#WHO IS CURRENTLY NO 1 IN THE SENATORIAL RACE

[char-lotteral]

Im a soon to be college student who has suffered so much during this pandemic because of online classes. I've been a highschool student for almost 6 years and in that span I've shed so much tears from all the hardwork, I've the stayed up late just to finish studying, I've spent a shit ton of hours preparing for a career I want, I've skipped meals just so I can finish my projects and you're telling me that the possible soon to be President of my country is a man who LIED about his Degree, who NEVER graduated College, and to top it all off, has an arrest warrant for TAX EVASION?

This is the country you want me to grow up in? This is the "Man" who's supposes to lead my motherland into prosperity? The man who got his fame and ill-gotten wealth from his disgustingly rich father who was once a dictator of the Philippines for 30 fucking years?

You expect me to look up to this man? This sorry excuse of a president? Because honestly, Fuck him. Fuck ALL OF YOU who voted for the son of a fucking fascist. You've disrespected ALL the Martial Law victims along with their families by placing the Marcoses back into power. Have none of you learned ANYTHING from EDSA People Power Revolution??? It's a goddamn holiday for fucks sake!!!!

WHAT THE FUCK PHILIPPINES

[dontmeantobepoliticalbut]

Bernie Sanders gave Washington whiplash this week — and it was all part of his plan. Barely 24 hours after the Vermont senator publicly rejected a $3.5 trillion spending deal following a Monday meeting with President Joe Biden, he turned around to tout it as the most transformational policy proposal in nearly 100 years.

The shift in tone was a tactic Sanders used to coax moderate Democrats into going far higher than they might have otherwise felt comfortable. After he had insisted on shooting for the moon with a $6 trillion budget proposal, $3.5 trillion suddenly looked pretty reasonable.

The episode revealed a conciliatory side to the liberal icon often depicted by the media and Republicans as wild-eyed and well to the left of his party. Sanders has opposed some of Biden and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer’s policies and nominees, but never in instances when his vote would prove decisive. He’s also softened his opposition to a bipartisan infrastructure deal, recognizing that he can't alienate his fellow Democrats if he wants to move his own agenda.

Still, the Independent from Vermont isn’t quite ready for the “P” label. “It’s not that I’m more pragmatic. It’s that there are 50 members of the Democratic Caucus. And unfortunately not all of them agree with me on everything,” Sanders said in an interview. “It was important to have a vision going forward of where we needed to go. And I think that was the right vision,” Sanders added. “Obviously, it was a vision that was a little bit more comprehensive than some of my colleagues.”

Even after two presidential runs garnered him national stardom and effective ownership of the American left, Sanders has toiled in the Senate minority with few levers to pull. This Congress, as the Senate Budget chair and a member of Schumer’s leadership team, the 79-year-old is one of the most powerful people in Democratic-controlled Washington. He also seems to be having a good time after decades of prowling the Capitol with gruff rebuttals for reporters delivered in his signature Brooklyn accent. After his interview with POLITICO, he was pressed by another reporter to take “one more question.”

“She makes me speculate,” he teased the second reporter, his voice rising in playful incredulousness. “One more question?!”

Jokes aside, moderates surmised it wasn’t easy for Sanders to shed his uncompromising stance on this year's massive spending blueprint, which is still perhaps months away from becoming law. Tester, who quickly endorsed Sanders’ budget blueprint, despite reservations, observed that Sanders likely “had hesitation” in coming down by $2.5 trillion.

“It may have been one of those deals where it was: ‘Look, Bernie, if we don’t get this, we can’t do anything.’ And he decided to move with it,” Tester said of the haggling. Yet senators on the Budget Committee viewed Sanders as taking an extreme position precisely so that it would yield a compromise all the more fruitful for liberal Democrats. If Sanders had started off endorsing Biden’s number of $4 trillion, it’s possible he and other progressives might have had to settle for a number lower than the $3.5 trillion they agreed upon. “Bernie Sanders is like a human embodiment of shifting the Overton Window,” said Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.), who serves on the Budget Committee. “We wouldn’t be there without him putting out $6 trillion.”

With a ceiling of $3.5 trillion, Sanders says he can pursue all the changes that he’s prioritized, just not for not as long as he wants. That raises the possibility of future fights over the extension of programs like the expanded child tax credits championed by Democrats. Nonetheless, Sanders argues every chance he gets that he’s pushing “the most consequential piece of legislation passed since the 1930s for working people.” On the price tag alone, he’s right: If successful, the current social spending bill will be the biggest ever passed by Congress.

Those ambitious aspirations, and his influence on the Democrat Party’s agenda, make Sanders a handy villain for Republicans. The GOP tried to use his possible ascension in the majority as an attack line in the Georgia Senate races -- only to see Democrats win those contests, giving Sanders the budget gavel. Senate Republicans still try to tie vulnerable Democrats to Sanders, more so even than Biden or Schumer. “We applaud Bernie Sanders’ commitment to socialism and his influential leadership pushing 2022 Senate Democrat candidates to the far left,” said Katharine Cooksey, a spokeswoman for the National Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee.

In addition to his central role in the Democratic caucus, Sanders also has the ear of former presidential rival Biden. Since winning the nomination and throughout the first six months of his presidency, the president has kept Sanders close. White House chief of staff Ron Klain essentially had an open-door policy with Sanders as he pushed for a $15 minimum wage earlier this year. That hike was ultimately crushed by moderates and the Senate parliamentarian, an early blow for Sanders.

But Sanders returned quickly to press Biden to embrace an expansion of Medicare coverage for dental, hearing aids and vision. During a private Oval Office meeting ahead of the budget announcement, Sanders “made that case passionately” again and Biden “gave his full backing,” said a senior White House aide. Andrew Bates, a White House spokesman, said Biden “deeply respects Senator Sanders’ unflinching commitment to fighting for working people."

Medicare expansion is included in Senate Democrats’ budget proposal, though it’s unclear whether Sanders will be able to lower the Medicare eligibility age as he set out to do months ago. Nonetheless, Sanders seems close to cinching a major change to an entitlement program that's helped define the party's legacy for generations.

For many years, Sanders played “a kind of gadfly role,” said David Axelrod, who served as an adviser to former President Barack Obama, who Sanders briefly entertained primarying during the 2012 presidential campaign. But now, he added, Sanders “has comfortably shifted into the role of deal-maker."

“You're seeing a very pragmatic Bernie Sanders, but he's pragmatic in a principled way,” Axelrod said, observing that Biden and Sanders, “who really were from different places in the party, have come together in the sunset of their careers to do something potentially historic.”

Asked if Sanders is a pragmatist, Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii) offered a clipped “yes” for an answer: “I don’t want to get him in trouble.”

This isn’t the first deal Sanders has cut, and it probably won’t be the last. In 2014 he memorably teamed with the late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) on a landmark agreement to reform the scandal-plagued Veterans Affairs Department. As part of that agreement, Sanders signed off on expanding private care access for veterans, a concession directly at odds with his long-standing commitment to single-payer health care. Sanders also struck an alliance last year with Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) in pushing for new pandemic stimulus checks.

“He’s obviously a passionate advocate. But he also understands this is a moment that we can’t let go by,” said Michigan Sen. Debbie Stabenow, a member of the Budget Committee and Democratic leadership. “He was able to read the room.”

Sanders is already digging in for the next round of fights. He may have centrist Sen. Mark Warner (D-Va.) and the rest of the Budget Committee on board with his budget plan, but he still needs to win over more conservative Democratic Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona. Manchin said he hasn’t yet talked to Sanders about the proposal.

Once again, Sanders is drawing a line in the sand, saying he’s not coming down any more from $3.5 trillion. Time will tell whether this one is real or tactical. “No. Quite the contrary,” he said, hinting that progressive allies across the Capitol might drive the price back up. “We’ll see what happens in the House.”

[theliberaltony]

via Politics – FiveThirtyEight

Between a suddenly competitive Senate race in Kentucky and the possible ouster of four entrenched incumbents in New York, Tuesday’s primary elections feature the largest-scale confrontation yet between the Democratic establishment and the party’s progressive wing. In New York especially, the primaries will test the political muscle of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who has thrown her weight behind several progressives running for Congress and state legislature.

In addition, four other states (Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina and Virginia) will hold their primaries or primary runoffs, but there are no special races of note that we’ll be watching closely. Regardless, don’t wait up late tonight for results; because the coronavirus has forced most states to conduct elections predominantly by absentee ballot, it could take more than a week to learn who won the day’s biggest races. New York won’t start counting its absentee ballots until June 30, and at least a third of Kentucky counties, including the two biggest, will not release any results until that date either.

Kentucky

The highest contested office on the ballot today is the Democratic primary for U.S. Senate in the Bluegrass State. For months, Amy McGrath, a former Marine who gained national attention for her strong but unsuccessful House run in 2018, seemed like a shoo-in for the Democratic nomination to take on Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. Helped by her own national following, an intense Democratic desire to defeat McConnell and the backing of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, McGrath raised massive sums of money for the race — $41.1 million as of June 3, even more than McConnell. But locally, there were some signs of resistance to McGrath. A few Democrats in Kentucky’s state legislature have backed state Rep. Charles Booker, while some progressive activists support farmer and former Marine Mike Broihier.

Recently, however, Booker — who would be Kentucky’s first Black senator — has gained attention for speaking out about racial inequality at local protests against police violence, which have carried special meaning in Louisville as the hometown of Breonna Taylor, a young Black woman whom police shot and killed at her home in March. Booker’s leadership impressed the state’s two biggest newspapers, which endorsed him, and even galvanized progressives nationally: Ocasio-Cortez, Sen. Bernie Sanders and Sen. Elizabeth Warren endorsed Booker in the final weeks of the race. Now, polls show a tight race between McGrath and Booker, and it’s not clear which candidate will come out ahead. Either way, though, McConnell will remain a heavy favorite in November; he leads both McGrath and Booker by double digits in hypothetical matchups.

New York

The Empire State has 10 House races we’re watching, including eight matchups between establishment and insurgent candidates and five incumbents who could theoretically lose their safe seats.

The most direct clash between the two wings of the party is in the 16th District, where 16-term Rep. Eliot Engel is being challenged by former middle school principal Jamaal Bowman. Unlike some other Democrats who have faced progressive primary challenges this year, Engel is pretty liberal (according to DW-Nominate, he’s more liberal than 64 percent of the current House Democratic Caucus), and he has the support of former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Gov. Andrew Cuomo. However, Engel has been criticized for neglecting his district; he rode out the first two months of the pandemic in Washington, D.C., even as his Bronx- and Westchester County-based district became a coronavirus hotspot, and a hot mic caught him pleading to speak at a press conference about the anti-police-violence protests by saying, “if I didn’t have a primary, I wouldn’t care.”

That gaffe, plus another progressive challenger dropping out and endorsing Bowman, gave Bowman momentum; the Justice Democrats and the Working Families Party had been backing Bowman for months, but he also now has the support of Ocasio-Cortez, Sanders and The New York Times editorial board. Bowman’s campaign says it also raised more than $600,000 from June 1-12, although Engel had spent more and had more cash on hand as of June 3. And a Data for Progress poll conducted for Bowman gave the challenger a surprisingly wide 10-point lead, although Engel’s campaign claims that its internal polls show Engel ahead.

A few of New York City’s other incumbents also face notable challenges, though a lack of polling means it’s hard to gauge how serious they are.

In the Brooklyn-based 9th District, community organizer Adem Bunkeddeko is back for a rematch with seven-term Rep. Yvette Clarke after losing to her just 53 percent to 47 percent in the 2018 Democratic primary. Ideologically, both Clarke and Bunkeddeko are staunch progressives, so this contest is more about approach — for instance, Clarke is willing to take PAC money; Bunkeddeko is not. The addition of two new candidates this year — one progressive, one conservative aiming to appeal to the district’s Orthodox Jewish community — adds even more unpredictability.

In the tri-borough (Manhattan, Brooklyn and Queens) 12th District, 14-term Rep. Carolyn Maloney also confronts a familiar face: attorney Suraj Patel, who lost to Maloney 60 percent to 40 percent in 2018. However, democratic socialists Lauren Ashcraft and Peter Harrison are also running this year, threatening to split the anti-incumbent vote. As of June 3, Maloney, an ideologically median Democrat and chair of the House Oversight and Reform Committee, had outspent her three challengers combined, $2.0 million to $754,186.

In the 10th District, which zigzags across Manhattan and Brooklyn, Rep. Jerrold Nadler faces two challengers: former New York Deputy Secretary of Economic Development Lindsey Boylan and former Andrew Yang staffer Jonathan Herzog. Although Nadler, who played a starring role in President Trump’s impeachment proceedings as chair of the House Judiciary Committee, has a pretty progressive voting record, Boylan and Herzog have argued he is all bark and no bite. As of June 3, Boylan had spent $749,902, almost as much as Nadler’s $1.1 million. That said, in Nadler’s nearly 30 years as a congressman, he has never come close to losing renomination, so it might be an uphill battle for Boylan or Herzog to dethrone him.

