strengths and weaknesses of my defense and to use them against me at trial. As a result of this sharing of information, the Crown Prosecution Service did not produce in court the Ibo and Fulani people who were allegedly the victims of my political activism on social media. Additionally, the victims’ impact statements were not disclosed, and documents requested by the defense from the Metropolitan Police Service in London were not provided. Furthermore, Judge Taylor did not permit me to use my witnesses, the documents I had available, or to mention to the jury the involvement and motives of my ex-wife for reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences, which stemmed from a custody matter concerning our children.

5.14 For the above reasons, my trial was unfair, which made my conviction unsafe and malicious. I am, therefore, seeking for permission to appeal against the wrongful conviction to the Court of Appeal.

6. Conduct of My Associates:

6.1 In August 2020, Dimeji Babatunde assumed a position as a member of the YYF Board of Directors, replacing the former Vice-President of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF). Around the same time, Nelson Adeola was appointed as a member of the YYF Advisory Council. Prior to these appointments, I had no prior personal or professional connections with either individual. It's noteworthy that they both joined the YYF a year after my initial arrest on charges related to terrorism and racial hatred.

6.2 However, people can be used in any organization. While Dimeji demonstrated disloyalty and corruption, undermining the YYF during his tenure as Vice President following my wrongful conviction and imprisonment, Nelson covertly operated as an undercover agent for the Metropolitan Police Service in London within the YYF both before, during, and after my wrongful conviction.

6.3 In January 2021, Nelson willingly provided his details as one of the twenty-one witnesses in my case. However, shortly after I disclosed his name to Miss Laurie-Anne Power as one of my witnesses, the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case recruited him as a spy within the YYF.

6.4 The MI5, MI6, Counter Terrorism Police in London, and the Metropolitan Police Service in London were concerned about the YYF’s campaigns for the nationalization of British business interests in Yorubaland cum Nigeria. They also expressed concern regarding the YYF’s advocacy for the severance of trade and military ties with England due to the complicity of the English Establishment’s involvement in the suppression and subjugation of the Yoruba in Nigeria. They, therefore, needed someone within the YYF to provide them with information on the activities of the YYF. They found Nelson to be a willing collaborator, given his son’s affiliation with MI5. He discreetly collected personal information on YYF leaders and their families. He wanted information on TETU — the YYF’s subgroup responsible for external intelligence gathering on the English Establishment, as well as the political leadership of the Ibo and Fulani, whom the YYF considered adversaries of the Yoruba nation. Additionally, he sought information on the DIA, another YYF subgroup tasked with developing chemical and biological defences for Yorubaland during conflicts. Of particular interest, he desperately wanted information about the potential involvement of Asiwaju Tinubu, now President Tinubu, in funding YYF initiatives, a claim denied by the organisation. At the time, Nelson’s covert role as an undercover agent of the Metropolitan Police within the YYF remained undetected, and we did not harbour suspicions regarding his intentions.

6.5 As previously mentioned, Nelson, in collusion with Miss Laurie-Anne Power, undermined my trial proceedings, significantly impacting the outcome of the case that ultimately led to my wrongful conviction and subsequent imprisonment.

6.6 On November 30, 2021, while incarcerated, I instructed the Vice-President of the YYF, Dimeji Babatunde, to solicit funds from YYF Patrons to support an appeal against my wrongful conviction. Additionally, he was tasked with coordinating protests at the British Embassy in Lagos, Yorubaland, to advocate for my release from prison.

6.7 In December 2021, Nelson convened a meeting with three members of the YYF Board of Directors, namely Dimeji Babatunde—YYF Vice-President, Femi Odulaja—YYF Spokesperson, Adedayo Adeshida—YYF Coordinator for England, and Ms. Oluwa, a member of the YYF Advisory Council. During this meeting, he explicitly instructed them not to support my appeal process and discouraged them from organizing protests at the British Embassy in Lagos, Yorubaland, to advocate for my release from prison. Furthermore, he issued threats of potential police arrest to those in England if they remained affiliated with the YYF, encouraging them to depart from the group. Additionally, Nelson made false allegations against me, including accusations that I assaulted my ex-wife and that her neighbour had reported me to the Police for terrorism offences, among other things. These actions aimed to undermine my standing within the YYF and hinder efforts to secure justice for my wrongful conviction.

6.8 Nelson’s allegations were entirely baseless and fabricated with the malicious intent to tarnish my reputation. I vehemently deny any claims of assaulting my ex-wife throughout our 13-year relationship. Moreover, her neighbour never reported me to the Police for terrorism offences. On the contrary, the history of my efforts to protect the well-being of my children lies behind the false accusations of terrorism and racial hatred against me. Upon discovering that my ex-wife had registered our son as a disabled child without my knowledge and proceeded to claim disability living allowance and carer’s allowance for him, despite his only issue being speech delay and not in fact disabled, I took legal action by involving the Special Educational Needs Tribunal and the Family Court to secure custody rights for our children. These actions were taken to safeguard my children's best interests, but ultimately led to my ex-wife malicious allegations of terrorism and racial hatred against me that led to my unjust arrest on August 6, 2019.

6.9 Due to my arrest on charges of terrorism and racial hatred offences, the Family Court ruled that I couldn't have direct contact with my children while under police investigation for terrorism. As a result, when my resident permit expired, the Home Office declined to renew it. However, after the dismissal of the terrorism allegations against me, I appealed the Home Office's decision to the Immigration Tribunal. Unfortunately, the Immigration Tribunal upheld the Home Office's decision, citing the lack of direct contact with my children due to the pending trial for racially aggravated Public Order offences as a contributing factor.

6.10 After my wrongful conviction for racially aggravated Public Order offences against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria, Miss Laurie-Anne Power shared the link to my Immigration Tribunal Judgment with Nelson Adeola. He then proceeded to distribute this link to members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF) in an attempt to discredit me by insinuating that I lacked a valid resident permit in the United Kingdom.

6.11 I firmly believe that the allegations made by Nelson about me, shortly after my wrongful conviction and imprisonment, were orchestrated by the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case. Their objective was to tarnish my reputation among members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), disseminate misinformation, and instil fear to prevent coordinated actions in response to my wrongful conviction. This became evident when Dimeji Babatunde allied with Nelson Adeola and undertook actions such as sabotaging planned protests against the British Government at the British Embassy in Lagos, Yorubaland, to demand my release from prison. Additionally, they undermined my appeal process, spread defamatory statements about me to YYF Patrons, dismissed the YYF Director of Finance, and appointed Femi Odulaja, their confidant, to oversee all finances within the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF).

