#ahvazi

[eonars]

dokhtare ahvazi is an insane song cause it's like 9 fucking minutes long and you have to be hype for literally all of it there's no breaks

[amlaktajmahal]

‏‎کد:۱۰۰۶ نوع ملک :فروش زمین مهرشهرفاز۴ بامتراژوابعاد خاص و موقعیت عالی ⚜ ۳۱۵ متر ⚜دونبش دوطرف خیابان های ۱۲ متری ⚜استعلام قیمت تماس بگیرید 〰️☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆〰️ نیازی نیست متخصص موشک باشید. سرمایه‌گذاری بازی نیست که در آن فردی با آی‌کیو 160 بتواند فردی با آی‌کیو 130 را شکست دهد. «وارن بافت» You don’t need to be a rocket scientist. Investing is not a game where the guy with the 160 IQ beats the guy with 130 IQ. «Warren Buffett» ⚜مامیتوانیم غیرممکن هارابرای شماممکن کنیم⚜☝️ ☝️ ☝️ ☝️ ☝️ ☝️ ◇◇◇☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆☆◇◇◇ 🕌 گروه مشاوران املاک تاج محل🕌 ⚖️ اعتماد مشتری کلید موفقیت ماست ⚖ ⚜ مابه رویاهایتان رنگ میبخشیم ⚜ ⚜بامادر ارتباط باشید⚜ 🕌inst : @amlak_taj_mahal 🕌tel : @amlakamin6 09168072636 📲 🕌 🕌Management .Amini🕌 ⚜Address.KianAbad Between19and20 Street⚜ #amlak_taj_mahal#amlaki #ahvazgardi #ahvazmodel #ahvazmelk #ahvazi #ahwaz#ahwazarab #ahwaz_luxury #ahwazcity #ahwaz_picture #ahwazmelk #سرمایه_آنلاین #سرمایه_گذاری_املاک ‎‏ (در ‏‎Ahvaz‎‏) https://www.instagram.com/p/CBfqKrIhX9JOHMlq61QMRHjEyAFR-vg92me4Ms0/?igshid=1xy8u3o2v79bp

[golbargbashi]

Reading my #PIsforPalestine at the @palestinemuseum.us 🇵🇸🙇🏻‍♀️📚 . #palestine #Palestinian #readabook #weneeddiversebooks #author #writer #museum #muslimah #iranian #shia #ahvaz #ahvazi #diversity #diversebooks #kidslit #kidlit #kidlit #childrensbooks #children #diversechildrensbooks (at Palestine Museum US) https://www.instagram.com/p/BtZirk1l9X2/?utm_source=ig_tumblr_share&igshid=102hqvdiqiyqu

[icymirss]

If the Ahvaz attack has Saudi and UAE fingerprints, then their goal is likely for Iran to respond aggressively, which may force the US to act militarily. Iran has been hit by yet another terrorist attack. At least 29 people were killed in the southwestern city of Ahvaz when gunmen opened fire on a crowd watching a military parade on Iran's equivalent of Memorial Day. But unlike previous terror attacks, this one may spark a much larger regional conflagration -- involving not just regional rivals Saudi Arabia and Iran, but also the United States. In fact, it may have been designed to trigger just that. The terrorist attack, which was first claimed by an Arab separatist group with alleged connections to Saudi Arabia, the Ahvaz National Resistance, did not occur in a vacuum. Iran's regional rivals, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE, have increasingly taken their decades-long behind-the-scenes pressure on the US to bomb Iran into the open. What used to be said in private is now increasingly declared in public. Moreover, these monarchies are no longer limiting themselves to pushing the US to take military action, but are announcing their own readiness to attack Iran.... Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, an adviser to the Abu Dhabi government, justified the Ahvaz attack on Twitter, arguing that it wasn't a terrorist attack... Attacks of this kind, he ominously warned, "will increase during the next phase".... But the Trump administration may not be innocent bystanders to such a scheme. Trump's own actions and the close coordination we have seen between his administration, Saudi Arabia, UAE and Israel on Iran raises the prospects of a different explanation: one in which the US itself is actively pushing its allies and being pushed by its allies towards war with Iran.... This pattern of bellicose statements and actions fits well with a memo National Security Adviser John Bolton -- who has a history of manipulating intelligence in order to drag the US into war -- wrote in August 2017, before he joined the Trump team. The memo details how the US should coordinate with Israel and Saudi Arabia to build support -- domestically and internationally -- for a withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and a much more aggressive policy on Iran. It specifically mentions "providing assistance" to Khuzestan Arabs - the minority group in Iran that the Ahvazi attack perpetrators claim to represent.... The Trump administration's Iran policy is following the Bolton memo almost point by point. The plea to provide assistance to Khuzestani separatists is particularly damning. This raises legitimate suspicions that if the terror attack has Saudi and UAE fingerprints on it, it may not be so much an attempt by them to drag the US into war as Trump operating in the driver’s seat.

[mentalnahigijena]

'Svi pitaju za Novaka', ali Mehdi već devet godina čami u australskom imigracionom pritvoru Iranac je imao 15 godina kada je stigao brodom u Australiju tražeći utočište. Uprkos formalnom priznanju izbjeglice, od tada nije bio na slobodi – u petak je napunio 24 godine Izbjeglice se nadaju da će pritvor teniske zvijezde baciti svjetlo na njihovu 'torturu'

Devet. Devet rođendana u pritvoru. Mehdi ih vrti: “Šesnaest, 17, 18, 19…”

„Sada imam 24 godine“, kaže on rezignirano. "I dalje sam tu."