Finally, there’s one place anti-establishment forces are playing defense: Ocasio-Cortez’s 14th District in Queens and the Bronx. Former CNBC anchor Michelle Caruso-Cabrera, a fiscal conservative, says “AOC is MIA” in the district and blames her for scuttling Amazon’s plan to build a second headquarters in New York City. With the help of deep-pocketed business executives and more than a few Republicans, Caruso-Cabrera has raised an impressive $2.0 million in an effort to unseat the first-term incumbent. Of course, Ocasio-Cortez has raised a whopping $10.5 million, so it seems as if the 14th is still safely Ocasio-Cortez’s.

In two other dark-blue open seats, many liberals are fighting to prevent the nomination from going to someone who might actually vote with Republicans. In the South Bronx 15th District, New York City Council Member Rubén Díaz, Sr., is a conservative Democrat who opposes abortion, has claimed that city government is “controlled by the homosexual community” and is openly considering a vote for Trump this fall. But as the patriarch of a Bronx political dynasty — he represented the area in the state Senate for 15 years, and his son is now borough president — Díaz has enough of a base to be a front-runner in the fractured, 12-candidate field.

Liberals are split on their preferred alternative: Ocasio-Cortez and Sanders endorsed affordable-housing activist Samelys López, while the Black political establishment has rallied around Assemblyman Michael Blake. And symbolic of Democrats’ indecision, the political arm of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus is backing New York City Council Member Ritchie Torres, but the caucus’s chair, Rep. Joaquin Castro, has endorsed former City Council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito. Torres, the Bronx’s first openly LGBT elected official, may be the candidate best positioned to beat Díaz. As of June 3, he had spent the most money in the race, at $856,531 (although Blake was not far behind at $705,648). And a Data for Progress poll in May found Díaz with 22 percent, Torres with 20 percent and no other candidate above 6 percent. However, 34 percent of likely voters were still undecided.

Up the Hudson River, in the suburban 17th District, state Sen. David Carlucci is likewise a top contender for the Democratic nod — despite his seven years as a member of the Independent Democratic Conference, a breakaway group of Democrats who handed control of the state Senate to Republicans. But after multiple polls showed Carlucci in strong position, progressives (including Ocasio-Cortez) united behind attorney Mondaire Jones, and Jones took 25 percent to Carlucci’s 11 percent in a more recent Public Policy Polling survey. However, at 14 percent each in the poll, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Evelyn Farkas and former Assistant U.S. Attorney Adam Schleifer are still in the hunt as well. Schleifer in particular has one big advantage: millions of dollars in pharmaceutical stock. He has invested almost $4 million of his own money in his campaign, allowing him to spend four times more than any other candidate.

All the seats above will almost certainly remain in Democratic hands this fall no matter who wins the primary. But upstate, in the Syracuse-based 24th District, Democrats’ choice of nominee could affect their chances against vulnerable GOP Rep. John Katko. The two main Democratic candidates, professor Dana Balter and Navy veteran Francis Conole, disagree on only a few things: health care (Balter supports Medicare for All, Conole a public option) and who is more electable. (As the Democrats’ previous nominee, Balter lost to Katko by 5 points in 2018, even though the district had voted for Clinton by nearly 4 points two years earlier. However, that was a stronger performance than Katko’s 2016 opponent, even after adjusting for the national environment.) As of June 3, the two had spent similar sums of money (around $700,000), but Balter’s name recognition may carry the day: According to a GBAO Strategies poll for her campaign, she led 60 percent to 31 percent as of early June.

The parties will also decide their nominees in four other New York swing seats: the 1st, 2nd, 11th and 22nd. Of these, only the Democratic primary in the 1st District, which covers eastern Long Island, is in any real doubt. The initial front-runner seemed to be businessman Perry Gershon, who lost to GOP Rep. Lee Zeldin here by 4 points in 2018. But self-funding chemistry professor Nancy Goroff outspent him $1.6 million to $979,063, and as of late May Goroff’s internal polling showed the two roughly tied. Suffolk County Legislator Bridget Fleming then responded with her own internal poll giving herself and Goroff 29 percent each, with Gershon at 22 percent. Fleming spent just $598,608 but earned a notable endorsement from progressive actor Cynthia Nixon.

If you’ve read this far, you might also be interested in one non-primary election happening Tuesday. Nine months after ex-Rep. Chris Collins resigned and pleaded guilty to insider trading, New York’s 27th District is finally holding a special election to replace him. The GOP tapped state Sen. Chris Jacobs as its nominee in January, while Democrats are fielding former Grand Island Town Supervisor Nate McMurray, who came within 1,088 votes of unseating Collins in 2018. However, Jacobs is a far less damaged candidate than Collins was, and Trump carried this Western New York seat by 24 points. Therefore, Jacobs is a heavy favorite to win, but the exact margin will be worth watching as a barometer of the national mood. So far this cycle, despite wide Democratic leads in presidential and congressional generic ballot polls, special-election results have not indicated a consistent Democratic overperformance.

[rise-above-the-grave]

Dolor Principi: Prologue

Rating: M

for

graphic violence, dismemberment, sex, language, and other mature themes

DOLOR PRINCIPI

or

A World of Fire and Blood

PROLOGUE

Chancellor Sheev Palpatine stands with his back to his desk, hands locked behind him, and stares out of the windows and at the low-hanging clouds threatening rain. His heart churns within him, a roiling pit of vipers.

The galaxy hangs on a knife’s edge—and he can feel it.

Not for the first time in the last few months does Palpatine close his eyes and listen to the Force. It screams and wails at him, a hundred thousand voices all vying for his attention, his ears, his mind. Listen, they scream. Listen, listen, listen…

He listens.

He hears a baby’s pitiful cries.

He hears a man’s mechanical breathing.

He hears blastershots.

He hears three billion voices all crying out as one.

He hears a woman he knows speaking to a man he does not.

Palpatine opens his eyes, and finds his nails digging crescents into the palms of his hands.

Those same six images—or, rather, hearings—have plagued him for years, ever since his plans to take over the galaxy blossomed and became fully formed. He understood none of them then—and still, though he refuses to admit this even to himself, does not understand most of them now.

The only thing he does know for certain is that the woman, Padmé Amidala, has something to do with whether or not his plans will succeed or fail—as does the man. The man who Palpatine had not known even existed, except as a concept, until three months ago, when Bail Organa announced his candidacy for the Alderaanian Senatorial race.

Palpatine had been in his office, a news channel turned on on his viewscreen as he worked. A thunderstorm had been lashing the windows behind him, creating a soft, melodic counterpoint to the droning of the news anchor’s voice in the background. Then, very suddenly, Palpatine’s head had shot up, his ears ringing, his blood thundering.

The voice he had only ever heard in his Force visions rang out from the viewscreen, large and loud and terribly, terribly real.

He looked up, to see Prince Bail Organa of Alderaan—a man he had been tangentially aware of as an entity, if not as a living, breathing being—standing behind a podium on a platform outside of the palace in Aldera. The sun was bright there, shining down on his dark hair and dark eyes, making his olive skin glow.

“My uncle has requested that I take his place as Senator of Alderaan,” Prince Bail Organa of Alderaan was saying. “I will honor his wishes—just as I will honor the wishes of my people of Alderaan, if I am elected as Senator.”

A great cheer went up from the crowd watching the Prince’s speech, even as the screen switched back to the anchor in the studio. “As we can see, Prince Bail Organa, husband to Queen Breha II, has added his name to the list of candidates for this fall’s senatorial race on Alderaan. His uncle, Bail Antilles IV, Alderaan’s current Senator, has come forward to state that he endorses his nephew, who he hopes will replace him at next year’s Senate—”

Palpatine had turned off the viewscreen and stood abruptly, all work forgotten. He had searched in vain for years for the man whose voice he had first heard in dreams. Now, very suddenly, he found himself come into nearly direct contact with him—or, he would, if Bail Organa was elected Senator.

Somehow, he suspected he would.

A knock comes at the door, shaking Palpatine out of his reverie. Palpatine turns and calls, “Come in.” His aide enters.

“Yes?” Palpatine snaps, unhappy to be broken from his thoughts.

“You asked to know the results of Alderaan’s Senatorial race,” says the boy.

“And?” Palpatine asks, fighting to keep his temper from boiling over.

“Prince Bail Organa won.”

“Very well,” Palpatine says, and motions for the boy to leave. He does so, closing the door behind him.

So, thinks Palpatine, the players continue to fall into place.

But was this a good thing, or a bad one? Would Bail Organa cement his place in the galaxy, or would he tear it down?

Could he leave such things to chance?

No, Palpatine decides, just as he had decided every time before. No, I cannot. This man is dangerous. The Force is not with him, but it screams around him. He holds the balance to the galaxy’s future in the palm of his hand—or, at least, one of the balances. Obi-Wan Kenobi, Anakin Skywalker, and Padmé Amidala hold others.

Palpatine grinds his teeth. The old adage, “Keep your friends close but your enemies closer” comes to mind.

But will this man be friend or foe?

Palpatine shakes his head. It does not matter. Regardless, Bail Organa must die. Only his death will ensure that he does not interfere with Palpatine’s plans.

Yes. Bail Organa must die, and soon.

CHAPTER 1

[patriotsnet]

What Republicans Are Running Against Trump

New Post has been published on https://www.patriotsnet.com/what-republicans-are-running-against-trump/

What Republicans Are Running Against Trump

Republican Presidential Hopefuls Move Forward As Trump Considers 2024 Run

Republican Bill Weld running against Trump

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Less than three months after former President Donald Trump left the White House, the race to succeed him atop the Republican Party is already beginning.

Trumps former secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, has launched an aggressive schedule, visiting states that will play a pivotal role in the 2024 primaries, and he has signed a contract with Fox News Channel. Mike Pence, Trumps former vice-president, has started a political advocacy group, finalized a book deal and later this month will give his first speech since leaving office in South Carolina. And Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has been courting donors, including in Trumps backyard, with a prominent speaking slot before the former president at a GOP fundraising retreat dinner this month at Mar-a-Lago, the Florida resort where Trump now lives.

Trump ended his presidency with such a firm grip on Republican voters that party leaders fretted he would freeze the field of potential 2024 candidates, delaying preparations as he teased another run. Instead, many Republicans with national ambitions are openly laying the groundwork for campaigns as Trump continues to mull his own plans.

Read more: Trump vows to help Republicans take back congress in 2022

Theyre raising money, making hires and working to bolster their name recognition. The moves reflect both the fervour in the party to reclaim the White House and the reality that mounting a modern presidential campaign is a yearslong endeavour.

Who Is Trump Reaching

If the former president proves to be a kingmaker in the 2022 midterms, his allies say he may seek reelection in 2024.

The Republican Party is just a name, Steve Bannon told me last week. I had called him to ask about the influence he believes his old boss still carries inside the GOP. The bulk of it is a populist, nationalist party led by Donald Trump. As for the rest of it? The Republican Party, pre-2016, are the modern Whigs, he added, referring to the national party that collapsed in the mid-19th century over divided views on slavery.

Bannon might not be the most reliable barometer of the political moment, but some of Trumps fiercest Republican critics share his belief that the former president maintains a strong grip on his party. He sparked this , and now others are going ahead and taking the baton of batshittery, Representative Adam Kinzinger, a Republican from Illinois and a staunch Trump critic, told me last week.

After losing badly in 2020, the GOP wants candidates who can win in 2022. But the partys biggest star seems less concerned with fellow Republicans electability than with their fealty. Trump aims to punish incumbents who voted for his impeachment and reward those who support the culture war hes stoked. Republicans want to talk about Joe Bidens liberal leanings and how inflation is making life more expensive for most Americans. Trump wants to talk about himself and his personal woes.

What will voters want to hear?

Also Check: Obama Is Republican

House Republican Who Voted To Impeach Trump Won’t Run Again

The Associated Press

Rep. Anthony Gonzalez, R-Ohio, is one of 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach former President Donald Trump for his role in inciting the Jan. 6 insurrection at the Capitol. Susan Walsh/APhide caption

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Rep. Anthony Gonzalez, R-Ohio, is one of 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach former President Donald Trump for his role in inciting the Jan. 6 insurrection at the Capitol.

One of the 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach former President Donald Trump for his role in inciting the Jan. 6 insurrection at the Capitol announced Thursday night he will not seek reelection in Ohio next year.

U.S. Rep. Anthony Gonzalez, a former NFL player with a once-bright political future, cited his two young children for his decision and noted “the chaotic political environment that currently infects our country.” He is the first Latino to represent Ohio in Congress.

