#casteism discourse

[cosmotelluriantempest]

->——— Yo, haven’t seen many foal% talk about this, so since I’ve got some knowledge and e%perience about it, today I’ll post about Quadrant non-compliance.

->——— I’ve actually got this b00k from my boss. It belonged to a pacient, and when he found out about it he aprehended it immediately.

->——— This kind of stuff is prohibited by the empire so when he asked me to throw it away I was like “Yeah dude, no worries, I’ll definitely be chugging this bitch into a trash compa%or at ma%imum efficiency, I got it.” :-]

->——— And here it is. The Mutinuos’s guide to the quadrant non-compliancy spectrum. The Mutinuos (aka the most recent Virlo ancestor) and her partner Mediator Starpoet (aka the most recent Taurgo ancestor) were one of the first publicly known Lifemates in over, like, uh…

->——— I dunno, however long the empire has existed I guess? After they t00k over they just erased history, at least it’s what they say here in this b00k.

->——— Anyway, their knowledge of self, empathy and their resiliency were the first step of many that we have taken towards breaking this stigma imposed by the empire and towards true a%eptance. There’s obviously a lot more we gotta do to de-marginalize ourselves, so that’s why I at least have to get something out here, y’know?

Introduction

The Empire and its attendant ramifications have wrought a lamentable state upon trollkind. While notably augmenting the life expectancy of those inhabiting the ostensibly 'advanced' castes, it has simultaneously precipitated societal destabilization, rendered existence devoid of fulfillment, subjected trolls to indignities, facilitated widespread psychological anguish, and inflicted grave harm upon the natural realm. The perpetuation of casteism shall surely exacerbate this distressing predicament. It will undoubtedly impose greater indignities and cause further detriment to the natural world, likely ushering in increased social upheaval and psychological torment, and it may even engender heightened physical suffering, even among the 'advanced' castes. However, the discourse herein shall not dwell on casteism; rather, it seeks to illuminate the marginalization, psychological turmoil, and segregation endured by the cohort to which I, by circumstance, belong.

For countless millennia, quadrants have been instituted in our society as a metric for the regulation of populace. Their sole functions pertain to either extending the lifespan of trolls until they attain maturity for procreation or facilitating the pairing of trolls. Moreover, culling, as one might expect, serves as a means of population control, ruthlessly ejecting those who are regarded as physiologically or psychologically undesirable from the gene pool for eternity, devoid of compassion or consideration for the potentialities of their existence. Equally predictable is the resistance exhibited by individuals against this regime; yet, such endeavors shall invariably prove futile against the dominion of the heiress and her formidable allies.

In the present day, the formidable wield influence over the feeble. Yet, it was the latter who, in their misguided aspirations, endeavored to elevate the former, yearning to ascend to that esteemed echelon. My assertion herein transcends blame upon the lower or elevated castes for the dominion of the empire; rather, it is directed towards the audacious, presuming, and vacuous buffoons who believed that fostering one lineage to its zenith and inundating their minds with fictitious prophecies of magnificence, sovereignty, and divinity would not engender a belief of superiority amongst them. Astonishingly naive, they presumed that their own cruel disposition would exempt them from retribution, a presumption that proved tragically false, be it for themselves or for their progeny, and indeed the generations beyond.

Non-compliancy - General descriptions

Non-compliants refer to any dissenters from the esteemed quadrantic system, encompassing Quadrant Amalgamators, Lifemateship Inclined, Blurred Vacillatory Defiants, and those who abstain from practice. We presently engage in a noble struggle from the shadows, as it has proven more benevolent towards our kind than the collective has ever been. Hark, I shall now elucidate, to the best of my capacity, the functioning of each non-compliance within the realm of relationships.

Commencing with the esteemed bond of which I am a part.

Lifemateship.

In essence, it embodies a profound allure—each variant of attraction, once discerned within its own quadrant, coalescing into a singular essence devoted unto one particular individual. Whether it manifests as the Moiraligial instinct to safeguard and seek solace, the Matespiritual longing for infatuation or desire, the Kismessitudial compulsion to contest, or the Auspisticial obligation to intercede. It is posited that this represents the most venerable form of romance, predating quadrants, before the dawn of the empire, essentially at the genesis of our civilization.

Blurred Vacillatory Defiants

They are individuals who eschew the imposition of labels upon their relationships, thus perpetually oscillating among the various quadrants. Contrary to what the nomenclature may suggest, the majority of BVD partnerships are robust; liberated from the confines of categorization, they are afforded the freedom to experience authentic emotions toward their companions. Typically, BVD unions comprise three to six participants; however, should they be sufficiently harmonious, their membership may transcend this range.

The most intricate of all Non-Compliances, Quadrant Amalgamation, embodies the synthesis of two quadrants into a singular entity. The current configuration we have engendered, after a span of 220.42 solar sweeps post-Sufferer, comprises this union of two quadrants, yet it holds promise for myriad attractions yet to be discovered. At present, alongside the conventional quadrants, we recognize:

Matespicism — ♥ ♣

A phenomenon wherein two previously indifferent individuals commence to harbor ardent affections for one another, spurred by the influence or coercion of a third party.

Storgiation — ♣ ♥

A collaborative endeavor by two individuals to mend discord, only to find themselves developing fervent sentiments towards one another. This relationship is prone to dissolution unless reinforced by external pressures equivalent to those that initiated it.

Clovership — ♣ ♠

A precarious equilibrium wherein four participants maintain a profound aversion towards one another, yet together, they cultivate a stable and decorous dynamic. Should one be extricated from the Clovership, relationships may veer into Kismesissitude unless a mediator intervenes or the Clovership is restored.

Infinism — ♠ ♣

A variant of Kismesissitude, wherein the parties involved may only sustain a successful black relationship through incessant intervention. Absent this, their animosity is so potent that it may incite them to seek to eliminate their Infinist.

Kismelegiance — ♠ ♦

An individual confined within a Kismelegiance is fated to forge enmity with the counterpart. This may evolve into Kismesissitude or Infinism.

Erosissitude — ♦ ♠

Two trolls, destined by fate, perpetually oscillate on the emotional spectrum; one exuding intense red feelings while the other manifests disdain. This simultaneous fluctuation precludes the possibility of a harmonious and fruitful relationship.