Dani koje sada provodi, prisilno ograničen na spartansku sobu u hotelu koji je oduzela vlada za zadržavanje izbjeglica, teški su kao i drugi. Nema rangiranja, nema kategorizacije odjeljaka pritvora na neodređeno vrijeme.

„Samo sam pokušao da smislim kako da ispunim svoje dane: moram da ih preživim. Ako mogu da spavam, spavam koliko mogu, inače samo idem da popušim, gledam filmove, čitam knjige. Ali obično ništa ne radim, samo legnem na krevet. Ja samo ležim ovdje.”

Adnan Choopani i Mehdi su rođaci iz Irana koji su u pritvoru osam godina 'Vrijeme vam može slomiti srce': težak danak od osam godina u pritvoru australske imigracije Čitaj više Situacija u hotelu Carlton's Park dobila je apsurdski zaokret uoči Mehdijevog rođendana. On je dobio novu komšinicu : svijetu No 1 teniser Novak Đoković. Ne može da vidi branioca titule Australian Opena zbog protokola o izolaciji i čuvara koji se nalaze na svakom spratu.

„Postoji razočarenje: svi žele da me pitaju za Novaka, kakav je hotel za njega. Ali ne pitaju za nas: zatvoreni smo na ovom mjestu mjesecima, godinama.

“Nikad nisam vidio toliko kamera, toliko pažnje. Nadam se da će Novak Đoković saznati za našu situaciju ovde, i nadam se da će progovoriti o tome.”

Mehdi – koristi samo jedno ime – imao je 15 godina kada je stigao brodom u Australiju tražeći utočište. Pripadnika progonjene arapske manjine Ahvazi u svojoj domovini Iranu, njegova porodica ga je nagovarala da pobjegne i organizirala mu težak prolaz, nadajući se da bi mogao pronaći slobodu na drugom kraju svijeta.

Mehdijev zahtjev za zaštitu brzo je priznat – Australija je zakonski obavezna da ga zaštiti i ne može mu vratiti štetu. Ali formalnost izbjegličkog statusa Mehdiju nije donijela sigurnost, niti novi početak u životu: držan je, na ovaj ili onaj način, na nekom ili drugom mjestu – Nauru , Brizbejn, a sada i zloglasni hotel Park u Melburnu – svaki dan od .

Mehdi je gledao kako prijatelji iz čamca do kojih je stigao zajedno odlaze iz pritvora kako bi započeli živote, karijeru i porodice u Australiji; gledao je kako se drugi u pritvoru spaljuju do smrti u očaju. Pretučen je, zlostavljan, zatvoren bez razloga.

Mehdi nikada nije optužen za zločin, niti su mu se optuživali za bilo kakvo krivično djelo, ali još uvijek ne poznaje ni dan slobode u Australiji. U petak mu je deveti rođendan u pritvoru.

“Starim; zaista je tužno što je moja mladost, moje tinejdžersko vrijeme – to je potrošeno. Ne želim da odem odavde kao sredovečni čovek, sve te izgubljene godine.”

Veza koju može pronaći sa vanjskim svijetom samo pojačava taj bol. foto: Mehdi, tražilac azila koji se nalazi u hotelu Park u Melburnu. Tokom izbijanja Covida, gotovo polovina tamo zadržanih tražilaca azila potvrđeno je da su zaraženi Covidom.

“Mladi ljudi, vidim ih kako se zabavljaju, objavljuju na Instagramu i sve to. A ja sam tako daleko, daleko od toga. I dalje sam tu. Svaki dan.

„Rođendani“, kaže on, „su najtužniji dani. Oni bi trebali biti najsretniji, ali za vrijeme mog boravka u pritvoru uvijek su najteži dani. Provodim cijeli dan razmišljajući o svim godinama koje sam izgubio.”

Svaki dan je pitanje samoodržanja, kaže Mehdi. Blizak je sa rođakom Adnanom, koji je stigao istim brodom i također se nalazi u hotelu Park. Ali ponekad, izdržati znači povući se.

“Moram smisliti najbolji način za preživljavanje. Ponekad imam osjećaj da ako komuniciram s drugim ljudima u istoj situaciji, njihove frustracije mogu utjecati na moje mentalno zdravlje.”

Kontraintuitivno, prkosno skretanje pažnje javnosti na njegovu nevolju služi istoj egzistencijalnoj svrsi.

“Ovo je i metod mog opstanka: progovoriti. To je način postojanja. Radiš nešto, a ne samo da sjediš nevidljiv ili zaboravljen.” Mehdiju je odobreno preseljenje u SAD prema aranžmanu o zamjeni između Australije i SAD-a, dogovoru iz 2016. prema kojem je Amerika pristala da preseli izbjeglice koje Australija drži na moru, u zamjenu za to da Australija prihvati izbjeglice iz Centralne Amerike iz kampova koje vode SAD. Dogovor je doveo do preseljenja skoro 1.000 izbjeglica, ali je bio bolno spor, a dodjela mjesta izgleda hirovito za one koji čekaju, ponekad godinama, na mjesto koje možda nikada neće doći.

Mehdi gubi vjeru da će njegov dan ikada doći.

“Nema ažuriranja, nema rokova. Ne mogu se pouzdati u to, ne osjećam da će se to dogoditi uskoro i nema garancije da će se to uopće dogoditi.”