6.12 Moreover, Dimeji Babatunde convened a meeting of the YYF Board of Directors, restricted to only himself, Femi Odulaja, and Adedayo Adeshida, excluding the other eight members. During this meeting, he explicitly instructed the three present members to misappropriate the funds allocated to the YYF for their personal gain. These actions marked the initial betrayal within the group following my wrongful conviction.

6.13 In January 2022, under the guise of helping to get a solicitor to appeal against my wrongful conviction to the Court of Appeal, Nelson collected £11,000 from the YYF Board of Directors as payment to Mary Monson Solicitors. However, despite the payment, the solicitor failed to file an application with the Court of Appeal for permission to appeal against my wrongful conviction. They promised the application would be submitted following my sentencing hearing.

6.14 On March 31, 2022, I appeared in court for the sentencing hearing, represented by Mary Monson Solicitors. Regrettably, I received a sentence of four years and six months imprisonment on fabricated charges of inciting racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria. Following the sentencing, Mary Monson Solicitors unexpectedly requested an additional payment of £30,000 to proceed with the appeal, which was not part of our initial agreement. The YYF Board of Directors declined to pay the extra fees, and consequently, the solicitor did not proceed with the appeal. Subsequently, efforts were made to retrieve the £11,000 initially paid to the solicitor. However, Nelson, who was tasked with securing the refund, refused to comply. Instead, he resigned his membership of the YYF Advisory Council and issued threats against a member of the YYF Board of Directors.

6.15 As a resolution, Mary Monson Solicitors confirmed that Nelson had only paid £8,000 to them and generously offered to waive the remaining balance of £3,000. They advised that I seek reimbursement for this sum directly from Nelson Adeola. Nelson's betrayal and breach of trust deeply disappointed me. Subsequently, I filed a complaint against Mary Monson Solicitors with the regulatory authority, seeking a refund of the funds paid to them. However, since April 2022, the complaint is still pending allocation to an investigator.

6.16 While Nelson and Dimeji worked with us, accepted our kindness, our admiration, and our trust, and took up positions of responsibility in the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), they clandestinely endangered the lives, liberty, and physical safety of my family, members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), and myself.

7. Conspiracy to Commit Mass Murders in Lagos, Yorubaland:

7.1 While incarcerated, I continue to maintain my innocence of the charges of “Publishing and distributing materials on social media platforms, namely four YouTube videos and two Facebook posts as threatening, abusive, insulting, or intending to stir up racial hatred against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria”. Additionally, I was diligently appealing the wrongful conviction as a litigant-in-person. Throughout this ordeal, it has come to light that the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case, in collusion with Nelson Adeola, conspired to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland, with the intent of framing me for these heinous crimes.

7.2 In January 2022, Nelson, having compromised with Dimeji Babatunde, directed him to instruct the YYF Director of Intelligence to carry out the mass murders, promising financial support for the killings. Their plan hinged on the YYF Director of Intelligence accepting the funds to carry out the criminal act. Subsequently, Nelson intended to notify the Metropolitan Police Officers in charge of my case, who would then coordinate with the Yoruba Police Service in Lagos to monitor the activities of the YYF Director of Intelligence and arrest him before the act occurred. The intention was to attribute the criminal act to the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), allowing the Metropolitan Police Service in London to arrest me while in prison and charge me with “directing a terrorist organization” as the leader of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF).

7.3 However, upon following Nelson’s instructions, Dimeji, who had initially refused to support my appeal process, disrupted the YYF’s plans to organize a series of protests against the British Embassy in Lagos, Yorubaland, aimed at securing my release from prison. In addition, he tarnished my reputation within the YYF community and misappropriated YYF funds for personal gain, all within a month of my imprisonment. Suddenly, he convened a meeting of the YYF Board of Directors, limited to only five individuals, including himself in Texas, USA; Femi Odulaja in Leicester, England; Adedayo Adeshida in London, England; YYF Director of Intelligence in Lagos, Yorubaland; and Micheal in Dublin, Ireland, who is a not a member of the YYF Board of Directors. He excluded the remaining seven members of the YYF Board of Directors from the meeting.

7.4 During the meeting, Dimeji instructed the YYF Director of Intelligence to orchestrate the mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland, providing explicit details regarding the venue, time, date, and weapons to be used. However, the YYF Director of Intelligence steadfastly refused to carry out such a criminal act or accept the offered funds, as it contradicted the core principles and objectives of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF). Condemning Dimeji's actions as unscrupulous, the YYF Director of Intelligence demanded his resignation from the position of Vice-President of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF).

7.5 In February 2022, merely two months after my wrongful conviction and imprisonment, Dimeji voluntarily resigned from his position as Vice-President of the YYF. This unexpected departure thwarted the schemes of the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case, who, in collaboration with Nelson Adeola and Dimeji Babatunde, aimed to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland. Thanks to the decisive action of the YYF Director of Intelligence, these nefarious plans were effectively thwarted.

7.6 In January 2023, I was briefed on the illicit activities carried out by Dimeji during his tenure as Vice-President of the YYF. In response, I instructed the Director-General of the YYF to report him to the FBI in America for his involvement in the conspiracy to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland. However, the Director-General failed to comply with my directives, opting instead to make excuses and extend forgiveness to Dimeji. This act of insubordination, coupled with other instances of inaction, ultimately influenced my decision to dissolve the YYF Board of Directors in 2023.

7.7 However, on July 7, 2023, I lodged a formal complaint with the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC) in England regarding the actions of the Metropolitan Police Officers overseeing my case and Nelson Adeola. The complaint detailed their involvement in spying on me, my family, and members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), as well as their alleged conspiracy to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland. Regrettably, the Metropolitan Police's Directorate of Professional Standards Unit has yet to conclude its investigation into these matters.

7.8 Furthermore, I petitioned the Security Committee of Nigeria’s National Assembly to probe my complaint regarding the alleged collusion between the Metropolitan Police Service in London and two former members of the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF) to orchestrate mass murders in Lagos, Yorubaland. Unfortunately, I have not received any response from Nigeria’s National Assembly or the Nigeria High Commission in London since 2023.

8. Appeal to the Court of Appeal:

8.1 After my wrongful conviction, I lodged a complaint regarding Miss Laurie-Anne Power's collusion with the Prosecution. In her response, she claimed that I had signed two endorsements with her, agreeing not to mention my ex-wife's involvement in the case or call any of the twenty-one witnesses to testify. However, I must clarify that these endorsements were forged documents—I did not sign them. 8.2 Upon discovering Miss Power's forgeries, I proceeded to apply to the Southwark Crown Court for a retrial of my case, citing grounds of forgery and ineffective representation. This application was presented to Judge Taylor. However, she declined the application, asserting that the Southwark Crown Court lacks the jurisdiction to grant a retrial.