Stituency — ♦ ♥ An alliance birthed through the audacity to challenge destiny. This may be achieved by dismantling a Moirallegiance to forge a novel bond or by transmuting a Kismelegiance into a Moirallegiance.

Philiasma — ♥ ♦ A Philiasma manifests when, through external influence, a Kismelegiance or Erosissitude meets its dissolution. Upon the establishment of a Moiraillegiance, it attains an indissoluble nature. The essence of this affection evolves into an unconditional state, destined solely to magnify in intensity.

There exists, undoubtedly, a plethora of intricacies entwined within them; however, to render this inscription comprehensible and accessible to the broader populace, it is imperative that I commence with simplicity.

(original ring and descripions: https://www.tumblr.com/jakemorph/87780469037/mobiusnook-have-fun-shippers-general Non-compliancy’s concept inspired by @dave2olkat)

[hissterical-nyaan]

What do you hate about desiblr, sorry I got lost

Many many things

I understand that most people on desiblr are still school going teenagers or at least have never been in college and participated in discourse and debate, but you have to realise when you're talking about sensitive topics you have to be open to criticism and you also have to realise there are a lot of impressionable minds around who are reading what you post. What I have seen recently is a very big surge of right-wingers and conservative rhetoric that too coming from these 16-17yr old kids who are encouraged by other adults here. It's wild how people are literally romanticising casteism and communalism 💀 I don't think you guys realise what kind of posts you are reblogging. This is the case with many of my mutuals too and it's worrying because they're kids and they're eating up RW content

I think many parts of desiblr are just not ready to talk about serious issues and discourses cause they have 0 knowledge of the actual world or even theory. They're just saying whatever they *feel* is right. This is not how debates work. I understand most of us grow in a conservative environment but it's on you to read up stuff before opening your mouth

Apart from that it's just annoying because people keep fighting and sending hate on petty things 💀 maybe I've just outgrown desiblr

It's definitely nice having more Indian friends who can understand me but the whole desiblr? No thanks

[genderjeopardy]

the hindutva fascist regime has picked up a considerable amount of steam since jan 22, the date of the consecration of the ayodhya ram mandir (which stands on the site of the now-illegitimately-demolished babri masjid; watch the events leading upto the demolition here).

Media, politicians, actors, influencers, and the common hindu upper-caste public has been emboldened, with most mainstream discourse basically sounding indistinguishable to what zionists have been preaching (or what nazis had been preaching); how Muslims are outsiders, betrayers, traitors hatching an evil, treacherous plan to enslave the Hindu majority and interrupt their "renaissance", how Muslim religious associations control the "deep state", how the "Indian" (read; hindu) has been tortured and oppressed by the Muslim kings (mainly referring to the mughal dynasty and the sultanate) and how great the previous Hindu kings were (they weren't; oppression and subjugation based on caste was rife during the gupta dynasty, along with slavery). How Islam is intrinsically a "wrong" faith to follow, with its misogyny and extremism (which is prevalent in like, literally every religion), how central education which teaches about the historical existence of casteism and misogyny perpetrated under/by the upper caste-elite hegemony is part of the "islamist agenda", etc etc, the usual islamophobic points

As if that wasnt enough, the govt has also flagrantly broke the rules regarding the awarding of national honours (theres a limit of three), by awarding the Bharat Ratna (highest civilian honour) to politicians who facilitated the babri masjid demolition in 1992

Even now, the events of haldwani are obvs being spinned by the state (and the mainstream media obvs relays it like its gospel), with baseless accusations of the usage of petrol bombs and arson of a police station being thrown at the muslim protestors. both legacy and social media are being filled with pictures and videos of injured police officers as a way to garner sympathy, but most importantly, to vilify an already hated community in muslims. the thing is, if you dig a little deeper, there are already reports surfacing on twitter that one of the 6 who died was a 16-year old boy, and there are also videos where the police are pelting stones at muslims, manhandling and thrashing muslim women, and shooting at their doors at night. oh and btw the hindutva mobs didnt just appear out of thin air, they were helped and supported by the police, who for some very weird reason spared them from the "shoot-on-sight" orders as they vandalized the muslim neighbourhood, pelted stones, and threatened to r*pe muslim women, while occasionally also invoking the name of hindu deities.

The act of pelting stones becomes even more egregious as the act has generally been associated to muslim communities by the right wing (and thus by all of mainstream media). The act is not just seen as "oh look at these violent muslim protestors", its basically seen as an act of anti-national treason, the definitive "proof" that a social group doesnt deserve to live in this country, is "undesirable", and is thus "plotting" against the Hindu ethnostate (which is smtg that cannot be questioned). Any event which harms muslims either physically (via pogroms like in 2002 gujarat) or symbolically (demolition of mosques and other "muslim" structures, including even "muslim" sounding names of cities and streets), the fascist media mill starts churning out "henious" acts of "treachery" committed by muslim "anti-nationals", which range from stone-pelting to sexual abuse to perceived persecution of "innocent hindus".

while videos of police brutality exacted upon Haldwani muslims are making rounds on twitter, the atmosphere is definitely tilted against the victims, and in favor of the oppressors. the chief minister of the state, Pushkar Singh Dhami, has already given his justifications on the police's actions as "cracking down on riotous elements", with most of the indian public equally supportive in all of their savage, barbaric fascist glee, with open calls of "painting the nation saffron (dogwhistle for a pogrom, if you didnt get it)" if Dhami called upon the Hindutva forces. Heres a senior journalist from our state-owned news outlet, DD News, using disgusting language to portray all Muslims living in uttarakhand as "m*lecch" (means parasitic outsiders, generally regarded as an ethnic/casteist slur)

another thing of note is that if you use the reasoning of "illegality" to demolish Muslim institutions, the structures most in (theoretical) risk are HINDU temples, which ofc can be (and have been) erected almost anywhere without any prior legal greenlight. infact, the hindutva right had erected a makeshift temple right beside the charminar in hyderabad, in order to stoke suspicion that yet another structure made by a muslim ruler was infact, made upon the demolished ruins of a hindu temple. the far-right had already made their modus operandi v clear when the ram temple campaign began in 1992, but now the world can see it take place in front of their eyes. and before you ask, yes, the gyanlakshmi temple had already been deemed illegitimate by the Archaeological Survey of India as per a Right to Information petition.

