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coochiequeens · 5 months ago

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A man who wore prosthetic breasts and was asked to "tone down" his make up is crying victim because his boss called him his by legal name before he started the legal process to change his sex.

By Amy Hamm July 1, 2024

A trans-identified male in the Maine-et-Loire region of France has been awarded €7,000 in compensation after a court determined he was the victim of “gender discrimination” by his former employer.

Syntia Dersoir, 22, had filed a complaint against the McDonald’s franchise where he worked after management referred to him by his legal, male name and asked him to remove the makeup he wore during his shift.

Dersoir began working at a McDonald’s located in Segré-en-Anjou Bleu beginning from September 2022. He was hired under his birth name and was legally registered as a male at the time. In early 2023, he began wearing makeup and prosthetic breasts to work, and, by the spring of 2023, he obtained an alteration of his identification documents.

Dersoir alleged that the discrimination happened over several weeks in 2023 after he began wearing his prosthetic breasts and makeup to work. Management at the McDonald’s branch where Dersoir was employed continued to refer to him by the name he had been hired under, his male name, despite his requests to be called by his feminine preferred name.

The man also alleged that management instructed other staff to also refer to him by his male name.

According to his legal complaint, Dersoir detailed that during one shift, when he was wearing lipstick, a manager asked him to leave or to go to a nearby store and purchase makeup remover. In March of 2023, Dersoir obtained a note from his doctor allowing him to take sick-leave, citing the stress he was suffering from the discrimination he had been subjected to.

Dersoir complained to the French Labour Inspectorate, and was provided a lawyer by the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (CFDT), a conglomorate of national labour unions. He also filed a criminal complaint against the management at the McDonald’s where he had been working.

In response to Dersoir’s allegations, the lawyer representing McDonald’s, Maître Pascal Landais, claimed that management had only ever asked Dersoir to follow the workplace makeup policy that applied to all staff.

“We asked him to tone down his make-up, not to remove it,” she clarified. The McDonald’s policy described that all employees should wear “light and discreet makeup” only for both uniform and hygiene purposes.

French media has run sympathetic stories on Dersoir, profiling him as a victim of discrimination. Some outlets are criticizing the managers at the fast-food chain, which uses the slogan “come as you are” in the country. One outlet suggested that Dersoir’s bosses had “trampled on” the sentiment behind the slogan and are “guilty of moral harassment and discrimination.”

On June 24, the employment tribunal of Angers ruled in Dersoir’s favor, ordering the franchise to pay him €7,000 in compensation. Dersoir’s lawyer was excited about the verdict, noting that it set a precedent and that other “victims” may now be able to come forward.

“As soon as a large brand is convicted … it necessarily provokes a discussion. This is a first to condemn McDonald’s, which presents itself from the angle of tolerance, for precisely the opposite,” the lawyer said.

Charlotte Duval, the Deputy Secretary General of the Maine-et-Loire Services Union, similarly praised the decision, stating: “This ruling is very positive … it is the recognition of [Dersoir’s] victimization. It may also open the door to other people who are experiencing this kind of situation to talk about it.”

Dersoir is in fact the second trans-identified male in Europe to take legal action against a local McDonald’s for “gender discrimination,” with the other incident occurring in Germany.

One day after Dersoir won his case, a trans-identified male in Berlin appeared at the Berlin Labor Court after filing a case against the Central Station franchise where he had been employed.

Kylie Divon, 27, is seeking compensation for “gender identity discrimination” after being denied access to the changing room reserved for female employees.

#France #McDonald's #Usually I cheer when the little guy wins a lawsuit against a big corporation #Being asked to to adhere to company policy of light makeup is not discrimination #He only started the legal process to change his name and sex very soon after he started to wear fake breasts and too much makeup #French Labour Inspectorate #French Democratic Confederation of Labour (CFDT)

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pommunist · 7 months ago

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Chère Pommunist,

Merci pour ta patience, ta nuance et ta gentillesse à toutes épreuves. J'espère que tu prends soin de toi car même si les gens ne t'envoient pas de haine, ce type de situation peut devenir rapidement épuisant.

Je tiens à t'informer que dans un climat grandissant de mauvaise fois assumée et d'une incapacité à lire inquiétante du beau site qu'est tumblr – où il est toujours de bon goût de poster "si j'ai bien compris, le syndicat veut que Q MEURT 😨" plutôt que de relire les phrases lentement et avec le doigt qui suit la ligne – je résiste à l'envie terrible de laisser un message passif agressif d'explications en anon en ton honneur.