Mehdi je gledao prijatelje, uključujući i druge izbjeglice koje su stigle kao djeca, kako izlaze iz pritvora na aerodrom i let na slobodu.

“Dobro je vidjeti ljude kako odlaze odavde, ali druga strana medalje je 'zašto ne ja, zašto ne i ostali ovi ljudi?' Ne vidim nikakav poseban razlog zašto me drže ovdje.”

Mehdi kaže da su nedosljednosti u vladinoj navodno dosljednoj politici o dolasku brodova ljute.

Vlada nastavlja da kaže da nijedna osoba koja stigne čamcem traži azil neće biti preseljena u Australiju, ali Mehdi kaže da zna za desetine onih koji su to bili.

Vlada odbija prihvatiti ponudu Novog Zelanda da preseli izbjeglice iz australijske “offshore kohorte”, tvrdeći da bi to djelovalo kao “faktor privlačenja”, poticaj za ljude da dođu u Australiju čamcima. Ali ako je Novi Zeland poticaj, zašto SAD nisu? U lošim danima, Mehdi se vrti u krug. “Teško je kad nemaš odgovore na svoja pitanja: zašto bih ja proveo devet godina u pritvoru; zašto nema roka; šta je moj zločin?

“Zašto je vlast oslobodila hiljade ljudi koji dolaze čamcima, a šačicu izbjeglica zadržala u pritvoru. Zašto? Jesmo li mi žrtva zarad politike?”

Nauru je bio brutalnost, često namjerna, činilo se, kaže Mehdi. Ugašena je škola, jedino svjetlo egzistencije djece izbjeglice u tom mjestu. Mehdi je bačen u zatvor zbog protesta zbog uslova u pritvoru. Stražar mu je prijetio da će ga ubiti.

Imigracioni tranzitni smještaj u Brizbejnu bio je haotičan i ljut, kaže Mehdi.

Nasuprot tome, hotel Park u Melburnu nije bio ništa drugo do samoća. Mehdi provodi sve svoje dane, osim nekoliko dragocjenih minuta pušeći, u samoći svoje stroge hotelske sobe.

Čak je i mali balkon za pušenje, nekada prilika „da se vidi nebo, osjeti svjež zrak“, zabijen daskama.

U oktobru i novembru, epidemija Covida zahvatila je izbjeglice i tražioce azila zatvorene u hotelu. U jednoj fazi, 22 od 46 osoba koje su tada tamo bile zatvorene imale su Covid. Jedna izbjeglica poduzela je akciju federalnog suda kako bi osigurala da ekipa hitne pomoći ima pristup hotelu kako bi ga procijenila i liječila.

Prije nego što je bio pritvorski centar, pod nekadašnjim imenom Rydges, hotel je korišten za karantin i bio je središte Viktorijinog drugog Covid talasa. Bio je odgovoran za 90% slučajeva Covida u državi zbog „nedovoljnih … standarda prevencije i kontrole [i] zabrinutosti u vezi sa pitanjima uključujući: pristup svježem zraku; pristup kvalitetnoj hrani; stanje čistoće objekta”.

Nakon razornog drugog talasa, hotel je izbačen iz karantenskog režima, prodan, preimenovan i potom oduzet od strane vlade kao „alternativno mesto zatočenja“ za izbeglice i azilante, uglavnom one koji su došli iz Naurua i Papue Nove Gvineje. pati od teških bolesti. Prozori u hotelskim sobama bili su izbušeni da se uopće ne otvaraju. Izbjeglice koje su držane u hotelu Park objavile su 27. decembra slike crva pronađenih u hrani koju su im servirali u sobama.

Nedelju dana ranije izbio je požar na gornjim nivoima hotela . Kada su izbjeglice pobjegle u predvorje u prizemlju, stražari su ih spriječili da odu. Neki su bili hiperventilirani od anksioznosti; drugi su bili prisiljeni da uriniraju u flaše jer nije bilo toaleta.

Mehdijeva kuća iz djetinjstva u Iranu sravnjena je u požaru, „i to me je na neki način traumatiziralo... pa kada se ovaj požar dogodio, bio sam uznemiren, imao sam problema s disanjem.

“Zvonili su alarmi, bilo je i dima, i bilo je tako haotično. Ljudi su vrištali, stražari su vikali, a mi smo bili tako frustrirani. Mogli smo vidjeti park i ulicu, vatrogasna vozila i policiju, ali su nas tamo držali satima.”

Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova nije odgovorilo na detaljan niz pitanja Guardiana Australia o Mehdijevom pritvoru na neodređeno vrijeme.

U stazi pritvora na neodređeno vrijeme nema novogodišnjih odluka. Svaki dan je isti kao i prethodni.

„Mislim da to ne biste nazvali željom, ali mislim da samo trebam da se oslobodim. Da uživam u svojoj mladosti. Rasipa se u pritvoru. Ne vidim razlog za to. Zašto? Zašto bih ostao još ovdje?”

… imamo malu uslugu za zamoliti. Milioni se svakodnevno obraćaju Guardianu za otvorene, nezavisne, kvalitetne vijesti, a čitatelji u 180 zemalja širom svijeta sada nas finansijski podržavaju.