To conclude, things are really, reallly, really getting terrible here. Yes, indian muslims are not facing a collective opposition of the Great Western Powers in US, UK, France, Germany, etc., but indian muslims make one of the largest muslim communities in the world, despite being a minority. And this fascist project endangers them ALL, not just the poor, the isolated, the "bigoted", the extremists, the "undesirables". and also it has its crosshairs away from muslim communities as well, including the oppressed castes, indigenous tribes, christians, buddhists, women (incl. upper caste women ofc), queer people, and almost anyone who dare opposes (or could potentially oppose) the Hindu ethnostate, which includes the political opposition, academics, journalists, writers, influencers (incl. actors and sportpersons), etc. As a matter of fact, a recent Supreme Court ruling has tweaked the UAPA (Unlawful Activities Prevent Act), (which has been much abused over the past 10-15 years to illegitimately throw "anti-national/seditious" protestors of the regime into prison with little to no investigation or justice), so now jail has become the "rule", while "bail" has become the "exception"; basically meaning that an already draconian, repressive, undemocratic and brutal law has become even more repressive.

The entire nation, including the oppressed and the oppressor classes are bracing for a descend into pure fascistic totalitarianism, and i dont need to tell you how much innocent blood would be shed, how the very identity and culture of muslims and other minorities in india is dangling on a tightrope. i am again begging anyone who comes across this post to spread it as far as they can; friends, family, relatives, school/college/work mates, journalists, political representatives, influencers, whoever you can grab. an entire state preparing to brutally subordinate Indian muslims (which alone amount to a population of around a 100 million) and other minorities is newsworthy, worthy of international attention and concern. ofc it wont be easy, as the hindutva right not only has spread its poisonous wings overseas, but the money they earn there is sent back to Hindutva organisations in India (there was actually a big kerfuffle in the late 90s-early 00s abt legitimacy of such "donations"; the bureaucrat standing in opposition to those orgs was then institutionally boycotted and booted out of the Indian Tax department). as such they have gained considerable social capital there as well (vivek ramaswamy running as a GOP candidate, Sunak is a sitting UK PM, etc). still, i request you all to show the same energy and effort that you have given rightfully to palestine, to indian muslims as well. they have already suffered a lot, but we are all afraid that worse is yet to come 🙏🙏🙏

so far, nearly 3 weeks on from the inauguration of ram mandir, indian authorities have demolished as many masjids and/or madrasas.

30.01.24 - akhoonji masjid & madrasa in delhi, also destroying a cemetery, shrine and all the students’ belongings in the process.

01.02.24 - a madrasa in maharashtra despite facing opposition from local muslims and one day before its scheduled court appeal.

08.02.24 - a masjid & madrasa in uttarakhand. this comes one day after uttarakhand became the first state to pass the uniform civil code (x, x) which aims to apply a ‘hindu code’ to all indians, infringing on the rights of dalits, adivasis, sikhs, christians, buddhists and muslims (i.e. anybody non-hindu) to practice their religion/lifestyle. muslim women protesting the demolition were lathi-charged (beaten with sticks) by police, a shoot-on-sight order was given resulting in 6 muslims killed and 300+ injured in the riots that followed, a curfew was put in place during which hindutva mobs burned down muslim homes and businesses while shouting abuse at muslims.

as always, no prior notice was given and bjp used it’s gold-standard excuse for each demolition, citing ‘illegal encroachment’.

in addition to these masjid demolitions, indian authorities bulldozed 2 neighbourhoods (ghettos, really) in the same timeframe and also without prior notice:

01.02.24 - jasola slum, which, having been around for at least 16 years, should not have been demolished without providing alternative housing, as the delhi slum policy states for slums which came up before 2015. obviously, housing hasn’t been provided.

06.02.24 - panchsheel nagar in mumbai which, having been around since 2011, entitled residents to paid rehabilitation, which has also not been given. this has left over 110 families homeless.

the demographic of both neighbourhoods, surprise surprise, is overwhelmingly muslim, buddhist and dalit.

bjp is enjoying the cover it is receiving from israel’s genocide in palestine to do whatever it wants and is getting bolder by the day. this ‘bulldozer justice’ has been happening for years, but not at such a rapid rate as it is now.

[artistic-arborealist]

"the professions that got to go to space first are all grey and green ... but it’s not because of their ~caste~, it’s because ~those are the castes that happen to work in space colonization related jobs~!" I don't understand your distinction here. If all jobs that get to go to space first are of a certain caste, then it's *because of their caste* that they get to go to space.

So, what I was trying to say is that no one thought, “I hate purples and oranges! They don’t ~deserve~ to be the first Amentans to see space! And so I’m going to choose other castes ~because I like them better~!”

But they did choose astronauts to go to space first, because going to space is ~literally their job~! And this did result in greens and greys being the first to space! But it wasn’t ~because of casteism~!

So, what I was saying is that it’s only casteist in the sense that ~having a caste system at all~ is casteist! (So not really, in any meaningful sense of the word!)

[mithliya]

I think there's also something to be said about how the whole discourse around indigeneity has become chic in the past few years to the point where you now see zionists claim that zionism is an "indigenous" movement... except that the early zionist thinkers very explicitly talked about colonising Palestine.

And also, it's exactly like you said, the term "indigenous" only makes sense in the context of being specifically oppressed for being indigenous. Indian Christians and Muslims are oppressed by Hindutva, and those Hindutva see them as traitors who adapted foreign religions. You could call Hindutva an "indigenous movement" the way some people now use the word indigenous lol.

yeah a lot of people argue that zionism is an indigenous movement despite the fact that palestinians have been proven, over and over again, to be indigenous to palestine. while many jewish people do have middle eastern ancestry specifically in the levant region, enough evidence shows that palestinians' ancestors are of the people who never left the land, whereas jewish people that left (ofc this doesnt apply to the mizrahim that have been in palestine the entire time) have been linked to levantine ppl from 3000 or so years ago and thus have distant ties to the land. framing it as an indigenous movement is truly disingenuous, as it implies either that palestinians are not indigenous or that jewish zionists are MORE indigenous, both being blatantly false.

hindutva are absolutely not an indigenous movement considering there are actual indigenous people in india (adivasi) and they often face racism, casteism, and colourism by hindu nationalists as well.

but yeah this is why framing 'indigenous' as inherently meaningful, oppressed, and good is ridiculous. in germany ive seen people use the acronym "BIPOC" many times and its like.. okay and who are the I in the BIPOC? who are the indigenous people in germany? oh right...germans or "aryans" as they used to call themselves. so wtf does it mean in the context of germany? no idea. and it seems none of the people who use it here have any idea either! it makes absolutely no sense but people treat "indigenous" as = poc from a colonized country or a country with a large settler population and more often than not, they think "indigenous" only refers to indigenous americans. but im indigenous, from bahrain, and i have nothing to do with indigenous americans. some people are indigenous from india, and they have nothing to do with indigenous americans, etc. meanwhile some groups of people that are "indigenous" to their lands are absolutely not oppressed, in fact they're often the more privileged ones! which is why i think people really need to be more clear and not play into this intentional vagueness. "indigenous" alone doesn't mean much. it isn't a race or an ethnicity.