En effet, alors que je tapais un long message sarcastique et un peu méchant dans mes notes pour l'effacer ensuite comme j'en ai maintenant l'habitude (ça permet d'extérioriser...), m'est venue l'idée saugrenue que peut-être, sans doute, ça ne ferait pas trop de mal de poster ce message dans les asks d'une personne particulièrement obtuse... et je me suis dit que Pommunist, rayon de soleil de tumblr, symbole de patience à toute épreuve et de gentillesse sans faille dans l'adversité, n'approuverait pas. On a tous des moments de faiblesse je suppose, mais je suis contente de ne pas avoir suivi le mien, et c'est grâce à toi que ça a été possible.

(Je continue d'être aigrie cela dit. Mais aigrie selon les principes pommunistiens de respect et de tolérance.)

Bref continue comme ça, t'es incroyable, j'en deviendrait presque parasociale (/j)

(Mais entre nous........ parfois ce message ultra sarcastique dans les notes du téléphone démange les doigts........ je sais pas comment tu fais pour garder ton calme tout le temps mais j'admire........ Mais plus sérieusement, continue d'être quelqu'un de super (autant que possible, tu reste humaine !!), parce que je trouve ça vraiment cool que ta gentillesse m'ait inspirée moi et peut-être d'autres à ne pas écouter la petite voix dans la tête qui donne envie d'être méchant parfois. Dans une situation déjà tendue ça n'aiderait à rien mais parfois j'ai envie de m'énerver quand même. Bref, long message mais voilà, je t'envoie beaucoup de force et d'amour, prends soin de toi !!)

Franchement j’ai fait la paix avec le fait que certaines personnes ne savent juste pas lire quand j’ai vu un tweet qui répondait à la trad qu’on a fait de l’interview de léa en demandant quand s’etait passée l’interview (c’est literallement dans la première phrase du doc, tout en haut, écrite en gras 🫡). Et je pense que y’a beaucoup de gens qui sont tellement attachés à Q ou au serveur qu’ils vont inconsciemment chercher la moindre petite bête dans les discours d’en face pour les discréditer et se dire que tout va bien se passer, force à eux mdrrrr

Et vraiment c’est pas l’envie qui me manque des fois de passer en mode full français vnr full gilet jauné ambiance bien on brûle des poubelles dans la rue mais bon déjà qu’on galère à faire passer le message si on garde pas calme ça serait encore pire mdr

Mon astuce c’est juste de ronchonner en parlant à mes chats pour rester zen (ils captent rien ils doivent penser que je leur exprime mon amour et good for them franchement)

En tous cas trop doux ton message, merci beaucoup et plein d’amour en retour !!! Par contre, attends, t’as dit parasoQUOI ?????

/jjjjj

Je rigole dsl ça fait trop longtemps que j’avais cette image sans pouvoir l’utiliser car j’ai le malheur d’avoir la chance de pas recevoir de haine en anon 😔✊✊

Et on oublie pas que les valeurs pommunistiennes sont certes le respect et la tolérance mais aussi les droits des travailleurs, la grève, la RÉVOLUTION DRAAAAA (now playing l’internationale)

#vous inquiétez pas mes frs sûrs je sais que des fois je sors des takes plus tièdes que la cfdt #mais on se sait on est ensemble #asks

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sebiblr · 6 months ago

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#climat #ecologie #cfdt

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zeboute · 7 months ago

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Louise et Denise Boute, une histoire de syndicalisme et d'égalité des hommes, et femmes.

Le monde de l’entreprise est un monde où l’on cherche bienveillance, solidarité, entre-aide. Le bien vivre ensemble ! Respecter chacun, dans sa diversité. Hommes et Femmes, personnes d’origine étrangères, homosexuels, handicapés… La longue histoire de ma famille s’est ancrée dans ces valeurs de solidarité. Madeleine Singer, historienne de la CFDT, retrace ici son histoire. Louis Boute et…

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#histoire CFDT Madeleine Singer #histoire de la CFDT #histoire du syndicalisme textile #histoire textile Nord CFDT #militantisme ARFEM #résistance seconde guerre mondiale Armentières #section syndicale ANPE France Travail histoire

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francaistoutsimplement · 4 months ago

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RACLURES POUR SAUVER MACRON!

Raclures un jour, raclures toujours...

La pétition appelant à la reconstitution du « bloc central » pour sauver Macron.

Celle que Laurence Tubiana, la représentante de l’hyper classe mondialisé américaine, candidate du PS, des Verts et du PcF au poste de premier ministre. Il faut regarder la liste, elle vaut le déplacement.