“While my desire to build a fuller family life is at the heart of my decision, it is also true that the current state of our politics, especially many of the toxic dynamics inside our own party, is a significant factor in my decisions,” Gonzalez said in his statement.

Gonzalez, 36, would have faced Max Miller in the 2022 primary. Trump has endorsed Miller, his former White House and campaign aide, as part of his bid to punish those who voted for his impeachment or blocked his efforts to overturn the results of the election. Trump rallied for Miller this summer.

You May Like: Trump On Oprah Saying Republicans Are Stupid

Who Are The Republicans Running Against Trump In 2020

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served as a U.S. Representative for South Carolinas 1st congressional district from 1995 to 2001 and 2013 to 2019. Sanford won the 2002 South Carolina gubernatorial election, wherein he defeated the Democratic incumbent Jim Hodges. He was re-elected in the 2006 South Carolina gubernatorial election, and consequently served as Governor of South Carolina from 2003 until 2011.

Former South Carolina Gov. announced Sunday that he is running for president as a Republican, becoming the latest to challenge President Trump in the GOP primaries.

In a series of tweets, Sanford explained the reasons why he was entering the 2020 race as a republican:

I am compelled to enter the Presidential Primary as a Republican for several reasons the most important of which is to further and foster a national debate on our nations debt, deficits and spending.

We have a storm coming that we are neither talking about nor preparing for given that we, as a country, are more financially vulnerable than we have ever been since our Nations start and the Civil War. We are on a collision course with financial reality. We need to act now.

As I have watched the Democrat debates I hear no discussion, or even recognition, of what is occurring. Instead I hear a laundry list of new unpaid for political promises. On the Republican side, spending is up well above President Obama.

Trump Endorsements Jolt Gop Races

While the party is focused on the November 2022 general election, Trumps gaze is fixed on the primary election season that begins next spring.

Former President Donald Trump arrives to speak at a campaign rally at Erie Insurance Arena, in Erie, Pa. |

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Staten Island borough president. Michigan state Senate. Arizona secretary of state.

Donald Trump is endorsing candidates in party primary elections all the way down the ballot, a level of involvement thats virtually unheard of among recent former presidents.

Whats remarkable about Trumps picks isnt just their breadth hes endorsed close to 40 candidates so far in 23 states its their seemingly random quality. Whats even more unusual is that the political goals of the GOPs de facto leader arent necessarily in sync with his own party in some cases, they are starkly at odds.

If theres a thread running through nearly all of Trumps endorsements, it is his habit of rewarding allies and punishing enemies. So far, at the national level, hes backed primary challengers to four House GOP incumbents and one sitting senator all of whom voted for impeachment.

In Georgia, where three of the states top Republicans have incurred Trumps wrath for resisting his efforts to overturn President Joe Bidens win there, Trump has been especially active.

By ANDREW DESIDERIO and JAMES ARKIN

By CLAIRE RAFFORD

By DAVID COHEN

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Read Also: Donald Trump Calling Republicans Stupid

Sen Josh Hawley Of Missouri

Though controversial, Hawley, 41, is a fundraising machine and hes quickly made a name for himself. The blowback Hawley faced for objecting to Bidens Electoral College win included a lost book deal and calls for him to resign from students at the law school where he previously taught. His mentor, former Sen. John Danforth of Missouri, said that supporting Hawley was the biggest mistake Ive ever made in my life.

Still, he brought in more than $1.5 million between Jan. 1 and March 5, according to Axios, and fundraising appeals in his name from the National Republican Senatorial Committee brought in more cash than any other Republican except NRSC Chair Sen. Rick Scott of Florida. Just because youre toxic in Washington doesnt mean you cant build a meaningful base of support nationally.

One Republican strategist compared the possibility of Hawley 2024 to Cruz in 2016. Hes not especially well-liked by his colleagues , but hes built a national profile for himself and become a leading Republican voice opposed to big technology companies.

Hawley and his wife, Erin, have three children. He got his start in politics as Missouri attorney general before being elected to the Senate in 2018. Hawley graduated from Stanford and Yale Law.

Trump Endorses Republican To Run Against Rep Liz Cheney In Wyoming

Former President Donald Trump on Thursday endorsed Wyoming attorney Harriet Hageman in her expected primary challenge against Republican Rep. Liz Cheney.

I strongly endorse Republican House of Representatives Candidate Harriet Hageman from Wyoming who is running against warmonger and disloyal Republican, Liz Cheney, Trump said in a statement.

Harriet is a fourth-generation daughter of Wyoming, a very successful attorney, and has the support and respect of a truly great U.S. Senator, Wyomings own Cynthia Lummis. Harriet Hageman adores the Great State of Wyoming, is strong on Crime and Borders, powerfully supports the Second Amendment, loves our Military and our Vets, and will fight for Election Integrity and Energy Independence . Unlike RINO Liz Cheney, Harriet is all in for America First. Harriet has my Complete and Total Endorsement in replacing the Democrats number one provider of sound bites, Liz Cheney. Make America Great Again!

Trump has long opposed Cheney, one of a handful of Republicans to vote twice to impeach Trump, and Politico reports that backing Hageman will test his ability to get candidates into Congress.

The left-leaning political website also reported that as a final step before officially announcing her campaign later this week, Hageman resigned Tuesday as one of Wyomings members of the Republican National Committee.

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Republicans Who Embraced Trumps Big Lie Run To Become Election Officials

Countrywide campaigns for secretaries of state underscore new Republican focus to take control of election administration

Democrats: Texas voting bill marks dark day for democracy

Republicans who have embraced baseless claims about the 2020 election being stolen are now running to serve as the chief elections officials in several states, a move that could give them significant power over election processes.

The campaigns, first detailed by Politico last week, underscore a new focus to take control of election administration. Secretaries of state, who are elected to office in partisan contests that have long been overlooked, wield enormous power over election rules in their state, are responsible for overseeing election equipment, and are a key player in certifying making official election results.

Winning secretary of state offices across the country would give conspiracy theorists enormous power to wreak havoc in the 2024 presidential election, including potentially blocking candidates who win the most votes from taking office.

This is an indication of wanting, basically, to have a man inside who can undermine, said Sylvia Albert, the director of voting and elections at Common Cause, a government watchdog group. Clearly these are not people who believe in the rule of law. And people who run our government need to follow the rule of law. So it is concerning that they are running.

Former Us Ambassador To The United Nations Nikki Haley

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Haley, 49, stands out in the potential pool of 2024 Republican candidates by her resume. She has experience as an executive as the former governor of South Carolina and foreign policy experience from her time as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations.

Haley was a member of the Republican Partys 2010 tea party class. A former South Carolina state representative, her long shot gubernatorial campaign saw its fortunes improve after she was endorsed by Sarah Palin. Haley rocketed from fourth to first just days after the endorsement, and she went on to clinch the nomination and become her states first female and first Indian-American governor.

As governor, she signed a bill removing the Confederate flag from the state Capitol following the white supremacist attack at the Emanuel African Methodist Church in Charleston. She left office in 2017 to join the Trump administration as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, and Quinnipiac poll found she was at one point the most popular member of Trumps foreign policy team.

I think that shes done a pretty masterful job in filling out her resume, said Robert Oldendick, a professor and director of graduate studies at the University of South Carolinas department of political science.

Haley criticized Trump following the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol by his supporters, saying she was disgusted by his conduct. Oldendick said he thought her pretty pointed criticism of the president will potentially cause some problems.

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Sen Tim Scott Of South Carolina

One thing Scott has going for him that other potential 2024 contenders do not is a bunch of their endorsements. Scotts up for reelection next year, and in an ad kicking off his campaign released last week, Republicans including Cruz, Pompeo, Haley and Pence all backed his candidacy. Scott is positioning himself as a Trump-friendly conservative. In his ad, he included a clip of Trump calling him a friend of mine, and at a rally for his reelection, Scott said he wanted to make sure this wasnt a centrist crowd after asking them to boo Biden louder, according to The State.

Trump Opposes Republicans Running For Ohio Senator As His Family Renames Cleveland Indians To Guardians

Former President Donald Trump announced on Monday that he did not want to win the Republican primary in Ohio to fill the retired seat of Senator Rob Portman.

Trump aimed at Ohio State University Senator Matt Doran. Matt Doran officially participated in the race earlier in the day.

Dolans family owns the Cleveland Indians and will change the name of the team to Cleveland Guardians after the end of the season.

People who change the name of the once renowned Cleveland Indians to the Cleveland Guardians should not run for the US Senate, Trump said.

20:02 EDT, September 20, 2021 | Has been updated: 21:24 EDT, September 20, 2021

Former president Donald Trump Announced on Monday who didnt want to see him win the Republican primary Ohio To fill retired Senator Rob Portman Senate Seat.

Ohio Senator Matt Doran officially participated in the race earlier in the day as Trump announced that the Cleveland Indians owner Dorans family would change his name to Guardian after the baseball season was over. I aimed at Doran.

People who change the name of the once renowned Cleveland Indians to the Cleveland Guardians should not run for the US Senate on behalf of the great people in Ohio, Trump said in a statement.

Former President Donald Trump sent a statement Monday night that he would not support Ohio Senator Matt Dorans bid to the US Senate.

Trump correctly pointed out that Matt Doran was publicly critical of his familys decision to change his name.

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Emboldened ‘unchanged’ Trump Looks To Re

The set of advisers around Trump now is a familiar mix of his top 2020 campaign aides and others who have moved in and out of his orbit over time. They include Miller, Susie Wiles, Bill Stepien, Justin Clark, Corey Lewandowski and Brad Parscale.

While his schedule isn’t set yet, according to Trump’s camp, his coming stops are likely to include efforts to help Ohio congressional candidate Max Miller, a former White House aide looking to win a primary against Rep. Anthony Gonzales, who voted to impeach Trump this year; Jody Hice, who is trying to unseat fellow Republican Brad Raffensperger as Georgia secretary of state after Raffensperger defied Trump and validated the state’s electoral votes; and Alabama Senate candidate Mo Brooks, according to Trump’s camp.

Trump’s ongoing influence with Republican voters helps explain why most GOP officeholders stick so closely to him. Republicans spared him a conviction in the Senate after the House impeached him for stoking the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, House GOP leaders have made it clear that they view his engagement as essential to their hopes of retaking the chamber, and Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyo., was deposed as Republican Conference Chair this year over her repeated rebukes of Trump.

Those numbers suggest that Trump could be in a strong position to win a Republican primary but lose the general election in 3½ years. A former Trump campaign operative made that case while discussing Trump’s ambitions.

Republicans Not Named Trump Who Could Run In 2024

A growing number of Republicans are already jockeying ahead of 2024 as they await former President TrumpDonald TrumpCapitol Police officer who shot Ashli Babbitt says he saved lives on Jan. 6Biden presses Fox’s Doocey about Trump-Taliban dealBiden says deadly attack won’t alter US evacuation mission in AfghanistanMOREs decision on another possible White House run.

While Trump has not confirmed whether he will launch a third presidential bid, he has repeatedly teased the idea since losing the election in 2020.

I’m absolutely enthused. I look forward to doing an announcement at the right time, Trump said earlier this month. As you know, it’s very early. But I think people are going to be very, very happy when I make a certain announcement.

But that hasnt stopped speculation from building around other high-profile Republicans seen as potential heirs apparent to the former president.

Here are nine Republicans not named Trump who could run for president in 2024.

Ron DeSantisBiden’s stumble on Afghanistan shouldn’t overshadow what he’s accomplished so farMaskless dad assaulted student who confronted him, police sayTampa Bay residents asked to conserve water to conserve COVID-19 oxygen supplyMORE

DeSantis came in second place behind Trump in the Conservative Political Action Conference straw poll in Orlando earlier this year.

DeSantis, who is running for reelection in 2022, also offered a preview of whats to come in his political future.

Rick Scott

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[georgecmatthews]

It’s Election Day, and the Senate is definitely in play

A year ago, anyone who looked at the map of Senate seats up in 2020 would have concluded that Democrats had a difficult path back to the majority. Fast forward a year and the persistent lead of former Vice President Joe Biden over President Donald Trump, along with a gusher of campaign cash for Democratic candidates, suddenly has Republicans playing defense in usually reliable red states.

The current split in the Senate is 53 Republicans to 45 Democrats along with two Independent senators, Angus King from Maine and Bernie Sanders from Vermont, who caucus with Democrats. Based on that ratio, Democrats need a net gain of three seats if Biden wins or a net gain of four if President Trump is re-elected.