[vadergf]

no because if your first issue with reservations is that st/sc/ obc students get preference there is something very wrong and questionable about your perception of India. i've noticed this for a really long time but desiblr has a major issue with casteism and it's in arguments like this that your true perception of caste gets out. India hasn't changed an inch, it's still deeply brahmanical and casteist. ews is literally only made for upper castes falling in an economic bracket shared by most of india. you have the audacity to say they're not represented enough? most bahujans are the ones that aren't fucking given the opportunity to get into these 'elite' colleges and universities because of the very fact that they don't fit the savarna view and also because they aren't financially stable enough to afford it. you can use the argument that dalits now have iphones but you will never see a brahmin cleaning toilets and that's a fact. reservation needs to be implemented because otherwise, Dalits wouldn't even be given a chance to pursue further education. read up about the historic and ever present neglect of dalit students in these elite universities and maybe then you'll understand.

rey im so glad you spoke up against it.

AUGUST THIS IS SOO BASED

Desiblr is sooo casteist and it truly comes out at times like this like even last year a very "popular" desi blog told me they feel they deserve those seats more than the lower caste kids which is such a fucked up thing to say...

Essentially my only hope is that everyone participating in this discourse are sheltered UC minors and I hope that with some experience in the real world they learn how stupid this view is

[fdhfjdafdajfa]

WDYM when u say ur hindophobic... like the religion

It’s not a religion in the traditional sense, it’s an anti-Muslim hate cult which formed in the late 19th century in an effort to protect backwards Brahminical social customs (foremost among them caste and all the abuse towards women it entails) from the scrutiny of social scientists. In India, to say someone is a Hindu has absolutely nothing to do with any beliefs or ritual practice or discursive framework, it just means they’re brown and not a Muslim or a Christian (Sikhs and Buddhists and a few other groups have some wiggle room with complicated discourses regarding whither Hindu or not), which makes it a position of power and privilege in society relative to religiously affiliated people and racial minorities. Most major political parties in India are overtly or covertly (but still obviously) Hindu parties, including Congress and BJP and AAP, the parliamentary Communist party, and the Maoist guerillas. Since the Hindus view all religious minorities in India as either foreign invaders to expel or lapsed Untouchables to resubjugate, this means that all non-Hindu groups in India are under existential threat as long as Hinduism exists. Remember that while Hinduism affirms caste (even when it pretends it doesn’t – this is a rejection of caste consciousness among the lower castes and promotion of casteblindness among the upper castes, which isn’t anti-casteism, so don’t get it confused), both Christianity and Islam as well as certain forms of Buddhism and significant ideological currents within Sikhism reject it as a non-negotiable central tenet. This isn’t a matter on which there can be peaceful settlement.As long as Hinduism stays normalised as a religion, caste subjugation and destruction of anti-caste ideologies, including Christianity, Islam, Navayana Buddhism, and certain forms of Sikhism, are legitimised as a religious and political idea, period. This plays itself out in daily pogroms, lynchings, and hate crimes in India.So, yes. The “religion”.

[artistic-arborealist]

How can you justify the fact that the first amentans who got to go to space were all greens and greys?

ANSWER ME, you casteist green!

So, I understand why you’re unhappy! You want to be in space ~now~, and waiting is no fun at all!

But I do think it would help to note that while the first Amentans who got to go to space were all green and grey, it’s not ~directly because of their caste~! Because after all, none of my coworkers or I were eligible to join the initial planet search, and we’re all greens! And you aren’t seeing any dancers or arcball players in space either!

And this is because ~none of us are astronauts~, or astrophysicists, or planetary explorers, or xenobiologists, or ~any of the other professions~ that would be in the very first ships!

And so, the professions that got to go to space first are all grey and green! It’s true! But it’s not because of their ~caste~, it’s because ~those are the castes that happen to work in space colonization related jobs~!

And that is unfair, and I’m sorry you’re sad about it! But it’s unfair in the way that empty springs, or hereditary pollution is unfair!

That is to say, it’s unfair in a way that’s going to be ~completely fixed soon~!

So I’m sure you’ll be able to find a spot in one of the ~later colonization waves~! Because once we start establishing actual societies, we’re going to need ~every caste~ to build worlds that work!

So good luck, anon!!! I’m sure that whatever your job is, you’ll get to go to one of the planets soon!

[enigma-the-mysterious]

OP: [posts a meme on Hindu mythology that's clearly a shitpost]

Hindutva gang: THIS IS HINDUPHOBIA! OP HAS COMMITTED THE MOST HEINOUS OF CRIMES! [insert casteist slurs] [insert casteist rant] [insert 13 paragraphs of Islamophobic rant]

OP: Please take your bigotry, Hindu supremacy and casteism elsewhere

Some galaxy brained person in the notes: Everyone is at fault here including OP. These people are getting worked over a meme. OP is calling the people getting worked over a meme "bigots". Yes, they are equally responsible for this mess. Common sense, what common sense?