8.3 On April 22, 2022, I formally expressed my concerns to the Court of Appeal through a Notice of Application for permission to appeal against conviction. In this notice, I outlined 15 grounds of appeal, citing Judge Taylor's wrong decisions during the trial, Miss Power's inadequate representation as a barrister, and my complaints against Taylor Rose Solicitors.

8.4 While awaiting the decision of the Court of Appeal, I found myself facing additional charges of malicious communications brought forth by the Metropolitan Police. These charges stemmed from letters I sent to my ex-wife and the content of my videos uploaded to social media by six Facebook users, addressing her motives for reporting my political activism on social media to the Police as terrorism and racial hatred offences. It's crucial to note that these letters and videos were previously investigated by the South Wales Police in Cardiff in 2019, who took no further action on the matter. Moreover, the Cardiff Civil and Family Court addressed the matter in February 2020, considering it resolved. However, despite lacking jurisdiction over the matter, the English Metropolitan Police Service in London claimed in a court document that UK police protocol allowed them to reassess the case. Consequently, they decided to charge me with an offence that had already been investigated and dismissed by another police force and a competent court of law. I firmly assert that the actions of the Metropolitan Police constitute political persecution, motivated by my critical political views regarding the British Government's involvement in the political situation in Nigeria. These new charges are currently awaiting trial before the Southwark Crown Court in London. I fervently hope for equitable treatment from the Yoruba Police Service in Lagos against the English in Lagos, mirroring the discriminatory practices that the English Metropolitan Police in London has historically imposed on the Yoruba community in London.

8.5 In a bid for justice, I appeared in court on November 16, 2023, to challenge my wrongful conviction. Despite my efforts, the Judges declined to grant permission to appeal against my conviction to the Court of Appeal. Their decision was based on alleged endorsements by Miss Laurie-Anne Power, purportedly signed by me, indicating that I would refrain from mentioning my ex-wife's involvement in the case or calling any of the twenty-one witnesses to testify. However, I assert that these endorsements are indeed forgeries. Consequently, I have taken steps to seek redress. I have petitioned the Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) to reassess my case, considering the new information that has come to light. I implore the CCRC to refer the case back to the court, urging the Judges to reconsider their decision and allow me the opportunity to present my appeal before the Court of Appeal. Presently, the CCRC is actively reviewing my case.

9. Political Persecution:

9.1 The MI5 and MI6 have expressed concerns regarding my vocal and active opposition to the British Government's complicity in the suppression and subjugation of the Yoruba in Nigeria, facilitated through their proxies—the Fulani and Ibo in Nigeria. This opposition has led them to harbour intentions of harming both me and my children in England. In 2017, they issued threats against our lives, which persisted in 2019 when they falsely accused me of terrorism and racial hatred offences. Subsequently, in 2021, they orchestrated a conspiracy involving Judge Taylor of the Southwark Crown Court, the Crown Prosecution Service, the Metropolitan Police Service, and my legal representatives—Taylor Rose Solicitors and Miss Laurie-Anne Power of 25 Bedford Row Chambers in London. This malicious persecution culminated in my wrongful conviction and sentencing to four years and six months imprisonment on fabricated charges of stirring up racial hatred on social media against the Ibo and Fulani people of Nigeria. While incarcerated, I allege that they further subjected me to mistreatment by assaulting me, infecting me with coronavirus and poisoning my food with the intent to cause harm. These actions stem from my political views critical of the Ibo and Fulani immigrants in Nigeria, whom I have accused on social media of serving as proxies for the English Establishment in suppressing and subjugating the Yoruba in Nigeria.

9.2 As a result of my political beliefs, there exists a substantial risk to the lives, liberty, and physical safety of both my children and myself in England due to the actions of MI5 and MI6. Therefore, it is imperative for the Government of the Federation of Nigeria to intervene in my case. Bringing my children and me back home to Yorubaland from England is crucial to safeguard us from the threats posed by MI5 and MI6, who seek to cause us harm.

#politics #education #culture #history

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thxnews · 10 months ago

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UK and France Unite Against Cyber Threats

Oliver Dowden Champions Cyber Security at UK-France Conference

In the grand setting of Lancaster House, reminiscent of the Palace of Versailles and famous for its appearances in "The Crown" and "Bridgerton", Deputy Prime Minister Oliver Dowden delivered a compelling speech at the UK-France Cyber Proliferation Conference. The event, focusing on the challenges and opportunities presented by commercial cyber tools, underscored the UK's commitment to leading the charge against cyber threats in collaboration with France.

A Partnership for the Digital Age

Dowden hailed the longstanding partnership between the UK and France in addressing cyber security challenges. As the Olympic torch passes to France, the UK proudly picks up the baton on cyber security, building on the foundations laid at the Paris Peace Forum. This collaboration highlights a shared commitment to safeguarding peace and security in an increasingly digital world. Navigating a Dangerous Virtual Landscape The Deputy Prime Minister painted a vivid picture of the evolving cyber threats facing nations today. From state competition to organised crime and domestic terrorism, the frontline of these battles is increasingly online. The proliferation of cheap, accessible, and powerful cyber tools poses a significant threat, enabling actors with minimal barriers to cause widespread disruption. The Rise of Commercial Cyber Tools Dowden focused on the growing market for commercial cyber tools; however, these tools, while having legitimate uses, can also be misused to carry out attacks against individuals, businesses, and national infrastructure. This burgeoning market opens the door for unaccountable actors to unleash chaos, thus necessitating a robust and unified response.

The Real-World Impact of Cyber Threats

Emphasizing the tangible consequences of cyber-attacks, Dowden pointed out that nearly everyone has been a victim of some form of cyber intrusion. Furthermore, the commercialization of cyber weapons threatens to increase the frequency and severity of these attacks, challenging our defenses and undermining public trust and safety. Achievements and Ambitions The UK's achievements in cyber security set a strong foundation for future efforts. With ambitious targets for critical national infrastructure and the launch of the 'Secure by Design Framework', the UK is embedding cyber security at the heart of its system design. Dowden praised the UK's burgeoning cyber security industry, noting its significant contribution to the economy and global security. Building a Broader Alliance Recognizing the global nature of cyber threats, Dowden called for a broader alliance of states and stakeholders to address the challenges posed by commercially available cyber tools. He announced the Pall Mall Process, a multi-stakeholder initiative aimed at tackling the proliferation and irresponsible use of cyber intrusion capabilities, named after the street on which Lancaster House sits. A Foundation of Principles The Deputy Prime Minister outlined foundational principles for the responsible use of cyber tools, including accountability, precision, oversight, and transparency. These principles aim to guide the development, sale, and use of cyber tools, ensuring they serve the greater good.