L'On y trouve les syndicalistes jaunes de la CFDT (Édouard Martin, Thierry Cadart), les écolos avides (Bové, Mamère), les renégats communistes (Patrick Braouezec, Joel Decaillon), les universitaires de cour (Prochasson, Pranchère, Stora), les pires ministres socialistes (Marisol Touraine, Aurélie Filippetti), les cultureux subventionnés (Ariane Mnouchkine, Cyril Dion), etc. etc.

La petite gauche est là, fidèle au poste quand il s’agit d’arranger les bidons du Capital. Il n’y a pas François Hollande, mais c’est pour la prochaine fois.

Alors les amis de LFI, vous avez mal au cul ? On dirait que votre stratégie pour faire la courte échelle au PS, ce n’était peut-être pas une si bonne idée ?

En même temps c’était sûr. Comme disait Zorrino du lama du capitaine Haddock : « Quand PS sent le pouvoir, PS toujours faire comme ça »

lettreouverte.notion.site/Lettre-ouverte

(Source X regisdecastelnau)

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dailyanarchistposts · 7 months ago

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Getting together

When the news of the first factory occupation (that of the Sud Aviation plant at Nantes) reached the Sorbonne — late during the night of Tuesday 14 May — there were scenes of indescribable enthusiasm. Sessions were interrupted for the announcement. Everyone seemed to sense the significance of what had just happened. After a full minute of continuous, delirious cheering, the audience broke into a synchronous, rhythmical clapping, apparently reserved for great occasions.

On Thursday 16 May the Renault factories at Cléon (near Rouen) and at Flins (North West of Paris) were occupied. Excited groups in the Sorbonne yard remained glued to their transistors as hour by hour news came over of further occupations. Enormous posters were put up, both inside and outside the Sorbonne, with the most up-to-date information of which factories had been occupied: the Nouvelles Messageries de Presse in Paris, Kléber Colombes at Caudebec, Dresser-Duiardin at Le Havre, the naval shipyard at Le Trait...and finally the Renault works at Boulogne Billancourt. Within 48 hours the task had to be abandoned. No noticeboard — or panel of noticeboards — was large enough. At last the students felt that the battle had really been joined.

Early on the Friday afternoon an emergency ‘General Assembly’ was held. The meeting decided to send a big student deputation to the occupied Renault works. lts aim was to establish contact, express student solidarity and, if possible, discuss common problems. The march was scheduled to leave the Place de la Sorbonne at 6pm. At about 5pm thousands of leaflets were suddenly distributed in the amphitheaters, in the Sorbonne yard and in the streets around. They were signed by the Renault Bureau Of the CGT. The Communist Party had been working...fast. The leaflets read: “We have just heard that students and teachers are proposing to set out this afternoon in the direction of Renault. This decision was taken without consulting the appropriate trade union sections of the CGT, CFDT and FO. “We greatly appreciate the solidarity of the students and teachers in the common struggle against the ‘pouvoir personnel’ (ie de Gaulle) and the employers. but are opposed to any ill-judged initiative which might threaten our developing movement and facilitate a provocation which would lead to a diversion by the government. We strongly advise the organizers of this demonstration against preceding with their plans. “We intend, together with the workers now struggling for their claims, to lead our own strike. We refuse any external intervention, in conformity with the declaration jointly signed by the CGT, CFDT and FO unions, and approved this morning by 23,000 workers belonging to the factory.”

The distortion and dishonesty of this leaflet defy description. No-one intended to instruct the workers how to run the strike and no student would have the presumption to seek to assume its leadership. AlI that the students wanted was to express solidarity with the workers in what was now a common struggle against the state and the employing class.

The CGT leaflet came like an icy shower to the less political students and to all those who still had illusions about Stalinism. “They won’t let us get through.” “The workers don’t want to talk with us.” The identification of workers with ‘their’ organizations is very hard to break down. Several hundred who had intended to march to Billancoud were probably put off, The UNEF vacillated, reluctant to lead the march in direct violation of the wishes of the CGT. Finally some 1500 people set out, under a single banner, hastily prepared by some Maoist students. The banner proclaimers ‘The strong hands of the working class must now take over the torch from the fragile hands of the students’. Many joined the march who were not Maoists and who didn’t necessarily agree with this particular formulation of its objectives.