Just an observation from a hot mess of a desi "discourse"

[indizombie]

When Ali Anwar, one of the leaders of the Pasmanda movement, made up of Muslim backward-castes and Dalits in Bihar, declared during a conference in 2007, “Hum shuddar hain shuddar; Bharat ke moolnivasi hain. Baad mein musalman hain” (We are Shudras first; we are the indigenous peoples of India. We are Muslims later), he was in a sense altering the semantics of Indian politics. By privileging caste over his ‘religious’ identity, Anwar was also upturning the notions of majority and minority that are commonly invoked by the mainstream political discourse. He stressed that the Pasmanda sections were a minority only when they identified themselves primarily as Muslims. But once they begin identifying themselves as Shudras, Dalits or moolnivasis (original inhabitants), they immediately transform themselves into a majority (bahujan). Even after conversion to Islam such individuals continue to be identified with their castes by the upper-caste ashrafiya Muslims. A Dalit who converts to Islam is labelled an arzal Muslim, while a Shudra who converts to Islam becomes an ajlaf Muslim. And does not the insistence on endogamy (marrying within a particular group) on the basis of caste by the ulema perpetuate and legitimise these hierarchies?

Khalid Anis Ansari, ‘A tale of two mosques’, Himal

[truthoftheday]

WHAT DO I MEAN WHEN I SAY I AM NOT A FEMINIST

As someone with a fuzzy sense of gender I have always held feminists in high regard. I felt they hold the key to my existence. My attraction to feminism could have been due to two reasons: one, I was gravitating towards groups / communities of my chosen gender (i.e. female) or two, it seemed to me that feminists would understand the complexity of gender.

As for my desire to be identified with women as a part of their circle, I was confronted with two questions: one, has my privilege of being assigned male at birth given me the freedom to choose my gender; and second, to be able to join the feminist club, I must prove myself worthy of womanhood.

I was initially shocked at these responses. I could not believe that the only ideology that claims to understand the politics of gender was so rigid in its approach. However, I did not lose hope. Accepting my inadequacies, I set about to read and understand the theories of gender in feminism. There are two things that I realized: one, the rigidity towards gender and gender roles was historically inherent in feminist thought; two, feminist theory has progressed much beyond these conventional approaches to gender.

However, this is not an occasion to discuss in detail the problems of gender essentialism, the pitfalls of cultural feminism or the misunderstanding around radical feminism. I have been reading feminist theory just to get to the root of the problems around transgender identity and acceptance. Transgender theory is inspired not just by feminism but by a range of other discourses like Marxism, post-structuralism, anti-caste theory etc. Trans discourse and politics is equally influenced by right wingism, capitalism and neoliberalism, casteism and racism. Influence of multiple ideologies and regional and ethnic specificities and also individual subjectivities have made political organization of transpersons next to impossible.

The non binary transgender movement rejects the binary gender system. Anyone who benefits from the binary gender system will strive to protect it. Transgender people have nothing to gain by preserving this outdated model on the basis of which human beings are categorized and exploited. We will face multiple challenges by protectors of the gender binary. Feudal patriarchy, capitalism, neo-liberalism, liberal / cultural feminism and most importantly men will strive to preserve the status quo of binary gender norms. Even labour movements will have second thoughts about disturbing the gender equation that suits well any model of economic production.

Given these circumstances, a non binary utopia will reject and by that logic radically accept all / most forms of gender expression and identities. Point is, we are not men who don’t want to be men or men who want to be women; or women who don’t want to be women and want to become men. We are more than that. A non binary framework is not just based on individual identities or subjective experiences but it is an adoption of methodology that seeks to understand prevalent gender relations through this framework. It is based on an understanding that the inherent gender binary system is not something permanent but has been going through intense changes historically. In no age men and women or even their relation has been the same as any other generation. The binary gender system is designed just to protect class and caste privileges through institutions of family and marriage. A non binary approach will destabilize patriarchal institutions like family and marriage that serve as the ideological apparatus of control of labour and property. Envisioning new communities of living and being is a project common to anti capitalist movements, feminist movements and queer movements.

Within these, non binary approach must be adopted most importantly and urgently in gender studies disciplines or practice. Non binary theorists and practitioners have been celebrated across cultural disciplines. Non binary approach can be observed in the field of performance art, music, films and performance of politics of protest. Non binary characters have emerged in fantasy, graphic works and animations as ways of being beyond the limited logic of defining human beings as either men or women. Science studies as a discipline has been engaged in theorizing this kind of post human possibilities.  

For the lack of comprehensibility in a binary gendered world, non binary people have largely led private lives or have joined in society without asserting their identity. Feminist, transgender and queer movements have failed to incorporate non binary resistance in their agenda. It seems to me that they are sustaining a patriarchal gender model that kills all gender minorities including women.

To step outside the gender binary is a radical call to individuals who are willing to practice what they preach. It is time that we truly demonstrate through our thought, speech and action that ‘gender is a construct’.

By Rishit Neogi

06 – 06 – 2021

[pyotra]

The Production of Science: Bearing Gender, Caste and More -- Bittu Karthik Kondaiah, Shalini Mahadev, Maranatha Grace Tham Wahlang

The discourse on gender and science in India remains largely oblivious of the ways in which caste and class shape the gender experience of those who do science, and operate with gender to shape the project of science itself. There are many ways in which science and the process of producing it are gendered and bear caste that are detrimental to the very project of doing “good” science in India. A collaboration between three scientists with differing caste, gender and nationality locations— one addresses the issue as a Scheduled Tribe student from one of the states in North East India, another addresses the structures of caste and gender as a Scheduled Caste student from Hyderabad, and a third addresses the same as a dominant caste genderqueer transgender professor—their experiences of science are shaped in multiple contexts in this article.

in Economic & Political Weekly APRIL 29, 2017 vol 52 no 17 

In practice, we see that senior scientists from a dominant caste location—and a conservative bent of mind—often refer to graduate school as a “gurukul,” and their students as “boys,” with the clear message that only Brahmin boys are really expected to be part of the scientific enterprise. Since Vidita Vaidya, in the companion essay to ours, has focused, among other things, on the barriers faced by women faculty, especially in the context of the dual burden on women pressuring them both at home and at work, we will focus on aspects of the system that deeply disadvantage students from other marginalities. We hope to give a glimpse into the kinds of issues faced by trans students, and students from oppressed castes and deprived socio-economic backgrounds. 

First, the oft repeated mantra in caste patriarchy, “guru devo bhava,” venerates teachers, treating them on a par with elder family members, and this sets up academia to be oppressive in ways similar to a family structure. The relationship between the teacher and student is acknowledged to be hierarchical, but is assumed to be benevolent. Specifi c aspects of caste patriarchy in the Indian context make this relationship one that is ripe for abuse, in a way that is shamelessly pardoned. There are absolutely no institutional safeguards set up to protect the student from oppression by the teacher. In particular, doctoral programmes see an exaggeration of unequal power dynamics because often a student has a single supervisor who has complete control over their work and career. In this situation, if the professor harasses or abuses the student, they simply cannot complain for fear that the advisor can singlehandedly sabotage their careers. Who will take over supervising the thesis? What about recommendations? 