A Unified Front Against Cyber Threats

Oliver Dowden's speech at the UK-France Cyber Proliferation Conference marked a significant step forward in the international effort to combat cyber threats. By fostering collaboration between the UK and France and launching initiatives like the Pall Mall Process, the UK demonstrates its leadership and commitment to creating a secure, open, and peaceful online world. Sources: THX News, Cabinet Office, National Cyber Security Centre, & The Rt Hon Oliver Dowden CBE MP. Read the full article

#Commercialcybertools #Cyberattackconsequences #Cyberproliferationconference #CyberSecurity #Cyberthreats #LancasterHouse #OliverDowden #PallMallProcess #SecurebyDesignFramework #UK-Francecollaboration

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horsesarecreatures · 1 year ago

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Examples of agricultural exceptionalism in the US that prove the agriculture industry is grossly underregulated compared to others:

Animal Cruelty

The most significant federal law protecting animals is the Animal Welfare Act. It protects animals used in research and dogs/cats commercially bred for pets or labs, but does not apply to animals raised for food or its production.

The Humane Methods of Slaughter Act dictates that slaughter be carried out using humane methods. However, poultry is excluded from this law, and poultry accounts for the majority of slaughtered land animals. The HMSA is also only applicable to slaughterhouses under federal meat inspection. It doesn't apply to state inspected slaughterhouses.

The Twenty-Eight Hour Law mandates that after 28 hours of travel, livestock should be unloaded for rest. However, there are exceptions. It isn't applicable to vehicles in which the animals have food, water, space, and an opportunity to rest. The person who has custody of the animals can also request that they be trailered for up to 36 hours without rest.

All states have anti-animal cruelty statues, but again many of these only apply to pets, not farm animals.

Some states like Nevada also exclude in their anti-cruelty statutes "...established methods of animal husbandry, including... transportation of livestock or farm animals." Oregon's anti-cruelty law also doesn't apply to "treatment of livestock being transported by an owner or common carrier." States that do include transportation in their anti-cruelty laws have on average have a fine of only $500.

Exemptions from Labor Laws

Agricultural employees are exempted from parts of both the Fair Labor Standards Act and the National Labor Relations Act.

Agricultural employees are exempted from FSLA overtime pay in that they don't have to be paid time-and-a-half for working over 40 hours a week.

Any employer in agriculture who didn't utilize more than 500 man days of agricultural labor in any quarter of the preceding calendar year is exempt from minimum wage and overtime provisions of the FLSA for the present year.

The NLRA doesn't cover agricultural employees because the definition of employee used by congress has led to their exclusion. Farmworkers therefore can't organize and are commonly abused and marginalized.

Ag Gag Laws

Several states have enacted laws that limit access to agricultural facilities and prohibit the distribution of photos and images attained there. Today 6 states have ag gag laws. Many have been challenged as violating Freedom of Speech.

After Iowa enacted a law prohibiting obtaining access to farms under false pretenses, Utah then created a new crime called "agricultural operation interference" which prohibits any recording without the owner's consent.

In 2012, Missouri made it illegal for a farm animal professional to fail to turn in recordings of animal abuse to authorities within 24 hours. On its face it sounds like a good thing, but what it actually does is prevent thorough long-term investigations because the owner of the farm will then know they're being reported, stop whatever they're doing, and claim any abuse caught on camera was just a one time act. Note that no US jurisdictions have criminalized the failure to report any other crime, even murder.

Idaho Code section 18-7042(1)(c), which has since been struck down in federal court for violating the First & Fourteenth Amendments of the US Constitution, criminalized obtaining employment with the intent to cause economic harm or injury to a facility, and also applied employees who obtained employment in good faith but then witnessed and wished to report wrongdoing.

Anti-Terrorism Laws:

The Animal Enterprise Protection Act was passed in 1992 and criminalized any "physical disruption" to an animal enterprise. The term has been interpreted broadly enough to potentially apply to whistleblowers. It has already been used to prosecute animal rights activists from the group Shac-7 who opposed animal testing. They were said to have violated the AEPA because their website "was a conspiracy to harm a business involved in an animal enterprise."

In 2006, the AEPA was amended through the Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act, and made it illegal for anyone with "the purpose of damaging or interfering with" an animal enterprise from causing the loss of "any real or personal property" of the enterprise. The law applies to those who cause any property loss, including loss of profits, to an animal-related business. Therefore, an activist distributing undercover footage could be charged as a terrorist.

Furthermore, many states such as Idaho have laws that allow practices as long as they are "customary," "normal," "common," or "accepted." Of course, what practices are customary are decided by the farmers. The more widely used a cruel practice is (think throwing chicks into grinders, castration with anesthesia, culling through suffocation, etc), the more likely it is to be exempt.

Lack of Environmental Regulation

The Clean Water Act does not regulate many concentrated animal feeding operations and most other farms, which are major sources of point and non-point source water pollution.

Under the Clean Air Act, the EPA can regulate greenhouse gas emissions from CAFOS, but the emissions thresholds are so high that that only the largest emitters must obtain permits. Most livestock producers don't qualify.

There are no mandatory regulations that target greenhouse gases specifically from livestock. The USDA does have programs to pay farmers to implement conservation efforts to mitigate environmental harms like erosion, but only 5% of agricultural lands currently use them.

Congress has also prevented the EPA from using its funds to implement a "cow tax" requiring livestock produces to acquire a permit for GHG pollution. It has also banned the EPA from enacting mandatory GHG reporting for farms.

Subsidies

Between 1997 & 2005, government subsidies to chicken, pork, beef, & corn producers were $26.5 billion, benefiting mostly large farms while costing the taxpayers billions and leaving smaller farms unable to compete.

The US Farm Bill of 2002 subsidized farms even more by giving investors up to $450,000 in federal money for working on animal waste treatment practices.

Distortion of Trespass Laws

Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPP) are when baseless lawsuits are used to intimidate and silence opponents. Ex: In Wyoming ranchers filed a trespass suit against the Western Watershed Project after the nonprofit exposed the levels of E. Coli present in waterways next to several ranches. The WWP denied trespassing, but nevertheless, the Wyoming Legislature then passed WYO. STAT. ANN. section 6-3-414(g) which dictates that, "Resource data collected on private land in violation of this section in the possession of any governmental entity as defined by W.S. 1-39-103(a)(i) shall be expunged by the entity from all files and data bases, and it shall not be considered in determining any agency action."

Source:

Most of this is quoted or paraphrased from Big-AG Exceptionalism: Ending the Special Protection of the Agricultural Industry by Sonia Weil. chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://drexel.edu/~/media/Files/law/law%20review/v10-1/183%20-%20Weil%20FINAL%202-27.ashx

*Note that this article is from 2017. I have not had the time to shepardize all the laws and cases in it, so there's a possibility that some laws mentioned may have changed or been repealed.