Of the seats Democrats are defending, two are considered most likely to flip to the Republicans: Doug Jones of Alabama and Gary Peters of Michigan. On the Republican side, there are nine seats considered most likely to flip: Martha McSally in Arizona, Cory Gardner in Colorado, Joni Ernst in Iowa, Susan Collins in Maine, Steve Daines in Montana, Thom Tillis in North Carolina, and Lindsey Graham in South Carolina.

Separately, David Perdue finds himself in a neck-and-neck race with Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff in Georgia. Perdue’s tenuous situation is partially due to being overshadowed by an intense special election for the second Senate seat that is playing out in a “jungle primary” between Republicans Kelly Loeffler and Doug Collins and Democrats Raphael Warnock and Matt Lieberman. Both races must result in one candidate reaching a 50% threshold or face a January runoff.

The good news for Democrats is that there are more Republican seats in play than Democratic seats. The bad news for Democrats is that many of those seats are in usually reliable red states.

Today, on Election Day, let us consider the factors that give Democratic challengers hope and Republican incumbents cause for concern.

Money

It’s long been said that money is the mother’s milk of politics, and that could not be more accurate than this year. The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC) has raised more than $244 million in this cycle compared to $148 million in 2018. The National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC) has raised a similar amount this year, bringing in nearly $220 million – about $70 million more than they raised in 2018. What does all this money do? It allows both parties to make their case on television, a lot. The NRSC and affiliated Republican groups have spent over $257 million on television spots across 10 battleground states. The DSCC and affiliated groups have, similarly, spent $256 million across the same 10 states.

Source: Federal Election Commission, as of Oct. 23, 2020

Individual candidates are raising eye-popping sums as well, changing the shape of races once thought safe. Take South Carolina, for example, in a race that six months ago, no one thought would be close. Democratic challenger Jaime Harrison has pulled within striking distance of longtime incumbent Senator Lindsey Graham. As of Sept. 30, Harrison had raised $86.8 million to Graham’s $59.4 million. In a dark red state that President Trump carried easily in 2016, Harrison has made a race of it. In fact, he shattered a three-month, $38 million fundraising record previously held by Beto O’Rourke in 2018 by raising an eye-popping $57 million in the third quarter of 2020.

In neighboring North Carolina, Army veteran and former state legislator Cal Cunningham has raised $43.4 million, outpacing Senator Thom Tillis, who has raised less than half of that. Outside prognosticators have this race as a toss-up or leaning Democratic, but late revelations of an extramarital affair may damage some of Cunningham’s standing with voters.

Yet more money does not always equal electoral success. Senator Doug Jones in Alabama has raised nearly $25 million, three times the amount raised by his challenger, former Auburn football coach Tommy Tuberville. Yet, Jones continues to trail Tuberville by double digits in recent polls.

This pattern of Democrats significantly outraising Republicans is playing out in battlegrounds across the country. The notable exception is in Michigan, where Senator Gary Peters is in a close race with businessman and Army veteran John James. Peters has raised $35.6 million to James’ $33.9 million. While outside observers rate this race as leaning Democratic, it is the race that keeps Democratic strategists up at night, and a loss here could complicate the Democrats’ path to the majority.

Three potential Senate scenarios

1. Blue Wave

The dream scenario for Democrats is a blue wave that washes over the nation, carries Biden to the White House and gives him a majority in both the Senate and House of Representatives. The key questions in this scenario are how large a Senate majority and will it be enough to allow Biden to enact some of his more ambitious agenda items.

It seems unlikely that Democrats would achieve a “supermajority” of 60 or more votes necessary to break any filibuster and, if past is prologue, then Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) will use all the tools at his disposal to try to stop the Democratic agenda.

This concern gives rise to talk of ending the filibuster, the procedure that gives any individual senator the ability to prevent the Senate from moving forward on legislation. While this seems like a simple thing for a new majority to do at the beginning of the Congress, it is not easy procedurally or politically. Eliminating the filibuster by changing the rules would require two-thirds of senators to be present and voting, or 67 votes if all 100 senators are present and voting. It is unlikely that any senator in the minority would vote to give away their leverage over the Senate’s agenda. Democrats could choose to modify the filibuster instead by banning it on certain proceedings, as was done for judicial nominations, or make it more difficult to use by requiring senators to filibuster in person.

For example, Democrats could choose to eliminate the filibuster on “motions to proceed,” which are the motions that allow the Senate to move to debate. This would preserve a senator’s right to object to passage of the underlying matter without preventing the Senate from considering it at all. A new Senate majority could limit the time for debate on certain kinds of legislation as has been done for the annual budget resolution, to prevent arms sales to foreign governments or to ratify trade agreements. Because of the two-thirds requirement to change the standing rules, the new majority would have to rely on creating a new “precedent,” which can be done by a simple majority. This process involves having the Senate’s presiding officer rule on a point of order, then appealing the ruling and voting to overturn it. This vote requires only a simple majority. Former Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nevada) used this process in 2013 for certain judicial nominations. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) used the same process in 2017 for Supreme Court nominations.

The Senate could also return to the form of the filibuster abandoned in the 1970s. Before that, senators who objected to legislation had to do so in person on the Senate floor. This was because the Senate considered bills in sequence and could not move on to other business until the current matter had been disposed of. A change in Senate procedure proposed by then-Majority Whip Robert Byrd (D-West Virginia) allowed the majority leader under unanimous consent, or with agreement of the minority leader, to set aside the pending issue and move on to other business. Changing it back would preserve the filibuster but force senators to be particular about when they object.

Politically, there are Democrats who have expressed either misgivings with or outright objection to changing the rule. Senator Joe Manchin (D-West Virginia), for example, has come out against changing the filibuster. Senators John Tester (D-Montana) and Angus King (D-Maine) have both suggested that modification is preferable. The conventional wisdom is that if Democrats take the Senate, incoming Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-New York) will wait to see how opposition to Biden’s agenda materializes before making any significant changes to Senate rules.

An alternative would be for Democrats to use a process under the Budget Control Act of 1974 called “reconciliation.” It expedites the passage of certain budget-related items without the threat of the filibuster. For reconciliation to be used, both the House and Senate would have to pass a concurrent budget resolution (not an easy task these days). This process has been used in the past, including for tax cuts passed during the George W. Bush and Trump administrations and – contrary to popular belief – only to make a series of discrete budgetary changes to Obamacare (not to pass the actual law). In fact, progressive groups have already called for Congress to use this process to enact climate change legislation.

2. Republicans Hold Senate

A second scenario is a Biden victory and Republicans retaining the Senate. In this case, the Senate will continue to be the place where Democratic agenda items go to die. Neither the Green New Deal (nor any form of major climate change legislation) nor Medicare for All will be considered, let alone pass in a 117th Congress controlled by Senate Republicans. There could be agreement on an infrastructure package, but even that would be fraught with disagreements of the size, focus, and how to pay for it.

3. Status Quo

A third scenario is status quo — Trump is re-elected, Republicans retain control of the Senate, and Democrats retain control of the House of Representatives. In this scenario, there may be opportunities for progress on COVID-19 relief and infrastructure spending. However, look for many of the same pitched battles on contentious issues like health care, more confirmation of conservative federal judges (appointment by the president and confirmation by the Republican Senate), and President Trump turning to executive orders and regulatory fiat to overcome the overall stalemate in Congress.

Regardless of who wins the presidency, the fortunes of the next administration rest solely in the hands of the Senate.

Important information

Blog header image: ElevenPhotographs / Unsplash

The opinions referenced above are those of the authors as of Oct. 27, 2020. These comments should not be construed as recommendations, but as an illustration of broader themes. Forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future results. They involve risks, uncertainties and assumptions; there can be no assurance that actual results will not differ materially from expectations.

from Expert Investment Views: Invesco Blog https://www.blog.invesco.us.com/its-election-day-and-the-senate-is-definitely-in-play/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=its-election-day-and-the-senate-is-definitely-in-play

[larryeconomy]

The Late Late Show posted then deleted this tweet today. The video is a clip of a joke that wasn’t aired in the actual show. It’s a dig at Roy Moore who allegedly dated and sexually assaulted teenaged girls. For those who are not updated, Harry filled in for James Corden because James’ wife Julia went into labor and had a baby girl.

”I am very familiar with Roy Moore. I’ve had to throw him out of more than a dozen of my concerts.”

Fans were pressed so here is my two cents:

1. It’s a joke delivered by Harry and written by the pool of writers of the show. Both Harry and the show are responsible for it.

2. It’s a joke related to current events which is normal at The Late Late Show and other talk shows. Roy Moore just lost to Doug Jones in the Alabama Senatorial Race the same day the show was aired. It was actually brave of Harry to deliver a politically-related joke and not just fluff like we expected.

3. It’s a joke that is also A STAB at Roy Moore. “Kicking him out from Harry’s concert” alludes to the fact that he doesn’t approve of him because he allegedly molested minors.

4. The joke DOESN’T say that Harry is “kicking him out” because Roy Moore is Republican. This is a mistake of the team. They just assumed that all viewers know that Roy Moore has alleged sexual harassment charges.

5. It’s a joke that suggests that there are teenaged girls at Harry’s concerts. It doesn’t say that all of Harry’s fans are teenaged girls. It wasn’t a generalization.

6. It’s a joke that DOESN’T make fun of or belittle sexual harassment. It is literally a statement against sexual harassment. Again, it is actually brave of Harry to take a stand.

Please DO NOT COMPARE IT TO THE PEPSI COMMERCIAL WITH KENDALL JENNER. That advert was a blatant disrespect to the people who are actually suffering and fighting for their lives, the key word here being “blatant”.

At the end of the day, it’s a joke. There are bad jokes and good jokes. Whether it is good or bad depends on each and everyone’s opinion. If you think that this is in bad taste, then let us understand that these writers and Harry are humans and make mistakes. People called them out and they deleted the video. They didn’t even air it. They realized that the video might be misinterpreted and rectified it before it snowballs.

Let us move on, support Harry, support James and The Late Late Show. Most importantly, stop sending hate and “Treat People with Kindness.” 12/13/17

[biblioncollection]

American Politician | Francis Marion Crawford | Published 1800 -1900 | Audiobook full unabridged | English | 1/6 Content of the video and Sections beginning time (clickable) - Chapters of the audiobook: please see First comments under this video. In 1880’s Boston, Mass. the good life is lead according to all the Victorian era societal rules of the New World. Political ambitions and the business of making money go hand in hand. A Senate seat suddenly opens up due to the current junior senator’s unexpected death, and the political machinations to fill the seat begin. Senatorial candidate John Harrington is a young idealist who thinks that fighting for truth and justice, regardless of political affiliation, is the way. But he is told he can’t possibly win because he isn’t partisan enough. His opponents in the iron mine, railroad and shipping business sabotage his first bid for office, because he wants to do away with protectionism in trade to open up global competition. He eventually succeeds in winning a Senate seat. He gives a rousing speech to Congress as they gather to elect a President in a race which has ended in a three way tie. His message is that blindly following a party’s positions and principles is not being free and independent, and will not always lead to the best person being elected, or to the best decisions being made for the country as a whole. (Summary written by Maire Rhode) This is a Librivox recording. If you want to volunteer please visit https://librivox.org/ by Priceless Audiobooks

[obiwanwhat]

What We Could Have Been - Episodes 1&2

So after my recent (well, it was recent when i started this six months ago) experience rewatching the prequels and my discovery of the Obidala ship, I realized that it would make so much more sense for Obi-Wan and Padme to be a couple because (in my opinion) they're much better suited for each other. So here’s my take on how the prequels could have featured Obidala and yet still have been OT canon compliant. (Continued here)