Second, in a university, gender and caste operate in insidious ways that remain relatively unrecognised even by academics studying caste and gender in those same universities, who examine caste and gender discrimination mostly in a rural Indian context. Dominant-caste and/or male “able-bodied” academics are confi dent in their intellect, fostered by an academic system that is a microcosm of the sexist, casteist, ableist, and racist society in which we live. Dominant-caste men decide who is smart, they decide what behaviour is intellectual and what is not in a university. This framework exonerates dominant-caste and/or male able-bodied academics from being perpetrators of caste or gender violence, and places the onus of success and failure on students who are already burdened by the weight of patriarchy, caste, or race. This breeds discrimination against students from marginalised backgrounds who do not fi t into the idea of “good students.” This is paradoxical because the history of science tells us story after story of paradigm-shifting science being produced by rebels, by free thinkers. 

Third, to the extent that women exist in Indian science, they are also largely of the dominant caste, and are “able-bodied” and cisgender; to the extent that the Dalit, Bahujan or Adivasi people who exist in this structure are largely men. This creates a complex structure of power and privilege in the university system. Since the three of us who have jointly written this article come from different locations of caste and gender, we find that our perspectives on gender and science depend overwhelmingly on our caste locations. From each of these positions, we agree on a narrative of structural sexism, casteism, racism, and ableism, and on the need for addressing these by dismantling power structures in scientific and social institutions, with representation in the composition of these structures being an essential, but not sufficient, aspect of that process.

[prioritizingpurples]

if reds really cared about casteism they would go after blues, not purples who just want to exist in peace. red "activists" are so transparent lmao. they're a tiny part of the population but demand everything be about them

anon hit the nail on the head

if reds really cared about casteism they would go after blues, not purples who just want to exist in peace!!!

literally purples are over half the population and r*ds are like half a percent but guess which group is restructuring society and defining 95% of the discourse on this hell site.. js

[artresearchwork]

Bad Feminist

Over the last few months I have been questioning my identity as a feminist. Not only have I been feeling like a bad feminist but also realizing how I play into the savarna feminist narrative. My feminism has been been feeling more and more limited to my social position as an upper caste, economically and socially privileged feminist.

In college, I learn about intersectionality, coined by American lawyer and civil rights advocate, Kimberle Crenshaw to describe how race, class, gender, and other individual characteristics “intersect” with one another and overlap. Crenshaw has tried to deepen the understanding of feminism to be more than a single-issue analysis.

My limited understanding or misunderstanding of intersectional feminism led me to believe that the intersections in feminism are tangents drawn from the central point of gender.

I began to feel increasingly uncomfortable calling myself a feminist when I felt like I was not just a bad feminist, but I was not feminist enough. My limited outrage and silence on the students and young people charged with the draconian and colonial era UAPA made me see the shallowness of feminism.

I’m watching with horror as well as learning with shock that the peoples’ struggle isn’t new and this struggle against fascist forces, casteism, racism, transphobia and the patriarchy are in fact ages old, with many communities haven’t seen the progress we are taught about it in our history books. That people have day after day for centuries put their lives in front lines in the struggle for justice and equality.

The feminism I espouse is a mass media watered down of feminism which describes a feminist as a person who believes in the equality of the gender. My silence was coming from a place of ignorance in understanding the events of systematic police violence, racism, casteism, unfolding on a daily. Also, I felt like it was neither my place to speak nor could I know what to say. But even in my self silencing I felt a knot in my stomach and a lump in my throat.

Today while reading Angela Y. Davis, “Freedom Is a Constant Struggle”, her thoughts struck me and helped me understand why my relation to feminism was feeling so weak.

“Feminism involves so much more than gender equality. And it involves so much more than gender. Feminism must involve a consciousness of capitalism—I mean, the feminism that I relate to. And there are multiple feminisms, right? It has to involve a consciousness of capitalism, and racism, and colonialism, and postcolonialities, and ability, and more genders than we can even imagine, and more sexualities than we ever thought we could name. Feminism has helped us not only to recognize a range of connections among discourses, and institutions, and identities, and ideologies that we often tend to consider separately. But it has also helped us to develop epistemological and organizing strategies that take us beyond the categories “women” and “gender.” And, feminist methodologies impel us to explore connections that are not always apparent. And they drive us to inhabit contradictions and discover what is productive in these contradictions. Feminism insists on methods of thought and action that urge us to think about things together that appear to be separate, and to disaggregate things that appear to naturally belong together.”

My feminism has to go beyond simply a gender analysis, beyond what is easy and accessible to me. Beyond my personal lived experiences as a woman. My feminist consciousness needs to grow as my understanding of the world grows.

[protegemind-blog]

Casteism, Leftism and South Asian Diaspora.

This is an ongoing piece on casteism. It’s dynamic as I learn more about it. Links will be posted and updated as it expands and grows. So will the edits. I just wanted it out there already.

Diaspora employs a place of disjointed understanding and belonging. The latter maybe being the strongest of all the forces; belonging, of where and when. To what strata, class and people do we belong. Is it a belonging of culture, religion, patriotism or class? We feel calling. A calling to help, change and better. But better, as a call, is the most relativist and ambitious of all calls. Its borne of feelings of love and cares but it can, and has, lead to disasters. This is where we find ourselves when we try to apply the Western epistemology, of diaspora, to the situation of those back Home.

Diaspora leftism is mired in understanding the situation of South Asia through a lens of Western socialist epistemology. This piece is a first attempt in creating a new South Asian specific socialist reality. The needs of our society and it’s historical processes are significantly different and must be understood in it’s entire before we even think of dismantling it. In this piece I want to open a discussion on casteism as the bedrock of historical and modern South Asian society. As a Pakistani Muslim diaspora person, I will try to delve into what that means and how/what I am learning about casteism and my place and privilege in such a system.