People love to call veganism ‘privileged,’ while conveniently ignoring the fact that the only reason animal products are even close to being accessible for the average consumer is because they’re factory farmed, slaughtered and packed by grossly underpaid labourers working in dangerous conditions, and then massively subsidised by all of our taxes.

#agriculture #factory farming #animal agriculture

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newstfionline · 1 year ago

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Tuesday, September 19, 2023

Justin Trudeau Accuses India in a Killing on Canadian Soil (NYT) Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said on Monday that “agents of the Indian government” carried out the killing of a Sikh community leader in British Columbia last June. Speaking in the House of Commons, Mr. Trudeau said that he raised India’s involvement in the shooting of Hardeep Singh Nijjar directly with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the Group of 20 summit meeting earlier this month “in no uncertain terms.” He said the allegation was based on intelligence gathered by the Canadian government. “Any involvement of a foreign government in the killing of a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil is an unacceptable violation of our sovereignty,” Mr. Trudeau told lawmakers. He said Canada would pressure India to cooperate with the investigation into the killing. Mélanie Joly, the foreign minister, later announced that Canada had expelled an Indian diplomat whom she described as “the head” of Indian intelligence in Canada. Mr. Trudeau said that the large community of Canadians of Indian origin had been angered by the killing and in some cases feared for their personal safety. There are an estimated 1.4 to 1.8 million Canadians of Indian heritage, many of whom are Sikhs. Hardeep Singh Nijjar had advocated turning a part of India into an independent Sikh nation.

Jetsetting Joe (NPR) President Biden will be the first U.S. president to meet with leaders from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, A.K.A. “the Stans,” when they gather together tomorrow (and, hopefully, don’t make Russia and China too mad). Biden’s national security adviser Jake Sullivan said the president hopes to discuss regional security issues, as well as trade, climate, and governance issues. The week following the U.N. General Assembly is going to be busy for Biden—he’s also set to meet with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in New York, and with Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva at some point this week. It’s all set to wrap up back in D.C. on Thursday, when Biden will meet with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy.

Officials say 5 prisoners sought by the US in a swap with Iran have flown out of Tehran (AP) Five prisoners sought by the U.S. in a swap with Iran flew out of Tehran on Monday, officials said, part of a deal that saw nearly $6 billion in Iranian assets unfrozen. Despite the deal, tensions are almost certain to remain high between the U.S. and Iran, which are locked in various disputes, including over Tehran’s nuclear program. Iran says the program is peaceful, but it now enriches uranium closer than ever to weapons-grade levels. The planned exchange has unfolded amid a major American military buildup in the Persian Gulf, with the possibility of U.S. troops boarding and guarding commercial ships in the Strait of Hormuz, through which 20% of all oil shipments pass.

Brazil’s president calls U.S. economic embargo on Cuba ‘illegal,’ condemns terrorist list label (Reuters) On his first trip to Cuba during his third term in office, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva called the embargo imposed by the United States on the island “illegal” and denounced the island’s inclusion on the list of state sponsors of terrorism. Former U.S. President Donald Trump included the island nation on the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism, and though the Biden administration has reversed other Trump-era measures, it has so far not removed Cuba from the list. “Cuba has been an advocate of fairer global governance. And to this day it is the victim of an illegal economic embargo,” Lula said in a speech opening the G77 Summit of developing nations in the capital, Havana. Cuba and critics of the economic sanctions say the decades-old embargo prevents and hampers access to food, medicine and other critical development supplies.

Russia and the global wheat market (Bloomberg) Russia’s second consecutive bumper wheat harvest is reinforcing its position as the No. 1 exporter, but it’s also easing price pressures stemming from Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine. The Kremlin’s war—including blockading and bombarding ports—has hobbled Ukraine’s food exports, helping cement Russia’s domination of the global wheat market. That’s reflected in record Russian shipments, as the nation’s traders overcome the financing and logistical challenges some faced in the aftermath of the invasion. However, Russia’s overflowing grain ports have also yielded a silver lining for wheat consumers buffeted by a cost-of-living crisis: the lowest prices in almost three years.

Ukraine Hunts for Cash as Fighting Drains Coffers (WSJ) War in Ukraine is cruel, but also expensive. The counteroffensive aimed at driving Russian occupiers from its southern region has bogged down. Faced with another year of fighting—and a more than $40 billion budget deficit in 2024—finance officials in Kyiv are grasping for cash to keep the wartime economy running and pay for a planned 50% increase in military spending.

NATO chief warns Ukraine allies to prepare for ‘long war’ (Politico) NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg warned that the war Russian President Vladimir Putin is waging on Ukraine won’t be over any time soon. “Most wars last longer than expected when they first begin,” Stoltenberg in an interview with Germany’s Funke media group published Sunday. “Therefore we must prepare ourselves for a long war in Ukraine.” The Ukrainian military meanwhile continued its counteroffensive, with drone attacks targeting Crimea and Moscow on Sunday, according to Russia’s defense ministry. The attacks disrupted air traffic and caused a fire at an oil depot. In southwestern Russia, a Ukrainian drone damaged an oil depot early Sunday, sparking a fire at a fuel tank that was later extinguished, the regional governor said. Another drone was downed in Russia’s Voronezh region. Sunday also saw Russian missiles hit an agriculture facility in Ukraine’s Odesa region, according to Ukraine’s military.

As Slovakia’s trust in democracy fades, its election frontrunner campaigns against aid to Ukraine (AP) A populist former prime minister whose party is favored to win Slovakia’s early parliamentary election plans to reverse the country’s military and political support for neighboring Ukraine, in a direct challenge to the European Union and NATO, if he returns to power. Robert Fico, who led Slovakia from 2006 to 2010 and again from 2012 to 2018, is the frontrunner to occupy the prime minister’s office after the Sept. 30 election. He and his left-wing Direction, or Smer, party have campaigned on a clear pro-Russian and anti-American message. His candidacy is part of a wider trend across Europe. Only Hungary has an openly pro-Russian government, but in other countries, including Germany, France, and Spain, populist parties skeptical of intervention in Ukraine command significant support.

China flies 103 military planes toward Taiwan in a new high of activity the island calls harassment (AP) China’s military sent 103 warplanes toward Taiwan in a 24-hour period in what the island’s defense ministry called a recent new high. The planes were detected between 6 a.m. on Sunday and 6 a.m. on Monday, the ministry said. As is customary, they turned back before reaching Taiwan. Chinese warplanes fly toward the self-governing island on a near-daily basis but typically in smaller numbers. China, which claims Taiwan as part of its territory, has conducted increasingly large military drills in the air and waters around Taiwan as tensions have grown between the two and with the United States. The U.S. is Taiwan’s main supplier of arms and opposes any attempt to change Taiwan’s status by force.