Although small when compared to other marches, this was certainly a most political one. Practically everyone on it belonged to one or other of the ‘groupuscules’: a spontaneous united front of Maoists, Trotskyists, anarchists, the comrades of the Mouvement du 22 Mars and various others. Everyone knew exactly what he was doing. It was this that was so to infuriate the Communist Party. The march sets off noisily, crosses the Boulevard St Michel, and passes in front of the occupied Odeon Theatre (where several hundred more joyfully join it). It then proceeds at a very brisk pace down the rue de Vaugirard, the longest street in Paris, towards the working class districts to the South West of the city, growing steadily in size and militancy as it advances. It is important we reach the factory before the Stalinists have time to mobilize their big battalions...

Slogans such as “Avec nous, chez Renault” (come with us to Renault), “Le pouvoir est dans la rue” (power lies in the street), Le pouvoir aux ouvriers” (power to the workers) are shouted lustily, again and again. The Maoists shout “A bàs Ie gouvernement gaulliste anti-populaire de chomage et de misère” — a long and ‘politically equivocal slogan, but one eminently suited to collective shouting. The Internationals bursts out repeatedly, sung this time by people who seem to know the words — even the second verse! By the time we have marched the five milks to Issy-les-Moulineaux it is already dark. Way behind us now are the bright lights of the Latin Quarter and of the fashionable Paris known to tourists. We go through small, poorly-lit streets, the uncollected rubbish piled high In places. Dozens of young people join us en route, attracted by the noise and the singing of revolutionary songs such as ‘La Jeune Garde’, ‘Zimmerwald’, and the song of the Partisans, “chez Renault, chez Renault” the marchers shout. People congregate in the doors of the bistros, or peer out of the windows of crowded fiats to watch us pass. Some look on in amazement but many — possibly a majority — now”’ clap or wave encouragement. In some streets many Algerians fine the pavement. Some join in the shouting of CSCRS — SS”’ “Charonne”’ “A bàs I’Etat policier” They have not forgotten. Most look on shyly or smile in an embarrassed way. Very few join the march.

On we go, a few miles more. There isn’t a gendarme in sight. We cross the Seine and eventually stow down as we approach a square beyond which lie the Renault works. The streets here arc very badly-lit. There is a sense of intense excitement in the air. We suddenly come up against a lorry, parked across most of the road, and fitted with loudspeaker equipment. The march stops. On the lorry stands a CGT official. He speaks for five minutes. In somewhat chilly tones he says how pleased he is to see us. “Thank you for coming, comrades. We appreciate your solidarity. But please no provocations. Don’t go too near the gated as the management would use it as an excuse to call the police. And go home soon. lt’s cold and you’ll need all your strength in the days to come.” The students have brought their own loud hailers. One or two speak, briefly. They take note of the comments of the comrade from the CGT. They have no intention of provoking anyone, no wish to usurp anyone’s functions, We then slowly but quite deliberately move forwards into the square, on each side of the lorry, drowning the protests of about a hundred Stalinists in a powerful ‘lnternationale’. Workers in neighbouring cafes come out and join us. This time the Party had not had time to mobilize its militants. It could not physically isolate us.

Part of the factory now looms up right ahead of us, three storeys high on our left, two storeys high on our right, In front of us, there is a giant metal gate, closed and bolted. A large first floor window to our right is crowded with workers. The front row sit with their legs dangling over the sill. Several seem in their teens’, one of them waves a big red flag. There are no ‘tricolores’ in sight — no ideal allegiance’ as in other occupied places I had seen. Several dozen more workers are on the roofs of the two buildings. We wave. They wave back. We sing the ‘Internationale’. They join in. We give the clenched fist salute. They do likewise. Everybody cheers. Contact has been made. An interesting exchange takes place. A group of demonstrators stabs shouting “Les usines aux ouvriers” (the factories to the workers). The slogan spreads like wildfire through the crowd. The Maoists, now in a definite minority, are rather annoyed. (According to Chairman Mao, workers’ control is a petty-bourgeois, anarcho- syndicaiist deviation.) “les usines aux ouvriers”..10, 20 times the slogan reverberates round the Place Nationals, taken up by a crowd now some 3000 strong.

As the shouting subsides, a lone voice from one of the Renault roofs shouts back’. “La Sorbonne aux Etudiants”. Other workers on the same roof take it up. Then those on the other roof. By the volume of their voices they must be at beast 100 of them, on top of each building. There is then a moment of silence. Everyone thinks the exchange has come to an end. But one of the demonstrators starts chanting’. “La Sorbonne aux ouvriers”. Amid general laughter, everyone joins in.