Pakistan was the dream child of upper caste Muslim landowners that lived on patronages of Mughal and Hindu emperors who profited from the caste system. In a famous quote, Sir Syed Ahmed has been quoted as saying that Urdu should be lingua franca of the Muslims of South Asia. This is a violent and casteist statement that has two major effects:

Erases the presence of Muslims and Islam in South Asia before the Mughal invasion

Delegitimizes the Muslimhood of non-Urdu speakers in the context of the nationhood of South Asian Muslimhood.

In continuing this idea, Pakistan denoted Urdu as it’s national language and given that the reason for being for Pakistan is to be a homeland for Muslims of South Asia, this conflates Urdu with the essential meaning of Muslimhood. This continues the victimization of non Urdu speaking Muslims. To move forward at all, we must understand why and how we are here. When we realize that the bedrock of Pakistan is based on a casteist interpretation of Islam, we understand the state of Pakistan itself is the source of oppression. Borne of upper caste landowners, the state of Pakistan has become a land grabber of it’s own accord. A study done by the Society for Conservation and Protection of Environment (SCOPE) found that 5% of Pakistani own about 64% of the land and over 50% of the rural households are defined as landless(citation needed). For a rural household, being landless is almost a death sentence as they derive all their income from their farming. This state of being landless leaves the households at the benevolent of the land owners. These landless households then have to rent out the lands and then have to pay extravagant fees and percentage of their crop as rent to the landowners. This lead to severe malnutrition and overworking of the farmers. Recent study has shown that about 30% of the children in Pakistan suffer from malnutrition from lack of access to high quality and sufficient amount of nutrients(citation needed). This inequality and inequity is based on the caste system that is the foundation of Pakistan. In popular discourse of understanding Pakistan, the ideas of equity, equality and justice are missing and that paints an incorrect image of Pakistan. In understanding the machinations of casteism, it paints a more detailed picture of why and where the inequality exists in the state of Pakistan.

Unto now, we have discussed the casteism of Muslims in Pakistan but it is paramount to understand casteism in all of it’s intersections. One that is very prevalent is the living of lower caste Hindus in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The oppression therein is twofold; of being non Muslim and of being lower caste as well. These have far reaching consequences as to the effect it has on the health and socioeconomic status of the peoples. We must also not forget that this oppression is further exaggerated by the inclusion of gender as women do face the most extreme form of oppression and marginalization at the hands of the patriarchal land grabbing state.

The majority of the Hindu scheduled castes are rural households congregating around the areas of Tharparkar, Umerkot, Mirpur Khas and Hyderabad in Sindh and in Punjab, the majority of the population lives near the Bahalwarpur and Rahimyar Khan district. Over 93% of the scheduled caste population reside in these rural areas and households. Living in a rural land means that income is tied to land holdings and/or labour tied to the land. More than 80% of the caste population do not own land and the 17% that do own land have holdings of anywhere between 1-5 acres of land that is either not fertile and/or badly irrigated. This lack of land holdings and bad irrigation is a majority of the reason that a lot of the schedlued castes people end up in bonded labour to feudal lords which further mires them into subjugation akin to modern day slavery. Besides land, only other asset that the people posses is livestock but in the absence of access to water and lack of rainfall, livestocks become more of a liability than an asset. One more thing to understand about the statistics is that due to aforementioned reasons, a lot of scheduled caste people have adopted a migratory lifestyle, moving from area to area in search of water, land and work. This makes it difficult to get a good breakdown of the population dynamics of the castes. Add to that the Pakistan’s government refusal to carry out census makes the situation of the scheduled castes even more murky. This helps the narrative of the State which proclaims that the administration of the State works under the premise of treating all  Pakistanis equally. In 1948, a 6% quota was set for all government jobs being set aside for scheduled castes people. This was meant to alleviate poverty and also to include scheduled castes peopl ein the beurucractic machinery. The quota was never fully implemented and, eventually, Nawaz Sharif’s government eradicated the quota altogether in the 90s. The government even passed an anti bonded labour legislation in 1992 but it has had no perceivable effect on the condition of bonded labour of Pakistan. The Bonded Labour Liberation Front is still fighting for the rights of bonded labour spread across Pakistan. The situation is still desire due to the feudal nature of the Pakistani state that protects and insulates the feudal lords that use bonded labour to fuel their wealth.

In understanding the political subjugation of scheduled castes in Pakistan, they face the great hurdle of the constituion of Pakistan. The discriminatory nature of Pakistani Penal Code and Constituition is well documented and hinders any effort for the emancipation of the scheduled castes. The constituion of Pakistan dictates that only a Muslim can hold the office of the PM and/or President. Given that the state of Pakistan defines what consituties as a Muslim, ex. making it a crime for Ahmedis to call themselves Muslim, the identity of being called a Muslim is a state tool. It is used to uphold the structure of oppression through identity politics that are subverted to maintain the feudal hegemeony of the feudal lords of Pakistan. One of the most outright discriminatory aspect of the constitution is the Anti Blasphemy Law and Law of Evidence. General Zia added Clause B and C in Section 225 of the penal code which dictates that any perceived disrespect of Islam and/or the Prophet is a crime that carries the death sentence. This is regularly used by upper caste Muslims to enact acts of violence, suppression and oppression against both Muslim and non Muslim scheduled caste people. The best way to understand the way that these laws are abused are by understanding the individual cases that are presented in the study Long Behind Schedule. The study points out certain case studies on individuals facing discrimination arising from the aforementioned aspects of the constituion. One of them being the case of a young man being threatened with being charged with the Blasphemy Law because he slept with his feet int the direciton of the Qibla. He was made to apologize to the entire village so as to not be charged. This kind of discrimination further adds to the alienation and subjugation of the people because there exists no provincial legislature that the people can use to defned themselves from discrimination from upper caste Pakistanis. In addition to providing no legal framework for defending the rights of scheduled castes members, the PPC has laws that make it a crime to create “disharmonious” trouble in the community. This supposed “disharmonious” activity is entirely upto the courts to decide. This is a important tool to keep the oppressed from raisiing their voices against their oppression as that can be labelled as “disharmonious”. This article can’t express enough how President Zia plunged Pakistan’s PPC into even deeper throes of legalized oppression and subjugation. The Presidential Ordinance of 1984 makes the vote of non Muslims inconsequential in the voting of municipal elections if a Muslim candidate is ruining. This removes any political power that the schedlued castes have. They can’t raise their issues and the politicians have no desire to listen to them as they are not part of the electorate that he is responsible to . This kind of systemic discrimination paints a dire picture of the scheduled castes in Pakistan because there exists no true legal framework for their emancipation.