 When Padme Amidala escapes the Naboo blockade, she finds herself drawn to the tall, handsome Jedi apprentice who helped her escape. She approaches him when they’re on the ship together, in part out of desperation for someone new to talk to - her handmaidens are wonderful, but they are living reminders of all the people she’s left to the mercy of the Trade Federation. To her surprise, he understands when she describes her shame at leaving her people behind; though she talks from the perspective of a handmaiden, she feels like his response is an answer for her feelings as a queen. When Qui-Gon dies, Padme is the one Obi-Wan turns to for comfort; she's the only one one the planet (other than Anakin) who significantly interacted with Qui-Gon. At first, he just cries on her shoulder, too grief-stricken to care about emotion not being the way of the Jedi. Eventually, tears give way to talk; Obi-Wan tells Padme about his time as Qui-Gon’s apprentice, about lessons he'd learned, adventures they'd been through together. About how Qui-Gon took him back after he left the Jedi Order on Melinda/Daan, about the fights the two of them had, about his Master’s irritating habit of adopting pathetic life forms. Padme shares her own stories about her own brief interactions with Qui-Gon on Tatooine, about how frustrated she'd been with his recklessness in putting everything into the pod race, while still being impressed by his kindness toward the two slaves. They talk late into the night, and eventually Obi-Wan falls asleep with his head on Padme’s shoulder. It's about a week after Obi-Wan leaves Naboo that he gets his first letter (email? Whatever the Star Wars universe digital equivalent of letters is). It opens with a solid paragraph of question - how is he doing, does he enjoy being a Jedi knight now, how’s Anakin, and so on - and ends with description of Naboo recovering from the occupation - which of course, she says, wouldn't have been possible without him and Qui-Gon. Never before has someone he’s befriended on a mission contacted him like this afterwards. At first, he only responds out of politeness and a feeling of debt - Padme helped him through the night his Master died, the least he can do is respond to her letters - but pretty soon he starts enjoying hearing from her. They discuss everything - Anakin’s training, Obi-Wan’s missions, Padme’s duties (first as a queen and then as a senator), childhood memories, favorite books, politics, and pretty much every other subject. Obi-Wan always tells himself it isn't really an attachment, because it’s not like he ever actually sees her, and it’s not against the Jedi code to have friends, for force’s sake. Still, he never mentions to anyone - not even Anakin - that he’s still in touch with Padme. Fast forward to ten years, to when a bounty hunter attacks Padme and Obi-Wan and Anakin are assigned to protect her from danger. Obi-Wan has mixed feelings about the assignment - he’s happy to see Padme, of course, but he’s also worried about her safety - even for senators, assassin attacks aren't normal. So he and Anakin walk into Padme’s rooms, and Obi-Wan thinks that this is just going to be a normal assignment until he sees Padme for the first time in ten years. His mind just totally blanks for a second, because he does not remember her being this beautiful? She was a girl the last time he saw her, but now she’s a woman - and an extraordinary one at that. So Obi-Wan just stares at her in shock for a minute while she exclaims over how much Anakin’s grown, and Anakin makes an idiot of himself responding, and then Obi-Wan pulls himself together enough to greet her and say how wonderful it is to see her again and the like. On the other side of it, Padme sees Obi-Wan for the first time in ten years and her first thought is oh. Because sure, she thought he was cute ten years ago, but in the past 10 years he's become more of a voice than a face. It’s a bit of a surprise to realize that this very attractive man is the same person as the cute Padawan she met ten years ago. She’s significantly better than Obi-Wan at hiding this type of emotion, however, so she’s able to continue on with the reintroduction unflustered. When Obi-Wan finds that Kamino is missing from the Jedi Archives, the Council decides there’s more going on than they can see and sends Mace Windu to investigate. Obi-Wan and Anakin are both sent to Naboo with Padme, because at this point (before the war), it’s extremely irregular for an Padawan and their master to be sent on separate assignments. During the journey to Naboo, Anakin finds out that Padme and Obi-Wan have been pen pals for the past ten years - he’s surprised his master never mentioned it to him. Padme is also curious why Obi-Wan kept their correspondence a secret, but, ever the diplomat, she says nothing about it. Anakin has been hopelessly in love with Padme since the first moment he saw her, but he does not attempt to make his feelings known, mainly because Obi-Wan’s there and he doesn’t ever get the chance to talk to Padme alone. Mostly, Padme just does senatorial work - even when she’s in hiding, she can still draft bills, review laws others are suggesting, and keep updated on the current Senate meetings so she won’t need to be filled in when she returns. Anakin and Obi-Wan stay close by, but mostly leave Padme to her own devices. During this time, Anakin tells Obi-Wan that the dreams he’s been having about his mother have been getting worse. Obi-Wan tells Anakin that they must stay focused on the senator - she’s their current assignment, and they can’t let anything compromise their ability to keep her safe. Anakin understands, he really does...but after one more awful dream about his mother dying in horrible pain, he can’t take it any more. One Jedi really is enough for a bodyguard, Anakin thinks to himself. Obi-Wan doesn’t really need him here on Naboo, but his mother does need him - he can feel it. So he leaves a note for Obi-Wan, steals a ship, and hightails it to Tatooine. Obi-Wan is both furious and conflicted when he wakes up the next morning to find Anakin gone. Furious, because why can't his Padawan listen to him just this once, and conflicted between his responsibility to his mission guarding Padme and his duty as a Master to Anakin. For a Padawan Anakin’s age to desert his mission and disobey direct orders from his master.....the Jedi Council could expel Anakin for this. They’d almost definitely argue that it is proof that Anakin is controlled by his attachments to others, and that he is unfit to be a Jedi. But if Obi-Wan can get Anakin back fast enough the Council doesn't have to know....on the other hand, Padme is in real danger; she could be killed if he isn’t around to protect her. As soon as Padme hears that Anakin is gone, however, she insists that they go to Tatooine to find him. Obi-Wan tries to protest, saying that he can’t risk taking her into the domain of the Hutts, but Padme insists that she refuses to risk Anakin being expelled from the Jedi on her behalf. So they find the most nondescript ship they can get their hands on, and head off after Anakin. Obi-Wan’s surprised to find that Padme is actually a pretty decent copilot. When he comments on this - saying that he didn’t think it was something taught to Queens or Senators - Padme just laughs, saying that she learned from his letters that people can have need of many skills that aren't usually expected of them. Even though Obi-Wan’s worried sick about Anakin, he realizes he hasn't enjoyed a flight so much in...well, possibly ever. Conversation with Padme is just as enjoyable in person as it was through letters, and even in a dusty traveler’s disguise she’s so beautiful and full of life that he can't help but stare at her (attachment is forbidden, part of his mind whispers, but he shoves it aside because she is his mission, and what's the harm him talking to her if they have to be together anyway?). They find Anakin as he buries his mother. Obi-Wan can feel the Dark Side of the Force coiling around Anakin, as though it was toying with him, though Anakin himself doesn't feel Dark. It’s obvious that something happened before they got there, but Anakin refuses to tell Obi-Wan anything. Obi-Wan doesn't know what to do because Anakin won’t talk and he won’t apologize, and every minute he spends on Tatooine puts Padme in more and more danger. He’s about ready to drag his padawan back to their ship by the ear when they receive a holocom from Mace Windu, who demands to know what the hell they’re doing on Tatooine before immediately launching into a description of what he found at Geonosis and requesting backup. The transmission is cut off abruptly as Mace is captured by the Geonosians. Both Anakin and Obi-Wan know that whatever help the Council can send won’t arrive in time to save Mace, so Obi-Wan leaves Anakin with strict orders to take Padme straight back to Naboo. On the way home, Anakin, torn up by guilt, confesses his slaughter of the Tuskens to Padme. This confession, unlike the one in a different universe, holds no anger, only shame - it occurs long enough after the event that only guilt is left. In this universe, Padme is shocked and horrified, and perhaps even a little scared. Slaughtering an entire village - including children - out of rage? Padme’s gotten to know quite a bit about the Jedi from Obi-Wan’s letters, and she knows that what Anakin’s done goes against everything the Jedi stand for. This Padme isn't blinded by love - she realizes the horror of what Anakin’s done. It takes years - and the knowledge that they've all done equally terrible things throughout the course of the war - for her to be able to look him in the eye. Meanwhile, Obi-Wan is captured, and Yoda appears with the clones to save the day. Obi-Wan duels Dooku and loses; Yoda enters to battle his former apprentice. Just before Yoda appears, however, when Obi-Wan is disarmed and on the ground with Dooku’s lightsaber pointed at his throat, he’s surprised at the direction his thoughts turn: toward Padme. As he thinks he’s about to die, Obi-Wan realizes that he’s in love with Padme - that perhaps he has been for years, but seeing her again is what cemented it. And then Yoda shows up, and Obi-Wan doesn't die, but he knows the truth of what he felt. Padme has the same realization when she sees Obi-Wan again, bruised and battle-weary, after he returns from Geonosis to come back for Anakin and escort her back to Coruscant. The worry she’d felt over the past few days, knowing she might never see him again, might never get to open another one of his letters....everything had been overshadowed by emotion from Anakin’s confession, but now her feelings are crystal clear: she’s in love with Obi-Wan Kenobi. And so before they leave, Obi-Wan sends Anakin to go ready the ship, and they have a moment, just a moment, to confess their feelings for each other and to share a brief, secret kiss. They return to Coruscant, and Anakin is Knighted. He and Obi-Wan become generals, and Padme preaches peace and diplomacy to the Senate. But there is no wedding in this story. Obi-Wan loves Padme with everything in him, but being a Jedi is who he is - there’s no way he could ever leave the Order. Especially while a war is breaking out, and he knows that they’ll need every Jedi they can get. But Padme and Obi-Wan become...something. They are not lovers in the ordinary sense of the word, because Obi-Wan knows that if he crosses that line, he’ll never be able to go back. But neither are they simply friends. They are soulmates, on every level. They are each other’s anchors during a turbulent, seemingly never ending war. But that’s for the next episode. In this moment, when Anakin becomes a Knight and the Clone Wars begin, a silent promise is made, no less strong for all that it is unspoken. A promise to love and support, to care for and to cherish. Till death do them part, and all that.

[pingjoseph2-blog]

Caprara named chief of staff as Pritzker announces transition committee

After winning yesterday’s gubernatorial election by 15 points, today, Governor-elect JB Pritzker announced his Transition Committee and his administration’s Chief of Staff. Serving as his Transition Committee Chair is Lieutenant Governor-elect Juliana Stratton and campaign manager Anne Caprara will serve as chief of staff.

“I am honored to be chairing the transition committee with a remarkable group of leaders who represent the diversity and strength of our state,” said Lieutenant Governor-elect Juliana Stratton. “From day one, JB and I have made a commitment to making sure Illinoisans across the state have a seat at the table as we build an administration to put Springfield back on the side of working families.”

For those interested in positions with the administration, they can apply online at: www.jbandjulianatransition.com.

TRANSITION COMMITTEE MEMBERS

Chair, Lieutenant Governor-elect Juliana Stratton Co-Chair, Barbara Bowman Co-Chair, Mike Carrigan Co-Chair, Former Governor Jim Edgar Co-Chair, Sol Flores Co-Chair, Marty Nesbitt

TRANSITION COMMITTEE STAFF

Chief of Staff, Anne Caprara Transition Director, Nikki Budzinski Deputy Transition Director, Sean Rapelyea Senior Advisor, Former Comptroller Dan Hynes Senior Advisor, State Representative Christian Mitchell Senior Advisor, Michael Sacks Counsel, Jesse Ruiz

TRANSITION COMMITTEE MEMBERS

Chair, Lieutenant Governor-elect Juliana Stratton: State Representative Juliana Stratton has been serving the public, solving problems, and fighting for what’s right throughout her career. As a state representative for the 5th District, Stratton has worked to reform our criminal justice system, raise the minimum wage, and protect a woman’s right to choose. As the Director of the Center for Public Safety and Justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago, she worked to build trust between law enforcement officers and the communities they serve. She graduated with a B.S. from University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and a J.D. from DePaul University and is a proud former delegate at the Illinois Women’s Institute for Leadership. Stratton was born and raised on the South Side of Chicago and currently resides in Bronzeville.

Co-Chair, Barbara Bowman: Barbara Bowman is a nationally recognized advocate for early childhood education and is the Co-Founder of the Erikson Institute and an Irving B. Harris Professor of Child Development. She has worked as Chief Officer for early childhood education for the Chicago Public Schools and served as a consultant to U.S. Secretary of Education during President Obama’s first term. She is a professor, author and award winner.

Co-Chair, Michael Carrigan: Michael Carrigan is currently president of the Illinois AFL-CIO and will be a partner in putting Springfield back on the side of working families. He has served as Secretary-Treasurer of the Illinois AFL-CIO for seven years before becoming president. Prior, he was Business Manager and Financial Secretary for IBEW Local 146 in Decatur from 1992 to 2000. Carrigan served as a journeyman wireman in Decatur before becoming Assistant Business Manager of Local 146.

Co-Chair, Former Governor Jim Edgar: Governor Jim Edgar served as the 38th Governor of Illinois and brings decades of government experience to his role on the transition. During his time as governor, he eliminated a backlog of $1 billion of unpaid health care bills, provided income tax relief and left an unprecedented $1.5 billion in the treasury for his successor. After retiring from elective office, he has continued his commitment to responsible and responsive government as a distinguished fellow at the University of Illinois’ Institute of Government and Public Affairs and he spearheads the Edgar Fellows program.

Co-Chair, Sol Flores: Sol Flores is an emerging leader in her community with a strong knowledge of the social service structure. She is Founding Executive Director of La Casa Norte and founded the organization in 2002. La Casa Norte is a nonprofit organization that provides housing and social services to homeless Latino and African American youth and families in Chicago. She was raised by a single mother who came to Chicago from Puerto Rico and has been recognized as a national Champion of Change for her work by the Obama White House.