Vjerujemo da svi zaslužuju pristup informacijama koje su utemeljene na nauci i istini, i analizama utemeljenim na autoritetu i integritetu. Zato smo napravili drugačiji izbor: da naše izvještavanje bude otvoreno za sve čitaoce, bez obzira gdje žive ili koliko mogu sebi priuštiti da plate. To znači da više ljudi može biti bolje informisano, ujedinjeno i inspirisano da preduzmu smislene akcije.

U ovim opasnim vremenima, globalna novinska organizacija koja traži istinu poput Guardiana je neophodna. Nemamo dioničara ili vlasnika milijardera, što znači da je naše novinarstvo oslobođeno komercijalnog i političkog utjecaja – to nas čini drugačijima. Kada nikada nije bilo važnije, naša nezavisnost nam omogućava da neustrašivo istražujemo, izazivamo i razotkrivamo one na vlasti. Podržite Guardian od samo 1 € – potrebno je samo minut. Ako možete, razmislite o tome da nas podržite redovnim iznosom svakog mjeseca. Hvala ti.

[mehrdadahvazi]

رؤیاهای قدیم رؤیاهای خوبی بودن، به نتیجه نمی‌رسیدن ولی خوشحالم که اونا رو داشتم

#از وقتی که تصمیم گرفتم نبینم، خیلی چیزها رو دیدم

# آدما بعد از یه سن مشخصی زیاد نمیتونن تغییر کنن… بلکه بدی هاشون واضح تر میشه

#مهرداداهوازی

#کناردریای شهروستروس،کشورسوئد🇸🇪

#تابستان،سال۱۳۹۶خورشیدی

Old dreams were good dreams, they did not come to fruition, but I am glad I had them

# I have seen many things since I decided not to see

#People can not change much after a certain age… but their evils become clearer

#

Mehrdad Ahvazi

#By the town of Vasteras, Sweden 🇸🇪

#Summer, 2017 solar

[hardsadness]

Khuzestan Province, Ahvaz, Ameri Street, Shrine of Ali Ibn Mahzyar Ahvazi, Iran Photo by Ashkan Forouzani

[presstvplus]

This is Ali ibn Mahziar al-Ahvazi Shrine in the Iranian city of Ahvaz. After its closure over COVID19 outbreak, female custodians of the shrine prepare face masks to distribute among people.

[gochathalove]

دانلود آهنگ حسین الاهوازی مادر

دانلود آهنگ غمگین عربی از حسین الاهوازی به نام مادر Download Sad Music Arabic Hossein Ahvazi Madar (omi) دانلود آهنگ عربی جدید غم اندوه از حسین اهوازی این ترانه عربی مخصوص مادر و روزگار سروده شده مقطع حزین جدید لاول مره بصوت برای دانلود آهنگ به ادامه مطلب مراجعه کنید …

آهنگ عربي غمگين مادر از حسين اهوازي

این ترانه عربی تقدیم به جنوبی ها و عرب زبان های ایران زمین Read the full article

[golbargbashi]

I met one of my heroes today! My brother from another mother @remikanazi 🇵🇸 The distinguished Palestinian-American poet and public intellectual, who also happens to approve of my little book #PIsForPalestine 🤩🥰🇵🇸🙏🏾📚 . #remikanazi #Palestine #Palestinian #poet #writer #onepeople #iranian #iran #ahvaz #ahvazi #arab #arabic #arabamerican #Brother #artists #middleeastern #brooklyn #weneeddiversebooks #kidslitart #kidlit #childrensbook #freepalestine #فلسطين (at Brooklyn, New York) https://www.instagram.com/p/BsqyEGjgBU1/?utm_source=ig_tumblr_share&igshid=1jr2nzgacycvk

[mideastsoccer]

Saudi Arabia and Iran: When it comes to exiles, the pot calls the kettle black

By James M. Dorsey

If Saudi Arabia is under pressure to give chapter and verse on the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in its consulate in Istanbul, Iran risks straining relations with Europe at a time that it needs European support the most by targeting ethnic rights activists.

Mr. Khashoggi’s murder has focused attention on Saudi harassment and intimidation of dissidents as part of the kingdom’s effort to silence critical voices. The Saudi campaign had little geopolitical significance until Mr. Khashoggi’s killing.

By contrast, Iran’s long history of targeting ethnic rights activists, including Iranians of Arab descent and Kurds, has long been rooted in the Islamic republic’s belief that they enjoy the support of the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel in a bid to destabilize the country.

If Saudi Arabia has suffered severe reputational damage with the killing of Mr. Khashoggi and could face sanctioning for the first time in its history, Iran, long struggling to polish its tarnished image, could face sanctioning by Europe at a moment that it needs the Europeans the most.

In the latest Iranian incident, Danish Prime Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen and intelligence chief Finn Borch Andersen are calling for European Union sanctions after they discovered a plot to kill Danish residents associated with the Arab Struggle Movement for the Liberation of Ahvaz (ASMLA), an Iranian Arab group.

The plot, together with at least two other incidents in Europe in the last year, complicates European efforts to salvage a 2015 international agreement to curb Iran’s nuclear program after the United States withdrew from the deal and imposed crippling sanctions on Iran despite Iran’s denials of involvement.

The alleged Danish plot came to a head when authorities in late September closed bridges into Copenhagen and suspended train operations in connection with the case. Mr. Andersen said that Norway had since extradited to Denmark a Norwegian national of Iranian descent who was seen taking pictures of a the Danish home of an ASMLA leader.