People aged 80 and over top 10% of Japan’s population for 1st time (Kyodo News) People aged 80 and over topped 10 percent of Japan’s population for the first time, government data showed Sunday, as the country with the world’s highest proportion of elderly people continues to grapple with a rapidly aging society. The number of people in the age bracket swelled by 270,000 from the previous year to 10.1 percent of Japan’s total population of around 124.6 million, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications said ahead of Monday’s Respect for the Aged Day. In another record, those aged 65 and older, defined as the elderly in Japan, accounted for 29.1 percent of the total population at 36.23 million, meaning the country continues to have the largest proportion of this age group worldwide, the data showed as of Friday. Italy and Finland rank second and third, with those aged 65 and over accounting for 24.5 percent and 23.6 percent of their respective populations.

Australia swelters in spring heat wave, temperatures set to break records (Reuters) A spring heat wave across large parts of Australia’s southeast, including Sydney, will intensify on Monday, the weather bureau said, with temperatures expected to peak up to 16 degrees Celsius (60 Fahrenheit) above the September average. Australia is baking through a rising heat wave which has been building in the country’s outback interior over the weekend and is likely last until Wednesday across the states of South Australia, Victoria and New South Wales.

In corrupt Libya, longtime warnings of the collapse of the Derna dams went unheeded (AP) The warnings were clear but went unheeded. Experts had long said that floods posed a significant danger to two dams meant to protect nearly 90,000 people in the northeast of Libya. They repeatedly called for immediate maintenance to the two structures, located just uphill from the coastal city of Derna. But successive governments in the chaos-stricken North African nation did not react. “In the event of a big flood, the consequences will be disastrous for the residents of the valley and the city,” Abdelwanees Ashoor, a professor of civil engineering, wrote in a study published last year in the Sabha University Journal of Pure and Applied Sciences. The warnings came true in the early hours of Sept. 11, when residents of Derna woke up to loud explosions before floodwaters pounded the Mediterranean city. They found that two dams had broken, unleashing a wall of water two stories high that wreaked destruction and swept entire neighborhoods out to sea. Neglect and corruption are rife in Libya, a country of about 7 million people that lies on a wealth of proven oil and natural gas reserves. As of 2022, the country ranked 171 out of 180 on the transparency index compiled by Transparency International.

As Junta Tightens Grip, Niger Is Being Strangled by Sanctions (NYT) Since a military coup in Niger this summer, work days for Ahmed Alhousseïni have been consumed with calls from increasingly worried clients and colleagues asking the same questions. How, and where, could they get food? An executive for a leading food importer in Niger, Mr. Alhousseïni said one recent morning that he had spent his weekend hunting for cooking oil in Niamey, the capital city, with no luck. Tomatoes he had bought weeks earlier were rotting in Ghana, pasta was stranded in Senegal and rice supplies would run out by the end of the month. On the busy street outside his office that morning, grocery shop owners he usually supplied were lining up—as they have frequently in recent weeks. After mutinous soldiers seized power in Niger, West African countries froze financial transactions, closed their borders with Niger and cut off most of its electricity supply in an effort to pressure the generals into restoring constitutional order. The new leaders, led by Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani, haven’t budged, but at an increasingly biting cost. Sanctions and other penalties are now strangling Niger’s economy, with food prices and shortages growing and many medicines becoming increasingly scarce. “Closing Niger’s borders is like depriving us of air,” said Mr. Alhousseïni, the managing director of Oriba Rice. “We can’t breathe.” As shelves of food stores and pharmacies are emptying, anger is now building against the West African countries and France, the former colonizer whose presence in the region has set off a backlash that has grown in recent years.

#headlines #news

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pipelinelaserraygun · 1 year ago

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MUST ⚖️ DEFEND/🙏‼️

youtube

You are not 🌈 FORGOTTEN.

youtube

"Shadow and 🔥🗑️ FLAME".

youtube

"Shadow and 🔥🗑️ FLAME".

ALL manner of corruption, beyond 🇺🇸🗳️ party lines, needs to be uprooted OUT.

https://youtube.com/shorts/vjZKbQK6LuM?si=yQ2S4ab8JGyLpPPU

demo-🐀 RATS were authors of an "📴ICIAL" narrative that began unraveling, from day 1.

🆓 book & 🆓 documentary: Do 👑👰🏻 your own research.

BECAUSE... as with the Warren Commission 📖 conclusion, 👺👿👺 WHO'S got something to hide?

youtube

UNEARTHED FOOTAGE: In 2023, amateur photography of 9/11 was just made public.

Makes me wonder...⬆️ What other ✈️ evidence of criminal acts will emerge from 💥💥 SHADOWS and 🔥 FLAME?

Father God, 🕎✝️🛐 FORCE 👺👺 the work of evildoers out FROM hidden storage.

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taikeero-lecoredier · 4 years ago

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Germany has started implementing article 17 (formely known as article 13)

Back in 2019,the EU Copyright Directive passed by a slim margin in Parliament,the very same Directive containing Upload Filters and Link taxes.And now its on its way. AO3 made an entry explaining clearly what are the stakes,and how the current language of the bill endangers non commercial sites such as AO3 itself,as well as Wikipedia.

Please refer to the original post for the entire information: https://archiveofourown.org/admin_posts/19550 If you are German,I beg you to contact your representatives like indicated

Explains how this threathen freedom of speech and creativity during fair use,and how parodies,caricatures,postiche,etc should not be subjected to this. I do not know when or if other EU countries will also start implementing article 17 on their own. I do know there is a lawsuit from Poland ongoing trying to strike the Directive down (But it is extremely slow process,so its best to contact MEPs right away before too much damage is done under this Directive) Not only that,but TERREG (not part of the directive) which is the “anti terror law”) has been adopted without a plenary vote on a EU scale,which means that under one hour,certain sites will have to take down any content deemed as “terrorist” to governement’s eyes,without the control of a judge to see if its fair or not. So sites will have to resort to Upload Filters as the short time theyre given to take content down is ridiculously short. Terreg can be sued,but only if we see misuse,which isn’t really enough.

If you read this,I’m begging you to REBLOG AND SPREAD THIS LIKE WILDFIRE. Even if you’re not from the EU. Tweet about this,get Youtubers to talk about,anything to get the word out. Don’t let governements and greedy assholes censor our Internet.

#article 13 #the magnus archive #article 17 #upload filters #copyright directive #TERREG #anti terror law #net neutrality #saveyourinternet #if you guys reblogged my post about wayback machine then i'm expecting you to also reblog this with even more enthusiasm #seriously if people bury their heads in the sand about this this wont save you #taike speaks

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mostlysignssomeportents · 3 years ago

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Games Workshop declares war on its customers (again)

There’s a difference between a con-artist and a grifter. A con-artist is just a gabby mugger, and when they vanish with your money, you know you’ve been robbed.