Another axis of oppression that must be taken into consideration is that of gender. Scheduled caste women live at the intersection of casteism and patriarchy. They face the worst end of this deal as they face the multiple oppressions that the patriarchal Pakistani society lays on them. Gang rapes and abduction of Dalit women is commonplace and the culprits are the upper caste Muslims of the area. Even in cases that an FIR is filed against the culprits, the abductors forcibly convert the women to Islam and then claim that they are married to the women and hence preventing any legal action from being taken place. The upper caste Muslim landlords use their social stature as a protective barrier from ever being held accountable for their crimes against Dalit women. A lot of women face forced custody and even being sold as slaves to other people and their Dalit status prevents them from ever achieving justice. In addition to facing sexual and physical violence from upper caste Muslims, Dalit women face domestic violence from within their community as well. They occupy the lowest strata of the society and their humanity is a debateable concept and hence are the focal point of the entire society’s violence. In terms of achieving justice and protection, one of the biggest barriers is illiteracy. Although illiteracy is around 60+% among Dalit men, its almot 90% among Dalit women. This is a huge barrier in Dalit women (a) understanding the rights afforded to them (b) fighting for those rights when they are being suppressed. In understanding the everyday reality of oppressed people, one must understand that legislature isn’t the panacea. Its also about access and ability to exercise any and all of the rights that might be legislated to the oppressed. The lack of economic resources and literacy robs Dalit women from ever being able to exercise their rights in their social spheres and that responsibility falls at the feet of the governmental and police services. The area of oppression that has a very specific gendered reality is that of health. Living in abject poverty in a sexist society means that Dalit women constantly face a deficit and difficulty in accessing calories. This lack of calories means that Dalit women live in absolute horror conditions regarding their health. When you add the stressors of childbirth to the situation, it makes the health situation of Dalit women even more dire and dangerous. With the lack of economical resources, there is no way to actually access better calories and/or medical help for Dalit women. I

In understanding the casteism of Pakistan, one must have a thorough understanding of the long lasting effect that the presidency of General Zia has had on Pakistani society and legislature. In introducing the anti blasphemy laws to the ostracization and suppression of Ahmedis, the presidency of General Zia had introduced sectarianism as a bedrock of the foundation of Pakistani society. In importing Wahhabism, General Zia had destroyed any semblance of pluralism that might have existed in Pakistan. This isn’t to erase or downplay the barbarism of previous Pakistani administration. Given that General Ayub Khan’s government enacted severed suppression of mass socialist movement and even the democratically elected Z. A. Bhutto was the architect of the violent murder of the resistance movement based in Balochistan. But the importance of understanding the importance of General Zia is that (a) he fundamentally changed the Consitution and Pakistani Penal Code through many of his Presidential Ordinances, all of the changes being for the worse (b) the wave of Wahhabism and secterianism that was supported and promoted by his administration is culminating in the fractured Pakistani society of today which is marred by secterian and authoritarian violence and suppression of rights.

One of the defining charesterics of casteism is it’s passing through descent. That point is important because of the idea of social mobility. Since caste is passed through generations, people can’t move out of their caste. It’s something that always sticks with them which flies in the face of the idea of social mobility through work that neoliberalism preaches constantly. This lack of mobility indicates a need for a thorough reworking of the social system that doesn’t peg the valuation of human on their role in the economic system. But rather to understand human value as inherent and then to build the society on that basis.

India might be the most known, studied and storied example of casteism but it’s in no way just relegated and limited to India. Pakistan is maintained and formed on the basis of the same casteism that is found in India. Although, casteism isn’t inherently an Islamic ideology, it’s practiced by Pakistani Muslims. Its used to subjugate non Muslims and lower caste people. So, the idea of Islam as a state religion doesn’t absolve Pakistan of the sins of casteism. Given that the Blasphemy laws, forcible conversions and even the stratification and state control of what constitues as a Muslim, the Islamic Republic uses it’s ideations of Islam as a way to control and maintain hedgemonic control over the state. In contrast to India, Pakistan has no affirmative action for the Scheduled caste peoples. There exists no apparatus to ensure their emancipation from social, financial and political disenfranchisement. Even in cases where the law supports causes of the scheduled caste people, there exists little to no enacment and enforcement of these laws. In cases of abduction of Scheduled caste and non Muslim women, Lahore High Court has ruled in saying that conversion to Islam does not negate their previous marriages, for Christian women,  but there is little to no enforcement of this rule as these forced marriages and abductions continued unabated in Pakistani society.

Beyond the legal machinations, there must be a change in the social understanding of caste. In understanding the structural and state santioned violence of casteism. There is a selective form of social blindness that helps enable casteism. Ideas of “bhangis” and “chaprasis” is prevelant and it’s common knowledge but upon confrontation of casteism, there is outright denial of it’s prevelance in modern Pakistani society. It’s also a point that the Left has too often forgotten to work against. Class struggle can’t be the only pillar that South Asian leftism is based on. Any sort of denigration of ID politics must also cease as one must understand that in the essential conflict of survival, there exists conflict among the proletariat. So to build any form of lasting solidarity among the proletariat, there must first exist an honest analysis of the societal conflicts that exist within the working classes. There exists not one form of oppression and nor one large, homogenous working class. There are degress and axises of oppression that must be taken into account for there to be any true liberation of all people from the yokes of capitalism, patriarchy and casteism.

[papenathys]

More 🚩 red flags 🚩

Kashmir Files / SLB discourse

"Don't glorify the Mughals" whilst glorifying Brahminical scriptures and casteism

How DARE the diaspora not know about this minute detail of the Rigvedas

Just.... Very hostile to diasporic Indians

DecOLonIsED Indian academia is *very very Hindu and religious oriented leitmotifs*

Posts about how Indians leaving the country to study abroad are *triggering* (wtf bestie)

"Hindi is our national language"

"Padmavaat depicted Khilji as a barbarian because they were barbarian colonizers"

Not to vague on main but desi tumblrs that are a little too obsessed with Hinduism and "telling the truth about Muslim colonizers" are an immediate red flag for me,, wait till you know who started sati and jauhar and perpetuated the (still prevalent) caste system.......