ASMLA strives for independence of Iran’s south-eastern oil-rich province of Khuzestan that is home to Iran’s ethnic Arab community and borders on Iraq at the head of the Gulf.

Two other groups, the Islamic State and the Ahvaz National Resistance, claimed responsibility in September for an attack on a Revolutionary Guards parade in the Khuzestan capital of Ahwaz in which 29 people were killed and 70 others wounded.

Iranian officials blamed the United States and its allies, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Israel for the attack.

Iran at the time summoned the ambassadors of the Netherlands, Denmark and Britain to protest the three countries’ hosting of Iranian ethnic rights militants.

The Danish plot followed the killing by unidentified gunmen in the Netherlands in November 2017 of Ahmad Mola Nissi, another ASMLA leader. Shot dead on a street in The Hague, Mr. Mola Nissi died the violent life he was alleged to have lived.

A 52-year-old refugee living in the Netherlands since 2005, was believed to have been responsible for attacks in Khuzestan in 2005, 2006 and 2013 on oil facilities, the office of the Khuzestan governor, other government offices, and banks.

Together with Habib Jaber al-Ahvazi also known as Abo Naheth, another ASMLA activist, Mr. Mola Nissi focussed in recent years on media activities and fund raising, at times creating footage of alleged attacks involving gas cylinder explosions to attract Saudi funding, according to Iranian activists.

Mr. Mola Nissi was killed as he was preparing to establish a television station backed by Saudi-trained personnel and funding that would target Khuzestan.

The Netherlands has emerged in recent years as a hub for Iranian activists alongside Britain.

A group of exile Iranian academics and political activists, led by The Hague-based social scientist Damon Golriz, announced in September the creation of a group that intends to campaign for a liberal democracy in Iran under the auspices of Reza Pahlavi, the son of the ousted Shah of Iran who lives in the United States.

Compounding the fallout of Iran’s targeting of activists, is last month’s expulsion by France of an Iranian diplomat accused of being part of a plot to bomb a rally in Paris organized by the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq, a Saudi-backed Iranian exile group that calls for regime change in Tehran. The diplomat was among six people arrested for allegedly plotting the bombing.

The Mujahedeen enjoy the support of prominent Western politicians like US President Donald J. Trump’s national security advisor, John Bolton, his personal lawyer, Rudolph Giuliani, and Saudi Arabia’s former intelligence chief, Prince Turki al-Faisal. Mr. Giuliani addressed the targeted rally.

U.S. officials say Iran plotted to attack the group’s massive base in Albania in March.

Support for the Mujahedeen has figured prominently in broadcasts of UK-based television station Iran International that according to The Guardian is owned by a secretive offshore entity with close links to Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman.

The Guardian reported that Saud al-Qahtani, Prince Mohammed’s menacing information czar who was one of several senior Saudi officials removed from office in the wake of the killing of Mr. Khashoggi, was among the station’s main funders.

“I can say that Iran International TV has turned into a platform … for ethnic partisanship and sectarianism,” The Guardian quoted a source as saying.

The Danish, French and Dutch incidents suggest that Iran takes serious indications that Saudi Arabia is considering attempting to destabilize the Islamic republic by stirring unrest among its ethnic minorities.

Mr. Bolton advocated a similar strategy before becoming Mr. Trump’s national security advisor.

Iran has been the target in the past year of various insurgent groups believed to have Saudi support, sparking repeated clashes with Iranian security forces and the interception of Kurdish, Baloch and other ethnic rebels.

Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif arrived in Islamabad this week on an unscheduled visit to discuss the recent kidnapping of at least 12 Iranian border and Revolutionary Guards believed to have been abducted on the Iranian side of the Pakistani-Iranian border by Jaish al-Adl, a Pakistani group that often issues its statements in Arabic rather than Baloch, Urdu or Farsi.

As the United States prepared to next week impose a new round of sanctions against Iran, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo used the Iranian attacks in Europe to weaken European rejection of the US move.

“For nearly 40 years, Europe has been the target of Iran-sponsored terrorist attacks. We call on our allies and partners to confront the full range of Iran’s threats to peace and security,” Mr. Pompeo tweeted.

Dr. James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture, and co-host of the New Books in Middle Eastern Studies podcast. James is the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog, a book with the same title and a co-authored volume, Comparative Political Transitions between Southeast Asia and the Middle East and North Africa as well as Shifting Sands, Essays on Sports and Politics in the Middle East and North Africa and just published China and the Middle East: Venturing into the Maelstrom

[pacienciaras]

Las claves del atentado terrorista de Irán.

Un ataque terrorista durante el desfile militar del Ejército de Irán en la ciudad suroccidental de Ahvaz, en la provincia de Juzestán, ha dejado al menos 29 muertos y 60 heridos. A pesar de su reivindicación por parte de ISIS, las autoridades iraníes apuntan a Al-Ahvazie una organización terrorista sostenida por Arabia Saudí...

[diariodigitalcristiano]

Matan al menos a 25 personas en un desfile militar de Irán

Teherán, Irán (AP) - Militantes disfrazados de soldados abrieron fuego el sábado en un desfile militar iraní en el suroeste del país, matando al menos a 25 personas e hiriendo a más de 60 en el más mortífero ataque terrorista que golpeó al país en casi una década. 

Las mujeres y los niños se dispersaron junto con los soldados de la Guardia Revolucionaria que una vez marcharon mientras se escuchaban fuertes disparos en el desfile en Ahvaz, el caos fue capturado en vivo por la televisión estatal.