A grifter, on the other hand, is someone who can work the law to declare your stuff to be their stuff, which makes you a lawless cur because your pockets are stuffed full of their money and merely handing it over is the least you can do to make up for your sin.

IP trolls are grifters, not con artists, and that’s by design, a feature of the construction of copyright and trademark law.

Progressives may rail at the term “IP” for its imprecision, but truly, it has a very precise meaning: “‘IP’ is any law that lets me control the conduct of my customers, competitors and critics, such that they must arrange their affairs to my benefit.”

https://locusmag.com/2020/09/cory-doctorow-ip/

In that regard, it is a perfect grifter’s tool — a way to put you on the wrong side of the line for simply living your life in the way that works best for you, not the grifter.

Now, copyright and trademark’s framers were alive to the possibility that they might become this kind of weapon, and they wrote limitations and exceptions into each doctrine that were meant to safeguard the public’s right to free speech and free action.

But those limitations and exceptions are weirdly self-eviscerating. Both trademark and copyright’s limitations assume that they aren’t being weaponized by immoral sociopaths. Both collapse if they are.

Take copyright. Copyright has a suite of limitations and exceptions under various global legal systems, including US law. US law also contains a specific set of exceptions colloquially called “fair use,” a subject of much mystification for lay people.

Under fair use, someone accused of copyright infringement can ask a judge to find that their use of someone else’s copyrighted work is permissible because to deny it would be socially harmful.

The fair use law sets out four factors that judges MAY consider when considering such a claim. Note that these four factors are neither comprehensive (judges can weigh other factors), nor dispositive (failing to satisfy a factor doesn’t disqualify your use from being fair).

If that sounds confusing to you, don’t worry. It is confusing. As the lawyers say, “fair use is fact-intensive.”

The specifics of a use really matter: who’s making the use, what they’re using, why they’re using it, how they use it, and how much they use.

That’s why anyone who claims that “X is never fair use” (for example, commercial fanfic) are full of shit — as are people who say “X is always fair use”).

Commercial fanfic absolutely can be fair use. No less a body than the Supreme Court says so:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Wind_Done_Gone

Despite all this ambiguity and nuance, IP grifters who want to force other people to arrange their affairs to their own benefit are laser focused on the four factors, reasoning correctly that if they show a judge that the factors favor them, they’re more likely to prevail.

Half of the four factors are out of the grifter’s reach. As a rightsholder, you can’t control “the purpose and character of the use,” or “the amount and substantiality of the portion used.”

But the other two factors are more readily within the IP wielder’s remit. As someone seeking control a work, you can frame “to the nature of the copyrighted work” by talking up how much creativity and originality went into it, which judges will weigh in your favor.

More importantly — and disturbingly — is the way that an IP holder can influence the fourth factor: “the effect of the use upon the potential market for or value of the copyrighted work.”

Think about that fourth factor for a moment here: if my use of your work doesn’t cost you any money, then it’s more likely that my use is fair.

The corollary: if you can bully some people into paying for something they’ve always gotten for free, then you can claim that the people who refuse to pay are ripping you off — that there is a “market” for the use, and that their failure to pay weakens that market.

This is effectively what’s happened to music sampling. Seminal albums like “It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back” were produced with thousands of uncleared samples — but at the time, no one was clearing samples.

https://memex.craphound.com/2011/07/08/creative-license-how-the-hell-did-sampling-get-so-screwed-up-and-what-the-hell-do-we-do-about-it/

Had the rightsholders to those samples dragged Public Enemy into court, they wouldn’t have had the fourth factor on their side. No one was paying for samples, so a failure to pay for samples had no “effect on the potential market for the copyrighted work.”

However, in the 33 years since Nation of Millions dropped, paying to license samples has become common practice — and the mere existence of paid samples makes not paying for samples more legally risky.

So say a rightsholder decided to aggressively license simple quotations — as the Associated Press did in 2008, when it offered to sell you a license to a 5-word quotation for a mere $12.50.

http://nielsenhayden.com/makinglight/archives/010341.html

All other things being equal, a short quotation from a news article is likely to be fair use. But if the AP managed to terrorize enough bloggers into coughing up $12.50 for a 5-word quote, it could create a market for 5-word quotations.

That market would change the fair use argument for people who don’t pay — yes, they’re making a transformative, critical use, but they’re also undermining the market for the copyright, and a judge might find this change tips the scales away from fair use.

Even more importantly, the additional uncertainty might stampede more people into paying $12.50 for a 5-word quote rather than risk a $250,000 statutory damages award for copyright infringement.

The more people who pay for 5-word quotes, the sturdier the market becomes and the riskier it is to rely upon fair use.

The fourth factor looks like an escape valve for uses that harm no one.

But it actually rewards to bullies who intimidate others out of money they don’t actually owe — until they do.

Trademark has a similar gotcha. Trademark is very different from copyright. Fundamentally, trademark is about protecting buyers, not sellers. Trademark meant to help buyers avoid being tricked into buying an inferior product because it was deceptively named or styled.

If you buy a can of Coke, you want the true Black Water of American Imperialism, not an inferior brand of dilute battery-acid.

But if your Coke turns out to be a fake, you might shrug off the harm or balk at the expense of punishing the fast operator who mis-sold you.

So trademark empowers Coke — and other vendors — to punish third parties who trick their customers, acting as their customers’ champions. Trademark doesn’t exist to prevent Coke from losing money to a rival — it exists to help Coke drinkers get what they pay for.

Trademarks can be registered with the USPTO, who nominally weigh trademark applications to ensure that they’re distinctive and original. Practically, examiners are busy, sometimes careless, and ideologically inclined to grant, not deny, claims.

https://memex.craphound.com/2018/06/14/son-of-cocky-a-writer-is-trying-to-trademark-dragon-slayer-for-fantasy-novels/

But you don’t have to register a trademark to assert it. You can threaten or pursue legal action on the grounds that someone has violated an unregistered trademark, which is any distinctive graphic or phrase that is associated with your product.

Registered or unregistered, trademark enforcement primarily comes down to whether a “naive consumer” would be mislead by someone else’s use of a mark. That is, when you bought a Coke-branded sack of chicken feet, did you think it was blessed by the Coca-Cola company?

If there’s no likelihood of confusion, trademark holders struggle to enforce their trademarks.

This standard seems reasonable, but, like the fourth factor in fair use, it has a sting in its tail.

One of the ways you can induce confusion in the public is to gain a reputation for being a litigious bully. Say Coke is known far and wide for clobbering anyone that uses its trademarks, no matter how trivial the use and no matter how bad it made them look.