Co-Chair, Marty Nesbitt: Martin Nesbitt will bring his extensive business experience to focus on creating jobs and building an inclusive economy that works for everyone. Nesbitt is the Co-CEO of the Vistria Group, LLC and prior to that was the CEO of the Parking Spot, an executive with Pritzker Realty Group, L.P and an Equity Vice President and Investment Manager at LaSalle Partners. He was also the National Treasurer of President Obama’s 2008 and 2012 presidential campaigns. Martin serves on the Board of Directors of FowardLine Financial and Vanta Education. He serves on the Board of Directors of CenterPoint Energy, Norfolk Southern Corporation and American Airlines Groups, he is a Trustee of Chicago’s Museum of Contemporary Art and Chairman of the Barack Obama Foundation.

TRANSITION COMMITTEE STAFF

Anne Caprara will serve as Chief of Staff for the administration and senior advisor during the transition. Anne Caprara recently served as campaign manager for JB Pritzker and Juliana Stratton’s gubernatorial campaign. Caprara is a political professional with over 17 years of experience in Democratic campaigns and legislative offices, Caprara has managed and consulted with candidates and elected officials at every level of state and federal government. Caprara served as chief of staff to Congresswoman Betsy Markey’s from 2008 until 2010. Before that, Caprara served as Chief of Staff for Ohio Congresswoman Betty Sutton. Caprara also served as political director of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and Executive Director of Priorities USA during the 2016 election cycle. She obtained her Masters degree from George Washington University and her undergraduate degree from American University.

Nikki Budzinski will serve as Transition Director. Nikki Budzinski served as Senior Advisor to the JB Pritzker for Governor campaign. Budzinski led JB Pritzker’s exploratory effort for Governor and in her latest role she advised the campaign on political strategy, messaging and outreach. From 2015-2016, Budzinski served as the Labor Campaign Director on Hillary Clinton’s 2016 Presidential Campaign. Prior, Budzinski worked in the labor movement for ten years in Washington, DC, working for the Laborers International Union of North America, International Association of Fire Fighters and United Food and Commercial Workers Unions. Budzinski is a Peoria native and worked for Comptroller Dan Hynes from 1999-2004 in Springfield, Illinois, serving in numerous roles within the Office of the Comptroller and working on both Comptroller Hynes’ reelection campaign and the 2004 U.S. Senator primary election.

Sean Rapelyea will serve as Deputy Transition Director. Sean Rapelyea served as Political Director for JB for Governor He previously served as Illinois Political Director for the Hillary For America campaign during the general election, where she garnered a 17–point win margin. Rapelyea previously served as Deputy Director of Government Affairs for the Office of the Mayor in Chicago after working as a Regional Field Director and Advisor to Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s 2011 and 2015 re-election campaigns. In 2010, he worked on Arkansas Senator’s Blanche Lincoln’s primary, runoff, and general election campaign.

Former Comptroller Dan Hynes will serve as a senior advisor. Dan Hynes currently serves as a senior executive at UBS Asset Management in Chicago, after a distinguished 12-year career in public service as the Comptroller for the State of Illinois. Hynes was elected Comptroller in 1998 as the youngest state constitutional officer since World War II. He was re-elected in 2002 and 2006 by wide margins. In 2011, President Barack Obama named Hynes as the United States Observer to the International Fund for Ireland, which makes investments in Northern Ireland for the purpose of promoting peace and stability in the region. Hynes also serves a member of the Democratic National Committee.

State Representative Christian Mitchell will serve as a senior advisor. Christian Mitchell is the State Representative for the 26th District and Executive Director of the Democratic Party of Illinois. Mitchell began his career as a community organizer, working with churches on the south side of Chicago. He went on to become a trusted advisor to reform minded political leaders. He served as a deputy field director on Lisa Madigan’s re-election campaign, managed the city council race of former 4th Ward Alderman Will Burns, and was Midwest Paid Media and Polling Director for President Obama’s re-election campaign in 2012. He has consulted for State Assembly and Congressional races across the country, and was a Senior Advisor to Senator Tammy Duckworth’s successful 2016 race. Before being elected to office, Mitchell also served on senior staff for Cook County Board President Toni Preckwinkle.

Michael Sacks will serve as a senior advisor. Sacks is the Chairman and CEO of GCM Grosvenor. Grosvenor specializes in the management of multimanager investment portfolios and is a leader in the alternative investment industry. Prior to joining Grosvenor in 1990 he was an Associate with Harris Associates, L.P. He graduated from Tulane University and received his M.B.A and Juris Doctor from Northwestern University. He serves as the Vice Chairman of the World Business Chicago Board of Director and is active in various philanthropic and community activities. He and his wife, Cari have three children.

Jesse Ruiz will serve as counsel to the transition. Ruiz is a Partner at Drinker Biddle and is the President of Chicago Park District Board of Commissioners. He currently serves as a member of the firm’s Diversity and Inclusion Committee. Ruiz has served as Vice President of Chicago Board of Education and Chairman of the Illinois State Board of Education and President of the Hispanic Lawyers Association of Illinois. He was appointed to serves on the U.S. Department of Education Equity and Excellence Commission.

Source: https://capitolfax.com/2018/11/07/caprara-named-chief-of-staff-as-pritzker-announces-transition-committee/

[liz-goodwin]

Nevada Sen. Heller is vulnerable, and first-term congresswoman Jacky Rosen wants to take him on

Jacky Rosen, Democratic candidate for Nevada’s third congressional district, speaks with the Associated Press in Las Vegas. Political newcomers are trying to turn the Republican-held southern Nevada swing congressional district back to Democratic hands. (Photo: John Locher/AP)

LAS VEGAS—Jacky Rosen, a freshman Democratic congresswoman from Nevada, is jumping into the race next year against Republican Sen. Dean Heller, widely viewed as among the most vulnerable Republican incumbents.

“I think the people in Nevada want to have their voices heard,” Rosen told Yahoo News Thursday. “President Trump and Sen. Heller have not been listening.”

Rosen, a former computer programmer and a newcomer to politics and Washington, will likely be attacked from the right for trying to move up to a Senate seat after only a few months on the job in the House. But the Democrats’ gamble in running a relative political outsider against Heller—the Republican they have the best chance of unseating in 2018—could pay off in a climate hostile to career politicians.

Rosen also has ties to two powerful Nevada institutions that will boost her chances to boot Heller next year: Former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and the Culinary Workers Union.

Rosen was a member of the Culinary Workers Union as a young cocktail waitress in the 1970s, when she was working at Caesar’s Palace and other casinos during the summers to help pay her way through college. She remembers waiting around in their offices for the yellow slips that directed her to her shifts. The union’s grassroots energy and organization has helped lead Democratic candidates to victory in the state in the past, and her personal connection may help channel that energy her way.

And Reid, who built the Democratic machine in the state and is still a kingmaker even in retirement, encouraged Rosen to run for her current House seat and then recently again asked her to consider upgrading to the Senate.

“He told me to look inside myself and decide if it was the right thing for me to do,” Rosen said.

But even with Reid’s blessing, Rosen may still face a primary challenge from the left, which could divide Democrats ahead of what is sure to be a blistering battle against Heller.

Rep. Dina Titus, D-Nev., a happy warrior for the left who’s been in Nevada politics for decades, said in a local TV interview that she believed Rosen is a “nice lady” but that Democrats need someone who has been “seasoned in the ring” for this race.

“I know it will be war, and I know it will be brutal,” Titus said of the race against Heller.

Titus is still making up her mind whether to give up her safe Democratic seat representing Las Vegas and throw her hat into the ring. “It’s a personal and political decision,” she said in a statement to Yahoo News. “The election is 16 months away and I am evaluating in what role I can continue to best serve the citizens of Nevada.”

Asked about Titus’ comments that she was not “seasoned,” Rosen said she had non-political life experience that appeals to voters, including being a computer programmer and later consultant, raising her family, taking care of her aging parents and in-laws and being president of her synagogue.

“There’s lots of kinds of experiences that people have in life,” Rosen said. “Just because someone’s been in the political arena for a lot of years doesn’t give them the exclusive right to talk about people’s experience.”

Rosen also racked up major endorsements from Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto, D-Nev., Rep. Ruben Kihuen, D-Nev., and the pro-abortion rights Emily’s List PAC within hours of announcing, making it tougher for Titus to step into the race. “ I need Jacky Rosen with me in the Senate to fight back against Trump’s dangerous agenda and stand up for Nevada’s families,” Cortez Masto said in a statement.

To beat Heller, Rosen must excite and organize Democrats to turn out in an off-cycle election year without provoking Republicans so much that they show up for the unpopular Heller simply to block her. Rosen hasn’t embraced the Democratic “resistance” against Trump as forcefully as Titus—in an interview she said she was a “little bit disappointed” with some of Trump’s cabinet picks and the way he’s treated people, which some voters might consider not disappointed enough.

People protest with the Trump International hotel in the background, Tuesday, June 27, 2017, in Las Vegas. Union officials in Nevada, community members and others gathered Tuesday at a pedestrian bridge over the Las Vegas Strip to urge Republican U.S. Sen. Dean Heller to continue to oppose the current GOP health care bill. (Photo: John Locher/AP)

Two activists huddled under the shade of a small tree in the 110-degree heat outside Heller’s office in Las Vegas Thursday said they preferred Titus over Rosen. “I want Dina Titus to run against Dean Heller,” said Nancy Nakata, who was holding a sign urging Heller to vote ‘no’ on the Senate GOP effort to repeal Obamacare. “She stands for things I believe in.”

Rory Kuykendall, another activist and a member of the Las Vegas Democratic Socialists of America, said he had drawn a “line in the sand” on universal healthcare, which Titus supports and Rosen doesn’t. “We’re not going to accept obstruction from centrist Democrats like Jacky Rosen,” he said. “She’s definitely in the right wing of the Democratic Party.”

Even as far lefties decry Rosen as too centrist, Republicans are readying their campaign to brand her as a “radical” liberal. The National Republican Senatorial Campaign (NRSC) reacted to reports Rosen would run with a scalding statement saying she voted with House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., in her first few months 92 percent of the time and is “nothing more than a rubber stamp for the radical left.” Rick Gorka, a Republican National Committee spokesman, said the group’s polling suggests 75 percent of Nevadans want Democrats to work with Trump. “From our perspective it’s branding and working to define her statewide that Rosen would go from a clone of Nancy Pelosi to a clone of Elizabeth Warren,” he told Yahoo News.

In an interview, Rosen came across as anything but a partisan warrior, emphasizing that she’s a member of the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus in the House that is made up of an equal number of Democrats and Republicans who seek to come to agreement on issues like the budget. “We make the joke we’re like Noah’s Ark, you have to join two-by-two so you get Republicans and Democrats to stay equal,” she said. She emphasized her work on bipartisan bills that targeted human trafficking and protected Americans’ privacy online.

From left, Rep. Dina Titus, D-Nev., Sen. Dean Heller, R-Nev., Rep. Ruben Kihuen, D-Nev., and Rep. Jacky Rosen, D-Nev., talk outside of the hearing room after making statements in opposition to using Yucca Mountain as a nuclear waste disposal site during the House Committee on Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Environment hearing on the “Nuclear Waste Policy Amendments Act Of 2017” on Wednesday, April 26, 2017. (Photo: Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call/Getty Images)

Rosen, who still has a slight Midwestern accent from her childhood in Chicago, was also muted in her criticism of Trump and Heller. She criticized Heller for supporting cuts to Medicaid and his earlier support for ending the Medicaid expansion in Nevada. Heller has since come out against a Republican Senate bill that would roll back Obamacare’s Medicaid expansion in the state, though he is being intensely lobbied by GOP groups and Senate leadership to flip that vote and support the bill. (A Trump-affiliated Super PAC even ran ads against Heller in Nevada on the issue before the president, at the request of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, ordered them pulled.)

“Sen. Heller has been in public office around Nevada for nearly 30 years so he’s been around Nevada, but it’s difficult to point to any legislation that’s passed with his name on it,” Rosen said. “He’s going to have to stand on his record, he’s going to have to shine a spotlight on what he’s been doing and what he stands for.”

Though the first-term congresswoman has lower name recognition in the state than Heller, a Public Policy Polling survey found that Heller and Rosen would be in a dead heat if the election were held today. In that poll, Heller’s approval rating in the state is almost ten points lower than Trump’s, at just 35 percent.

Wayne Allyn Root, a conservative radio talk show host in Nevada, said he believes Nevadans will be turned off by Rosen’s lack of experience. But if Heller doesn’t fix his issues with the Republican base, that might not matter. “They aren’t going to be fooled, but if the whole Republican base stays home for Dean Heller she could win anyway,” Root said.

And some believe the fact that Rosen is a newcomer to politics and Washington, which many voters associate with bickering and ineffectiveness, could be an asset.