Los separatistas árabes de la región, una vez solo conocidos por los ataques nocturnos contra oleoductos sin protección, se atribuyeron la responsabilidad del descarado asalto.

El ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de Irán, Mohammad Javad Zarif, culpó a los países de la región y sus "amos estadounidenses" por financiar y armar a los separatistas, emitiendo una fuerte advertencia ya que las tensiones regionales siguen siendo altas tras la retirada de Estados Unidos del acuerdo nuclear iraní.

"Irán responderá rápida y decisivamente en defensa de las vidas iraníes", escribió Zarif en Twitter.

El ataque se produjo cuando hileras de Guardias Revolucionarios marcharon por los Quds de Ahvaz, o Jerusalén, Boulevard. Fue uno de muchos en todo el país que marcó el inicio de la larga guerra de Irán en la década de 1980 con Irak, conmemoraciones conocidas como la "Semana de la Sagrada Defensa".

Los periodistas y espectadores se volvieron para mirar hacia los primeros disparos, luego las filas de manifestantes se rompieron cuando soldados y civiles buscaron refugio bajo un fuego prolongado. Los soldados iraníes utilizaron sus cuerpos a tiempo para proteger a los civiles en el combate cuerpo a cuerpo, con un guardia con el uniforme de gala y una faja que se llevaba a un niño ensangrentado.

"¡Oh Dios! ¡Vete y vete! ¡Acuéstate, acuéstate!" un hombre gritó cuando una mujer huyó con su bebé.

A continuación, los para médicos atendieron a los heridos mientras los soldados, algunos ensangrentados, ayudaban a sus camaradas a llegar a las ambulancias. El vídeo obtenido por The Associated Press de la tarde mostró cuerpos de soldados, algunos pareciendo sin vida, tendidos en el suelo en charcos de sangre. Uno tenía una manta que lo cubría. Un hombre gritó de dolor.

El ataque mató al menos a 25 personas e hirió a más de 60, según la agencia de noticias estatal IRNA. Dijo que los hombres armados llevaban uniformes militares y atacaron un riser donde los comandantes militares y policiales estaban sentados. Al menos ocho de los muertos sirvieron en la Guardia Revolucionaria, una unidad paramilitar de élite que solo responde al líder supremo de Irán, según la agencia semioficial de noticias Tasnim.

"De repente nos dimos cuenta de que algunas personas armadas que vestían uniformes militares falsos comenzaron a atacar a los camaradas por detrás (el escenario) y luego abrieron fuego contra mujeres y niños", dijo un soldado herido no identificado a la televisión estatal. "Simplemente estaban disparando sin rumbo fijo y no tenían un objetivo específico".

La televisión estatal horas después informó que los cuatro hombres armados habían sido asesinados, tres murieron durante el ataque y uno más tarde sucumbió a sus heridas en un hospital.

El presidente Hassan Rouhani ordenó al Ministerio de Inteligencia de Irán que investigue de inmediato el ataque.

"El presidente hizo hincapié en que la respuesta de la República Islámica de Irán a la menor amenaza sería dura, pero quienes apoyan a los terroristas deberían rendir cuentas", informó IRNA.

Mientras tanto, el líder supremo de Irán, el ayatolá Ali Khamenei, describió el ataque como una exposición de "la atrocidad y la perversidad de los enemigos de la nación iraní".

"Su crimen es una continuación de las conspiraciones de los regímenes respaldados por Estados Unidos en la región que tienen como objetivo crear inseguridad en nuestro querido país", dijo Khamenei en un comunicado. "Sin embargo, para su consternación, la nación iraní persistirá en el camino noble y orgulloso que han tomado y, como antes, superarán todas las animosidades".

Inicialmente, las autoridades describieron a los atacantes como "pistoleros takfiri", un término utilizado anteriormente para describir al grupo Estado Islámico. Irán ha estado profundamente involucrado en la lucha contra IS en Irak y ha ayudado al asediado presidente sirio Bashar Assad en la larga guerra de su país.

Pero más tarde, los medios estatales y los funcionarios del gobierno parecieron llegar al consenso de que los separatistas árabes en la región eran responsables. Los separatistas acusan al gobierno iraní dominado por los persas de discriminar a su minoría étnica árabe, aunque un árabe Ahvazi, el general Ali Shamkhani, se desempeña como secretario del Consejo Supremo de Seguridad Nacional de Irán.

La provincia de Juzestán también ha visto protestas recientes por la sequía a nivel nacional de Irán, así como por las protestas económicas.

Irán culpó a su archirrival de Medio Oriente, el reino sunita de Arabia Saudita, por financiar la actividad de los separatistas árabes. Los medios estatales en Arabia Saudita no reconocieron el ataque de inmediato, aunque un canal satelital en idioma farsi, vinculado con Arabia Saudita, con base en el Reino Unido, llevó inmediatamente una entrevista con un activista Ahvazi que alegaba el ataque del sábado.

Hamid Baeidinejad, embajador de Irán en el Reino Unido, calificó la decisión del canal como un "acto atroz" en una publicación en Twitter y dijo que su país presentaría una queja ante las autoridades británicas por la transmisión.

Yacoub Hor al-Tostari, portavoz del Movimiento de Lucha Árabe para Liberar a Ahvaz, le dijo a la AP que los miembros de un grupo paraguas de activistas Ahvazi a los que dirige su organización llevaron a cabo el ataque.