If Coke is truly notorious for its zero-tolerance policy, that will lead to a widespread public understanding that every time you see Coke’s marks, the use was blessed by a Coke lawyer — meaning a use that might not otherwise be found to be confusing can be made confusing.

“If that was any other company’s trademark, I’d assume that they had nothing to do with it — but since I know Coke has an army of baby-eating attack lawyers who destroy anyone who uses a mark without permission, that must be an authorized use.”

Like fair use’s fourth factor, trademark’s confusion standard rewards the most vicious and uncaring businesspeople with new rights that their more reasonable competitors do not enjoy. IP selects for sociopathy.

Now, IP — in the most sinister sense of the phrase — has pervaded every industry, but the contradictions of IP are felt most keenly in its spawning grounds: the culture industry.

Culture is in tension with the control of ideas, because culture is the spread of ideas.

Creators (and execs) are vulnerable to the pirate/admiral fallacy: “When I take from my forebears, that’s legitimate artistic progress. When my successors do it to me, it’s theft.”

This pathology, combined with ready-to-hand IP weapons, incentivizes all manner of wickedness. Remember when Marvel and DC teamed up in a bid to trademark the word “super-hero” so that no one else would be allowed to use it?

https://memex.craphound.com/2006/03/18/marvel-comics-stealing-our-language/

These perverse incentives are made tragic by the inherently participatory nature of culture.

It’s not merely that Marvel and DC wanted to steal the word “super-hero” right out of our mouths.

It’s that super-heroes are culturally important because of how we take and remix them in our lives. Marvel went on to use the law to stop us from pretending to be superheroes online, something Casey Fiesler called “Pretending Without a License.”

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/277598023_Pretending_Without_a_License_Intellectual_Property_and_Gender_Implications_in_Online_Games

Which brings me, at last, to Games Workshop, a company that has consistently led the IP bully pack, indiscriminately terrorizing the Warhammer 40k fans who made it a massive commercial success.

Warhammer is a strategy/roleplaying game that is played with miniature creatures that players buy, modify and paint. If you’re not familiar with all this, maybe this sounds a bit like toy soldiers.

It’s a lot more interesting — not just because of the game rules or lore, but because of the incredibly, unbelievable, jaw-dropping virtuosity of Warhammer players when they paint and style those miniatures.

There’s a reason I look forward to Saturday morning’s weekly linkdump from Jonathan Struan of the week’s best Warhammer and other RPG miniatures:

https://www.superpunch.net/search?q=warhammer&max-results=20&by-date=true

and why I follow incredible painters like Aurelie Schick:

https://www.flickr.com/photos/110246635@N06

Warhammer is intrinsically participatory, co-creative and active — it’s not media you consume, it’s media you produce.

Games Workshop has become fantastically rich off of this…and they hate it, and they always have.

For years they’ve pursued fans for producing their own fan-made supplements and additions to the game:

https://www.lumendatabase.org/notices/99301

The more Warhammer players complained about the indiscriminate censorship of their fan media, the harder GW cracked down on them, wiping out whole genres of creative work:

https://www.boardgamegeek.com/geeklist/48933/games-workshop-files-purge-09

GW claimed it was only defending its rights, the grifter’s signature move, making you a crook for having the audacity not to put their shareholders’ interests ahead of your own.

Then Games Workshop claimed a trademark on “space marine,” a generic term that had been widely used in science fiction for decades, including, notably, in Heinlein’s classic “Starship Troopers” (1959).

https://web.archive.org/web/20130207002144/http://mcahogarth.org/?p=10593

They didn’t just go after RPGs that used the phrase — they used trademark claims to remove novels from Amazon for having the phrase in their titles.

“Space marine” is a generic phrase, but GW was betting if they were sufficiently, spectacularly brutal in their enforcement, they could create a proprietary interest: “Now, I know GW destroys anyone who uses ‘space marine,’ so this ‘space marine’ must be endorsed by GW.”

GW just launched a new set of terms of service, including: “individuals must not create fan films or animations based on our settings and characters. These are only to be created under licence from Games Workshop.”

https://www.games-workshop.com/en-WW/Intellectual-Property-Guidelines

Now, this isn’t how copyright works. There are many ways in which a fan film or animation could be fair use, no matter whether GW forbids or permits their production. But this isn’t mere overreach: it’s a direct play against the fourth factor in fair use.

If GW can establish that all animations and vids are produced under paid license, then any fanvid that doesn’t pay for a license has a weaker fair use case, because the fourth factor protects existing licensing markets.

Indeed, as Rob Beschizza points out on Boing Boing, GW timed the terms of service change to coincide with the announcement that they’re launching a subscription service including “cartoons, in-house hobby videos, access to a vault of ebooks and mags.”

https://www.pcgamer.com/now-even-warhammer-has-a-subscription-service/

This is bullying with a business-model, in other words. Fans have figured out how to have fun with each other for free, and GW wants them to stop and pay the company for its in-house version of that fun.

Warhammer creators are demoralized and disheartened. The creator of the hugely successful Oculus Imperia Youtube series posted a heart-rending message of surrender.

https://twitter.com/OculusImperia/status/1421136444437970949

Oculus Imperia also edits “If The Emperor Had A Text To Speech Device,” (TTS) another beloved Warhammer fan series. Alfabusa from TTS posted his own absolutely demoralized goodbye to his work.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OXljeaktnDA

Ironically, both channels would have a stronger fair use case if they mocked and criticized Warhammer, rather than celebrating it, as fair use tips favorably towards critical uses.

The fact is, they love their hobby and its community and they want to improve it, not tear it down.

Neither wants to get dragged into a brutal copyright case against a deep-pocketed corporation. Even people with great fair use cases balk at that:

https://waxy.org/2011/06/kind_of_screwed/

Now, some people might be thinking, what’s the big deal? Why don’t these creators just make up their own stories instead of remixing the ones that come from Games Workshop?

Those people are assholes.

*All* stories are fanfic of some kind or another. Every mystery novel is a remix of Poe’s Murders In the Rue Morgue. Games Workshop’s stories are the thrice-brewed teabags of many sf writers (remember “space marines?”).

Tolkien straight up ripped off his characters from the 1000-year-old Norse poem “Elder Edda,” which features dwarves named “Thorin, Balin, Dwalin, Fili, Kili, Oin, Gloin, Nori, Dori, Ori, Bifur, Bofur, and Bombur.”

https://musingsofatolkienist.blogspot.com/2015/07/hobbit-origins-catalog-of-dwarves.html

Culture is made of other culture.

GW made something wonderful with Warhammer — by plundering the stories that preceded it.

The sin isn’t in the taking, it’s in the pretense that it never happened, and the vicious grifting that punishes anyone who does unto GW as they did unto everyone else.

#pluralistic

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