“Maybe we do need new people, who worked in business, people who aren’t tainted by Washington to get in there and actually figure out ways to solve problems,” said Laura Martin, the associate director of the Progressive Leadership Alliance of Nevada. “I think people like Heller are in Washington for so long it becomes ‘What can I do to stay in office’ instead of ‘What can I do that supports the people in Nevada.’”

Rosen’s fresh face comes with the drawback of being relatively untested as a candidate. In her only election, Rosen eked out a 1 percent victory in a competitive district against businessman Danny Tarkanian, who’d already lost five elections before challenging her. This Senate race against an incumbent will likely attract tens of millions of dollars in outside spending on negative ads—a whole new level of pressure and scrutiny.

“Even though she’s fresh and doesn’t have a record I don’t know if she’ll be tough enough to beat Heller,” said Chuck Muth, a former GOP party official in Nevada. “I don’t think she’s ever really taken a punch, we don’t know if she has a glass jaw or not.”

Asked about the prospect of an ugly primary, Rosen said she’s just taking the race day by day.

“I’m just going to keep my head down, work hard, try to get my message out, just like I did this last race, and hope that resonates with people,” she said.

Jacky Rosen, Democratic candidate for Nevada’s third congressional district, tours a union training center in Las Vegas on May 3, 2016. Political newcomers are trying to turn the Republican-held southern Nevada swing congressional district back to Democratic hands. (Photo/John Locher/AP)

[theliberaltony]

via Politics – FiveThirtyEight

The Florida U.S. Senate race is still too close to call. According to unofficial results on the Florida Department of State website at 11:45 a.m. Eastern on Friday, Nov. 9, Republican Gov. Rick Scott led Democratic Sen. Bill Nelson by 15,046 votes — or 0.18 percentage points. We’re watching that margin closely because if it stays about that small, it will trigger a recount. It’s already narrowed since election night, when Scott initially declared victory with a 56,000-vote lead.

The changing margin is due to continued vote-counting in Broward and Palm Beach counties, two of Florida’s largest and more Democratic-leaning counties. On Thursday evening, the supervisors of elections in the two counties told the South Florida Sun Sentinel that vote counting there was mostly complete. Under Florida law, counties have to report unofficial election results to the secretary of state by Saturday at noon, but Nelson’s campaign is suing to extend that deadline. Scott’s campaign and the National Republican Senatorial Committee are also suing both counties for not disclosing more information about the ongoing count, and Scott called on the Florida Department of Law Enforcement to investigate Broward’s handling of ballots.

Unusually, the votes tabulated in Broward County so far exhibit a high rate of something called “undervoting,” or not voting in all the races on the ballot. Countywide, 26,060 fewer votes were cast in the U.S. Senate race than in the governor race.1 Put another way, turnout in the Senate race was 3.7 percent lower than in the gubernatorial race.

Broward County’s undervote rate is way out of line with every other county in Florida, which exhibited, at most, a 0.8-percent difference. (There is one outlier — the sparsely populated Liberty County — where votes cast in the Senate race were 1 percent higher than in the governor race, but there we’re talking about a difference of 26 votes, not more than 26,000, as is the case in Broward.)

To put in perspective what an eye-popping number of undervotes that is, more Broward County residents voted for the down-ballot constitutional offices of chief financial officer and state agriculture commissioner than U.S. Senate — an extremely high-profile election in which $181 million was spent. Generally, the higher the elected office, the less likely voters are to skip it on their ballots. Something sure does seem off in Broward County; we just don’t know what yet.

One possible reason for the discrepancy is poor ballot design. Broward County ballots listed the U.S. Senate race first, right after the ballot instructions. But that pushed the U.S. Senate race to the far bottom left of the ballot, where voters may have skimmed over it, while the governor’s race appears at the top of the ballot’s center column, immediately to the right of the instructions.

Sun Sentinel reporters talked with a ballot expert, who said that some voters may not have noticed the Senate race (perhaps thinking it was just part of the ballot instructions) and started filling out their ballot with the governor race instead. That theory is supported by a data consultant who’s worked for several political campaigns in Florida, who found that the parts of Broward County that fall in the 24th Congressional District did see higher levels of undervoting than other parts of the county. That might be because the 24th District was uncontested, which according to Florida law means that the congressional race did not appear on the ballot at all. As you can see in the sample ballot above, the congressional race would also appear in the lower-left corner on many ballots, along with the Senate race. In districts where there was no congressional race on the ballot, however, that corner would have looked even emptier, perhaps making it easier for voters to inadvertently skip over the Senate race.

An alternative explanation is that an error with the vote-tabulating machines in Broward County caused them to sometimes not read people’s votes for U.S. Senate. If that’s true, we would probably only find out if there is a manual recount. According to Florida law, any election that’s within half a percentage point (as this one currently is) triggers a machine recount; then, after the machine recount, if the race is within a quarter of a percentage point, it goes to a much more complex manual recount — a.k.a. each ballot is recounted by hand. As long as the machine recount doesn’t change the Senate results too much (barring a surprise in the remaining ballots in Broward and Palm Beach), it looks like that’s where we’re headed. In addition, Republican former Rep. Ron DeSantis and Democratic Tallahassee Mayor Andrew Gillum are separated by just 0.44 points in the governor’s race, so that could go to a machine recount, too.

But recounts rarely change the outcomes of elections. A FairVote analysis found that the average recount from 2000 to 2015 shifted the election margin by an average of just 0.02 percentage points. The largest margin swing was 1,247 votes — coincidentally also coming in Florida, in the 2000 presidential race. If Nelson is going to stage a comeback in the Sunshine State, he’ll almost certainly have to close the gap between him and Scott even more in the next couple of days.

[thisdaynews]

Inside Susan Collins’ reelection fight in the age of Trump

New Post has been published on https://thebiafrastar.com/inside-susan-collins-reelection-fight-in-the-age-of-trump/

Inside Susan Collins’ reelection fight in the age of Trump

GOP Sen. Susan Collins‘ reelection campaign is expected to be the most expensive in Maine history. | AP Photo/Patrick Whittle

2020 elections

The four-term Republican is facing a formidable opponent, anger over her support of Justice Brett Kavanaugh and Democrats energized over the president’s divisive politics.

OLD TOWN, Maine — Shortly after Barack Obama won and Susan Collins was reelected in 2008, the president invited her to the White House to pitch the economic stimulus. It was not particularly subtle.

“He said: ‘You know Susan, they really like me in Maine. And I did really well in the last election,’” Collins recounted over sandwiches at the Governor’s Restaurant in Eastern Maine. “I practically had to bite my tongue in two to avoid saying: ‘They do like you Mr. President, but they liked me better.’”

Story Continued Below

For Collins to win a fifth term, she needs Mainers to again like her more than the current White House occupant. A whole lot more.

The 66-year-old political giant is facing the race of her life despite her universal name recognition and bipartisan reputation. President Donald Trump is targeting Maine as a battleground while his divisive politics has cleaved the state in two, and Collins has to share the ticket with him.

National Democrats, meanwhile, are backing Sara Gideon as her likely opponent, a battle-tested statehouse speaker who raised more than $1 million in the week after her launch.

Projected to be the most expensive in Maine’s history, the race is of imperative importance for party leaders and the Senate institution itself. With scarce opportunities elsewhere, Senate Democrats essentially need Gideon to win to gain a minimum of three seats and the majority. In the Senate, a Collins loss would be a potentially fatal blow to the reeling center of the chamber.

Faced with a cavalcade of challenges, Collins is projecting confidence while balancing her meticulous senatorial approach with an unmistakable shift into campaign mode. Collins, who is sitting on $5 million in campaign cash, bashes Gideon as a candidate who has “outsourced her campaign” to Washington and her longtime aides are gearing up for a knife fight.

Collins’ approval ratings, though, dipped below 50 percent in one poll. Republican strategists say they have her above 50 percent but acknowledge her unfavorables are up.

Collins is self-aware of her plight. She knows supporting Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh cost her and laments that decision helped bring the permanent campaign to Vacationland.

“Have I lost some votes because of my decision to support Justice Kavanaugh? Yes, I have. And I’m sad about that because I explained in great depth my decision-making,” Collins said. But “there still is an appreciation in Maine for someone who looks at the facts of an issue, votes with integrity and independence.”

Party leaders are openly preoccupied with Collins’ fate.

“We’re paying a lot of attention to it. She’s made some tough votes, she stepped up big time and did a very courageous thing … on the Kavanaugh vote. But there’s a political price that comes with that,” acknowledged Senate Majority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.). “She’s the person that can keep that seat.”

Collins hasn’t officially announced her campaign, though it would take a seismic event for her not to run.

“No doubt that this is going to be a tough race,” Collins said. But “those who are eager to count me out … should take a look at [2008], where I had a truly, very worthy superior candidate.”

That’s a swipe at Gideon, an energetic 47-year-old mother of three who is eager to contrast Collins’ efficacy in the Trump era with her own role battling former Gov. Paul LePage and pushing progressive legislation. The race is already getting ugly.

Gideon says Mainers are “worried” that special interests are coming before them and suggests Collins stood by while thousands lost their lives to gun violence. Collins and her team see Gideon as a hypocrite on big money in politics and are ready to whack her for corporate donations and a campaign finance violation.

The tense atmosphere is not what Maine, or Collins, is used to. The Trump Era has frustrated a senator known for rigorous research, mild manners and a belief the Senate can still solve problems.

She toils away on health care legislation, then is confronted with the president’s tweets. She voted against the Obamacare repeal, then the administration backed a lawsuit aimed at sweeping the health law away.

Collins herself has no real relationship with the president, though she speaks with his daughter Ivanka Trump on topics like family leave and apprenticeships. More than anything, Collins resents the notion that she hasn’t stood up to the president.

“It’s never enough. Never. For those who truly hate the president, I’m never going to be able to do enough for them,” Collins said between bites of banh mi, which she frugally tucks into a to-go container before hurrying to a paper mill reopening. “I get tired of the ‘she speaks but doesn’t act.’”

Collins supported Trump’s Supreme Court nominees, but voted against Betsy DeVos as Education secretary and tried to override many of Trump’s vetoes. She took the lead on disapproving of Trump’s emergency declaration at the border.

Senate Democrats like working with Collins but would much rather have the majority. And to some, she’s in the way.

“This isn’t about Susan,” said Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.). “You’ve got to make winning back the Senate a priority.”

Unlike most Senate races in 2020, Collins’s bid is a true referendum on her. Maine is not transient and everyone knows her.

Collins, one of two true GOP moderates along with Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski, is hyperfocused on Maine issues as the chairwoman of the Senate’s Special Committee on Aging (demographically, Maine is the oldest state) and is often a lonely, if reserved, critic of Trump.

Collins’ strategy appeals to the middle. But Trump’s polarity gives Gideon an opening.

“She has voted with her party more than she ever has before. And I think that is worth repeating and remembering,” Gideon said over coffee in left-leaning Portland. “Part of the whole aspect of Mainers feeling left behind by Sen. Collins is she can not decisively say where she is on an issue.”

Gideon asserts that Collins is no longer the senator she once was, after her support for Trump’s nominees, the tax cuts that endangered Obamacare and her lack of a firm stance on Trump’s reelection. No matter how you ask about Trump’s 2020 campaign, Collins answers the same: “Not going to go there.”

“There will come a time when she’s going to have to make decisions and really tell people where she stands,” Gideon said.

Yet Gideon isn’t firm on hot-button issues herself. Eager to avoid the GOP’s “socialist” label, she won’t explicitly endorse Medicare for All or the Green New Deal but says climate change and universal health care access are priorities.

She doesn’t say whether she would support Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer as leader and doesn’t have a “fully developed position” on expanding or reforming the Supreme Court.

“You’re asking me questions that my six-week-old campaign self has not quite gotten to yet,” Gideon said, when asked about the legislative filibuster, which Collins defends.

The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee endorsed Gideon shortly after she launched her campaign, snubbing liberal candidate Betsy Sweet. Backed by the progressive Justice Democrats, Sweet says Gideon’s strategy is misguided.

“Careful, try not to say too much, don’t ruffle any feathers,” Sweet said of Gideon. “People are hungry for real policy and they’re hungry for real ideas.”

But national Democrats argue Gideon has put the race on the map as much as Trump, with DSCC Chairwoman Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.) calling her “a tremendous candidate.”

It will take more than that to beat Collins, who has always been able to balance the divergent needs in the “Two Maines,” split between a pair of congressional districts drifting in opposite directions.

Prosperous Southern Maine has tourists, Portland’s booming restaurant scene and big-city transplants. The feeling there: Collins is toast.

The rest of the state largely resides in the sprawling Second Congressional District. This is Trump Country with shuttered paper mills, endless forests and economic challenges. It’s also the heart of Collins’s support.