El ataque socavó al gobierno iraní "el día en que quiere transmitirle al mundo que es poderoso y tiene el control", dijo al-Tostari. Para reforzar su reclamo, dio detalles sobre uno de los atacantes que la AP no pudo verificar de inmediato.

El grupo Estado Islámico también se atribuyó la responsabilidad del ataque en un mensaje en su agencia de noticias Amaaq, pero no proporcionó pruebas de que hubiera llevado a cabo el asalto. Inicialmente, también dijeron erróneamente que el ataque de Ahvaz tenía como objetivo a Rouhani, que estaba en Teherán. Los militantes han hecho una serie de afirmaciones falsas a raíz de grandes derrotas en Irak y Siria.

En Teherán, Rouhani vio un desfile militar que incluía misiles balísticos capaces de llegar a Israel y a las bases militares estadounidenses en el Medio Oriente. Rouhani dijo que la retirada de Estados Unidos del acuerdo nuclear era un intento de lograr que Irán abandone su arsenal militar. Los inspectores de las Naciones Unidas dicen que Irán todavía está cumpliendo con el acuerdo, que vio que limitaba su programa nuclear a cambio del levantamiento de las sanciones económicas.

"Irán no pone a un lado sus brazos defensivos ni disminuye sus capacidades defensivas", dijo Rouhani. "Irán aumentará su poder defensivo día a día".

Mientras tanto, el general iraní Abolfazl Shekarchi, portavoz de las fuerzas armadas, alegó sin pruebas que los cuatro militantes involucrados en el ataque del sábado "dependían de los servicios de inteligencia de Estados Unidos y el Mossad" de Israel.

"Han sido entrenados y organizados en dos países del Golfo Pérsico", dijo, sin dar más detalles.

El ataque del sábado se produce después de un ataque coordinado del grupo Estado Islámico del 7 de junio de 2017 contra el parlamento y el santuario del ayatolá Ruhollah Jomeini, el líder de la revolución islámica de Irán en 1979. Al menos 18 personas murieron y más de 50 resultaron heridas.

Ese asalto sacudió a Teherán, que en gran medida ha evitado los ataques de militantes en las décadas posteriores al tumulto que rodeó a la revolución.

En la última década, los ataques de militantes de bajas masivas han sido increíblemente raros. En 2009, más de 40 personas, incluidos seis comandantes de la Guardia Nacional, murieron en un ataque suicida de extremistas sunitas en la provincia de Sistan y Baluchistan, en Irán.

Fuente: CBN News

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Attack in Iran raises spectre of a potentially far larger conflagration

A podcast version of this article is available at https://soundcloud.com/user-153425019/attack-in-iran-raises-spectre-of-a-potentially-far-larger-conflagration

By James M. Dorsey

An attack on a military parade in the southern Iranian city of Ahwaz is likely to prompt Iranian retaliation against opposition groups at home and abroad. It also deepens Iranian fears that the United States. Saudi Arabia and others may seek to destabilize the country by instigating unrest among its ethnic minorities.

With competing claims of responsibility by the Islamic State and the Ahvaz National Resistance for the attack that killed 29 people and wounded 70 others in the oil-rich province of Khuzestan, which borders on Iraq and is home to Iran’s ethnic Arab community, it is hard to determine with certainty the affiliation of the four perpetrators, all of whom were killed in the incident.

Statements by Iranian officials, however, accusing the United States and its allies, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Israel, suggest that they see the Ahvaz group rather than the Islamic State as responsible for the incident, the worst since the Islamic State attacked the Iranian parliament and the mausoleum of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in Tehran in 2017.

Iran’s summoning, in the wake of the attack, of the ambassadors of Britain, the Netherlands and Denmark, countries from which Iranian opposition groups operate, comes at an awkward moment for Tehran.

It complicates Iranian efforts to ensure that European measures effectively neutralize potentially crippling US sanctions that are being imposed as a result of the US withdrawal in May from the 2015 international agreement that curbed the Islamic republic’s nuclear program.

Ahvaz-related violence last year spilled on to the street of The Hague when unidentified gunmen killed Ahwazi activist Ahmad Mola Nissi. Mr. Nissi was shot dead days before he was scheduled to launch a Saudi-funded television station staffed with Saudi-trained personnel that would target Khuzestan, according to Ahvazi activists.

This week, a group of exile Iranian academics and political activists, led by The Hague-based social scientist Damon Golriz, announced the creation of a group that intends to campaign for a liberal democracy in Iran under the auspices of Reza Pahlavi, the son of the ousted Shah of Iran who lives in the United States.

While Iran appears to be targeting exile groups in the wake of the Ahvaz attack, Iran itself has witnessed in recent years stepped up activity by various insurgent groups amid indications of Saudi support, leading to repeated clashes and interception of Kurdish, Baloch and other ethnic insurgents.

Last month, Azeri and Iranian Arab protests erupted in soccer stadiums while the country’s Revolutionary Guards Corps reported clashes with Iraq-based Iranian Kurdish insurgents.

State-run television warned at the time in a primetime broadcast that foreign agents could turn legitimate protests stemming from domestic anger at the government’s mismanagement of the economy and corruption into “incendiary calls for regime change” by inciting violence that would provoke a crackdown by security forces and give the United States fodder to tackle Iran.