We start talking. A rope is quickly passed down from the window, a bucket at the end of it, Bottles of beer and packets of fags are passed up. Also revolutionary leaflets. Also bundles of papers (mainly copies of Server Ie Peuple — a Maoist journal carrying a big title ‘Vive la CGT’). At street level there are a number of gaps in the metal facade of the building. Groups of students cluster at these half-dozen openings and talk to groups of workers on the other side. They discuss wages, conditions, the CRS, what the lads inside need most, how the students can help. The men talk freely. They are not Party members. They think the constant talk of provocateurs a bit far-fetched. But the machines must be protected. We point out that two or three students inside the factory, escorted by the strike committee, couldn’t possibly damage the machines. They agree. We contrast the widely open doors of the Sorbonne with the heavy locks and bolts on the Renault bates — closed by the CGT officials to prevent the ideological contamination of ‘their’ militants. How silly, we say, to have to talk through these stupid little slits in the wall.

Again they agree. They will put it to their ‘dirigeants’ (leaders), No-one seems, as yet, to think beyond this. There is then a diversion. A hundred yards away a member of the FER gets up on a parked car and starts making a speech through a Ioud hailer. The intervention is completely out of tune with the dialogue that is just starting. it’s the same gramophone record we have been hearing all week at the Sorbonne. “CaII on the union leaders to organism the election of strike committees in every factory. Force the union leaders to federate the strike committees. Force the union leaders to set up a national strike committee. Force them to call a general strike throughout the whole of the country” (this at a time when millions of workers are already on strike without any call whatsoever). The tone is strident, almost hysterical, the misjudging of the mood monumental. The demonstrators themselves drown the speaker in a loud ‘Internationale’. As the last bar fades the Trotskyist tries again. Again the demonstrators drown him, Groups stroll up the Avenue Yves Kermen, to the other entrances to the factory. Real contact is here more difficult to establish. There is a crowd outside the gate, but most of them are Party members. Some won’t talk at all, Others just talk slogans.

We walk back to the Square. It is now well past midnight. The crowd thins, Groups drop into a couple of cafes which are still open. Here we meet a whole group of young workers, aged about 18, They had been in the factory earlier in the day. They tell us that at any given time, just over 1000 workers are engaged in the occupation. The strike started on the Thursday afternoon, at about 2pm, when the group of youngsters from shop 70 decided to down tools and to spread into all part: of the factory asking their mates to do likewise. That same morning they had heard of the occupation of Cléon and that the red flag was floating over the factory at Flins. There had been a int of talk about what to do. At a midday meeting tile CGT had spoken vaguely of a series of rotating strikes, shop by shop, to be initiated the following day. The movement spread at an incredible pace. The youngsters went round shouting “Occupation! Occupationl”. Half the factory had stopped working before the union officials realized what was happening. At about 4pm, Sylvain, a CGT secretary, had arrived with loudspeaker equipment to tell them “they weren’t numerous enough, to start work again, that they would see tomorrow about a one-day strike”. He is absolutely by-passed. At 5pm Halbeher, general secretary of the Renault CGT, announces, pale as a sheet, that the “CGT has called for the occupation of the factor”. “Tell your friends”, the lads say. “We started it. But will we be able to keep it in our hands? Cà, c’est un autre problème...”

Students? Well, hats off to anyone who can thump the cops that hard! The lads tell up two of their mates had disappeared from the factory altogether 10 days ago “to help the Revolution”. Left family, jobs, everything. And good luck to them. “A chance like this comes once in a lifetime.” We discuss plans, how to develop the movement. The occupied factory could be a ghetto, ‘isolant Ies durs’ (isolating the most militant). We talk about camping, the cinema, the Sorbonne, the future. Almost until sunrise... ‘Attention aux provocateurs’

Social upheavals, such as the one France has just been through, leave behind them a trail of shattered reputations. The image of Gaullism as a meaningful way of life, ‘accepted’ by the French people, has taken a tremendous knock. But so has the image of the Communist Party as a viable challenge to the French Establishment, As far as the students are concerned the recent actions of the PCF (Parti Communiste Français) are such that the Party has probably sealed its fate in this milieu for a generation to come, Among the workers the effects are more difficult to assess and it would be denature to attempt this assessment. All that can be said is that the effects are sure to be profound although they will probably take some time to express themselves. The proletarian condition itself was for a moment questioned. Prisoners who have had a glimpse of freedom do not readily resume a life sentence.

The full implications of the role of the PCF and of the CGT have yet to be appreciated by British revolutionaries, They need above all else to be informed. In this section we will document the role of the PCF to the best of our ability, It is important to realise that for every ounce of shit thrown at the students in its official publications, the Party poured tons more over them at meetings or in private conversations. In the nature of things it is more difficult to document this kind of slander.

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