The People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran or Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MeK), a controversial exiled opposition group that enjoys the support of serving and former Western officials, including some in the Trump administration, as well as prominent Saudis such as Prince Turki al-Faisal, a former Saudi intelligence chief, who is believed to be close to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, has taken credit for a number of the protests in Khuzestan.

The incidents fit an emerging pattern, prompting suggestions that if a Gulf-backed group was responsible for this weekend’s attack, it may have been designed to provoke a more direct confrontation between Iran and the United States.

“If the terrorist attack in Ahvaz was part of a larger Saudi and UAE escalation in Iran, their goal is likely to goad Iran to retaliate and then use Tehran’s reaction to spark a larger war and force the US to enter since Riyadh and Abu Dhabi likely cannot take on Iran militarily alone… If so, the terrorist attack is as much about trapping Iran into war as it is to trap the US into a war of choice,” said Trita Parsi of the National Iranian American Council.

Iran appears with its response to the Ahvaz attack to be saying that its fears of US and Saudi destabilization efforts are becoming reality. The Iranian view is not wholly unfounded.

Speaking in a private capacity on the same day as the attack in Ahvaz, US President Donald J. Trump’s personal lawyer, Rudolph Giuliani, declared that US. sanctions were causing economic pain that could lead to a “successful revolution” in Iran.

“I don’t know when we’re going to overthrow them. It could be in a few days, months, a couple of years. But it’s going to happen,” Mr. Giuliani told an audience gathered in New York for an Iran Uprising Summit organized by the Organization of Iranian-American Communities, a Washington-based group associated with the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq.

Mr. Giuliani is together with John Bolton, Mr. Trump’s national security advisor, a long-standing supporter of the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq that calls for the violent overthrow of the Iranian regime.

Mr. Bolton, last year before assuming office, drafted at the request of Mr. Trump’s then strategic advisor, Steve Bannon, a plan that envisioned US support “for the democratic Iranian opposition,” “Kurdish national aspirations in Iran, Iraq and Syria,” and assistance for Iranian Arabs in Khuzestan and Baloch in the Pakistani province of Balochistan and Iran’s neighbouring Sistan and Balochistan province.

The Trump administration has officially shied away from formally endorsing the goal of toppling the regime in Tehran. Mr. Bolton, since becoming national security advisor, has insisted that US policy was to put "unprecedented pressure" on Iran to change its behaviour”, not its regime.

Messrs. Bolton and Giuliani’s inclination towards regime change is, however, shared by several US allies in the Middle East, and circumstantial evidence suggests that their views may be seeping into US policy moves without it being officially acknowledged.

Moreover, Saudi support for confrontation with Iran precedes Mr. Trump’s coming to office but has intensified since, in part as a result of King Salman’s ascendance to the Saudi throne in 2015 and the rise of his son, Prince Mohammed.

Already a decade ago, Saudi Arabia’s then King Abdullah urged the United States to “cut off the head of the snake” by launching military strikes to destroy Iran’s nuclear program.

Writing in 2012 in Asharq Al Awsat, a Saudi newspaper, Amal Al-Hazzani, an academic, asserted in an op-ed entitled “The oppressed Arab district of al-Ahwaz“ that Khuzestan “is an Arab territory... Its Arab residents have been facing continual repression ever since the Persian state assumed control of the region in 1925... It is imperative that the Arabs take up the al-Ahwaz cause, at least from the humanitarian perspective.”

More recently, Prince Mohammed vowed that “we won’t wait for the battle to be in Saudi Arabia. Instead, we will work so that the battle is for them in Iran.”

Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, a prominent UAE scholar, who is believed to be close to Emirati Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, played into Iranian assertions of Gulf involvement in this weekend’s attack by tweeting that it wasn’t a terrorist incident.

Mr. Abdulla suggested that “moving the battle to the Iranian side is a declared option” and that the number of such attacks “will increase during the next phase”.

A Saudi think tank, believed to be backed by Prince Mohammed last year called in a study for Saudi support for a low-level Baloch insurgency in Iran. Prince Mohammed vowed around the same time that “we will work so that the battle is for them in Iran, not in Saudi Arabia.”

Pakistani militants have claimed that Saudi Arabia has stepped up funding of militant madrassas or religious seminaries in Balochistan that allegedly serve as havens for anti-Iranian fighters.

The head of the US State Department’s Office of Iranian Affairs, Steven Fagin, met in Washington in June with Mustafa Hijri, head of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), before assuming his new post as counsel general in Erbil in Iraqi Kurdistan.

The KDPI has recently stepped up its attacks in Iranian Kurdistan, killing nine people weeks before Mr. Hijri’s meeting with Mr. Fagin. Other Kurdish groups have reported similar attacks. Several Iranian Kurdish groups are discussing ways to coordinate efforts to confront the Iranian regime.

Similarly, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) last year appointed a seasoned covert operations officer as head of its Iran operations.

Said Saudi Ambassador to the United States Prince Khalid bin Salman, Prince Mohammed’s brother: President “Trump makes clear that we will not approach Iran with the sort of appeasement policies that failed so miserably to halt Nazi Germany’s rise to power, or avert the costliest war ever waged.”

Dr. James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, co-director of the University of Würzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture, and co-host of the New Books in Middle Eastern Studies podcast. James is the author of The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer blog, a book with the same title and a co-authored volume, Comparative Political Transitions between Southeast Asia and the Middle East and North Africa as well as Shifting Sands, Essays on Sports and Politics in the Middle East and North Africa and just published China and the Middle East: Venturing into the Maelstrom