At the Governor’s Restaurant, she’s stopped repeatedly by fawning diners. These voters are decidedly not on Twitter fuming about their senator. But they’ll feel the effects of the resistance against Collins soon enough.

Advertising Analytics projects spending in the race at $55 million, easily the most expensive in Maine history. Outside groups are already softening up Collins.

“People in Maine do not like billionaires coming to our state to take out our senator,” said former GOP state Sen. David Trahan.

Collins adds: “I have never seen the far left as energized.”

The left is only one piece of Maine’s intricate political puzzle, a state that never neatly breaks down party lines. A prime example: moderate Democratic Rep. Jared Golden, a former Collins staffer, will stay neutral in the race.

“I haven’t met anyone who works harder than her to be honest with you. And obviously I’m working hard to try to follow in her footsteps,” he said of Collins.

Sen. Angus King (I-Maine), who endorsed Collins in 2014, won’t say whether he will do so again. Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) endorsed Collins, earning himself an angry call from Schumer.

“I can’t believe everyone’s so damn hypocritical. She’s the one person I work with all the time,” Manchin said. “Why would you not expect me to do that?”

“Yes,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), when asked if she’s conflicted. “I’m very fond of her. I consider her a friend. I trust her. I believe she’s a good senator.”

For others, winning the majority is far more important than playing nice in the Senate’s shrinking center. Collins said she supports Mitch McConnell as GOP leader, which is all some colleagues need to hear.

“Any vote to put Mitch McConnell in the leader’s chair is a vote to stifle climate action, period, end of story. It’s pretty categorical,” said Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.).

Collins says some of the people rooting for her defeat are the same ones on the Senate floor each day, eager to speak with her.

“I have literally a line of people waiting to talk to me about: ‘Could you co-sponsor this bill, could you sign this letter?’” she said. “Clearly, my support is valued.”

In 2020, Trump will likely win an electoral vote in Maine’s Second District but lose the state overall. That means Collins probably needs thousands of voters to split their tickets. And the dynamics are anything but fixed.

Republicans harbor long-shot hopes that the Democratic primary gets ugly, aiming to elevate Sweet and put Gideon at odds with liberals. And Collins faces a potential time bomb with the Obamacare lawsuit, which originated from the GOP’s tax bill that killed the law’s individual mandate. She’s confident Kavanaugh will not strike down the entire law, which could fundamentally alter the race.

Rep. Tom Allen (D-Maine), whom Collins handily dispatched in 2008, admitted she maintains an edge despite the massive national campaign against her. But he drew a parallel to another famous Maine Republican senator, not entirely favorable.

“Someone that’s elected four times to the U.S. Senate has got to be a favorite,” he said. But Margaret Chase Smith “ran for a fifth term. And she got beat. Susan Collins is running for a fifth term. And I think the chances of her being beaten are pretty good.”

Read More

[constantvigilante]

Skip this one if you don’t want to read my political/family frustration! I wouldn’t blame you!

So my family is, for the most part, pretty conservative. For the most part I’ve always been, too, in a combination of well-it’s-how-I-was-raised and it seeming to match best with my religious beliefs. I’ve always been registered Republican, though I don’t always vote it, you could probably call me part of the religious right but I really hope you won’t because I kind of hate what that term is coming to stand for.

I’m pretty sure my dad voted for Trump. Thankfully, I know my mother didn’t. But my dad is very Fox News-y and has a tendency to email me political articles, which are always very heavily right-slanted. He’s sent me a couple recently about the Arizona senatorial race. The first one had the title “Kyrsten Sinema compares deaths of US soldiers to...”

The rest of the headline was cut off, but lol there is no way for that sentence to end well. The tone was clear, the article came from an alt-right website, it was probably taken out of context, and you know what? It’s not the point. I’m not going to vote for someone just because they say nice things about the military. I don’t care if McSally was a fighter pilot. I mean, good for her, that’s a lot of hard work, but that doesn’t mean she’s qualified to be a senator? (I respect the people who’ve sacrificed for our country and the world, including my grandfathers, I am grateful for their service, but that does not entitle them to political office and I think we have a weird soldier-worship thing going on sometimes.) And she’s also upholding Trump’s policies and I think he’s a vile and heinous troll who must be stopped. (Not at all costs, the means are as important as the ends, but he’s completely overturned the moral landscape of our country, he’s probably nuts, and he’s demonstrably self-centered to a dangerous degree.

Anyway. Today Dad forwarded an email from the McSally campaign, with the note: “I hope you are voting for this person… Martha McSally is the true conservative …. Sinema is not good for Arizona nor the country.  Trust me on this one.“

While I was back home recently, my mom suggested I move back to California even though it’s getting crazy to live there, and said, “We need more people who know how to vote.” She and my brother were saying that Trump is a terrible person “in his personal life” but is apparently “crazy like a fox.”

I think the only member of my family who actually understands my current political beliefs, both what they are and why they are, is my sister, who has been getting steadily more liberal (LIBERAL, whatever THAT MEANS ANYMORE) over the years. We’ve talked about how sick all of this makes us feel, and I had to explain to my mom why she and her husband, both self-employed, with four children, one of which has Down Syndrome, would be upset at losing Obamacare. At how they’re taking all these “political” issues “personally” because it is going to affect them personally, so of course it’s personal?

Meanwhile, I have two roommates, both of them teachers, who went on strike this year when our current (Republican) governor decided that nah, teachers don’t need an actual living wage, we can just give them a 1% bump and call it good. Whatever he likes to say about how he got AZ teachers higher pay, he had to be forced into it. I don’t want him in office anymore. I don’t want any of the state Republicans that disrespected my friends and their peers in office.

This is pretty much how I feel right now. And you tell me to vote for McSally, the real conservative? Dad, I’m the one living in Arizona. I’m the one listening to the ads and hearing the actual candidates on the radio. I’m the one who heard former (Republican) governor Jan Brewer refuse to say what should have been the easiest thing in the world to say: “No, of course Kyrsten Sinema is not going to get Arizona nuked.” She refused to say that. 

Arizona Republican politicians are nonsense. Republican politicians in this country are nonsense. I’m sure I don’t agree with 100% of what Sinema says or wants to do but I think she’s running a smart campaign and I’m impressed with her composure. And Governor Ducey only got McCain’s replacement to agree to take the spot until the end of the year. He has the power to put someone else there if he’s still governor at that point, so if Sinema wins and he decides to appoint McSally to the other seat, awesome! I’m totally down for having two female senators in a state that’s never had a female senator. Maybe they’ll balance each other out. Maybe they’ll have to work together. Either way, two female senators! Sweet!

I actually already mailed my ballot on Monday so it’s not like any forwarded emails or articles is going to make a difference at this point. But it wasn’t going to make a difference anyway, because I, as a college-educated grown woman living in a different situation than my parents, am fully capable of making my own decisions, and coming to different conclusions.

And I still consider myself Republican, but that doesn’t mean I support the Republicans in office. To be honest I think they’ve failed us, and it may be arrogant of me to say so, and I’m not gonna back it up with any hard evidence, but I think I’m a better Republican and certainly a more moral person than the vast majority of Republicans in office right now, and I consider them heartless, spineless traitors. And I’m going to vote my conscience, which means for anyone who will stand up to their garbage.

[fitnesswomenshealth-blog]

Senate Dems shift focus away from Kavanaugh and pivot to health care

New Post has been published on https://cialiscom.org/senate-dems-shift-focus-away-from-kavanaugh-and-pivot-to-health-care.html

Senate Dems shift focus away from Kavanaugh and pivot to health care

Leading Democrats instructed CNN Tuesday night that they check out the target on wellness treatment — precisely the GOP-led lawsuit to overturn the Cost-effective Treatment Act and intestine pre-existing affliction protections — as a lot more for salient in the eyes of voters, even as the GOP is campaigning intensely on the Kavanaugh battle to energize its base.

“It is really the leading of voters’ minds,” mentioned Maryland Sen. Chris Van Hollen, chairman of the Democratic Senatorial Marketing campaign Committee, of wellness treatment. “Even just after everything that has took place below in Washington — not incredibly the focus is on pocketbook troubles. Not surprisingly growing wellness treatment expenditures are their No. 1 issue — as well as shielding men and women with pre-current problems.”

Voters, Van Hollen stated, are “not likely to be anxious about the Kavanaugh hearings — immediately after what occurred, that transpired. They are heading to be focused on day-to-day concerns.”

Van Hollen downplayed the influence the Kavanaugh fight would have on the fight for the Senate the vast majority, even as Republicans have developed much more self-assured they can retain energy in the chamber simply because of escalating GOP enthusiasm just after the Supreme Court fight. Republicans command the chamber 51 seats to the Democrats 49, but 10 Democrats are up for re-election in states President Donald Trump received in 2016.

“There was currently a path toward a greater part in the Senate but it was a narrow route, and it remains the very same,” Van Hollen explained.

West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin, the lone Democrat to vote for Kavanaugh, stated Tuesday that voters again household have been quite “tolerant” of his vote — but also stated his race would flip on health and fitness care difficulties somewhat than the Supreme Court struggle.

“You will find a whole lot of individuals who were being dissatisfied,” said Manchin, who faces Republican Patrick Morrisey future thirty day period in his race, when asked about his Kavanaugh vote. “And there are a ton of individuals who are quite, extremely supportive and incredibly delighted.”

But he added: “In West Virginia, it’s about well being treatment. … That’s what my election is about.”

The Senate ideas to vote Wednesday on a Democratic energy to scrap a Trump administration rule that will allow the sale of insurance policy options that do not have to have protection for pre-current situations.

On the Senate ground Tuesday, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York said: “Nicely, now that the Senate has concluded a quite divisive discussion about the Supreme Courtroom, it can be time to communicate about the No. 1 situation to the American people today — wellbeing treatment.”

Supply connection

[nilority-blog]

Everything that has a beginning must have an end.

The tenure of the State Governor of Osun, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola will be coming to an end in a matter of days after serving for 2 terms and it is a must that another person takes over the state mantle of leadership.

This is why Naijaloaded wants to who you think will be the next Governor of Osun?

There are 48 candidates and parties gunning for the position but there are only 5 contenders with the rest being pretenders as we have in every election in Nigeria and we will be limiting our say on the topic to those 5 contenders.

1. Sen. Iyiola Omisore (SDP)

Sen. Omisore is perhaps the oldest Governorship candidate in Nigeria, he has contested, either passively or actively in every Governorship contest in the state since 1998.

He is a blessed politician with huge financial acumen.

The Former Deputy Governor of the state and a 2 term Senators left the PDP for the SDP months ago when the Centre can no longer hold and despite that, he has shown to be a force to reckon with in the incoming contest.

The Ife born Engineer is in for a serious battle and he is not a pushover anytime any day!

2. Alhaji Fatai Akinbade (ADC)

Alh. Akinbade remain the longest serving political officer holder in Osun.

He served as a commissioner under the military government, he served as a local government Chairman, he was once the State Chairman of PDP and later served for 7-year as the state SSG, all of these spanning over 16 years. He is an experienced politician of note.

In 2014, he took his first shot at the Governorship position under the platform of Labour Party and polled only a spares vote of 8,874 votes.

He started this year Governorship race with the PDP as an aspirant, but came a distant third with a paltry 56 votes and eventually dumped the party.

However, he is contesting this time around under the platform of a party with more national tentacles, ADC and he has the support of the former Governor of the state, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola as well as that of the Former President, Dr. Olusegun Obasanjo.

3. Alh. Gboyega Oyetola (APC)

The APC candidate is the favourite to win this election on paper as things stand and the reason for that isn’t far-fetched, the party is the ruling party in the state, across all the Local Governments in the state and even at the Federal Level.

They are not short of human and material resources to prosecute this ambition.

Alh. Oyetola who is the immediate past Chief of Staff to Governor Aregbesola is a businessman of great repute who spent 30 years in the Private sector before his appointment in 2010, he is a financial guru, he is also rumored to be the cousin of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Jagaban is known to be a politician with the midas touch.

The combination of all of these means that other political party will be at their best to defeat him.

However, one thing that will affect his chance is the glaring lapses of the present Governor of Osun state, Ogbeni Aregbesola, especially in the area of payment of salary and pensions.

4. Alh. Moshood Adeoti (ADP)

The Iwo born politician is a politician of great repute, he is a typical seasoned politician who has served in many capacity for the past 30 years. He was the state SSG until his resignation 2 months ago.

He was one of those that show interest in taking over from Governor Aregbesola in the APC but left the party 2 months ago after the fallout of the primary election that produced Oyetola.

The former Chairman of the defunct ACN is known to be a party man and that was why his switching of political party from APC to ADP came to many has a surprise, he left the party with his arrays of loyalist which includes but not limited to former cabinet members, current serving state assembly lawmakers among others.

However, he is also the candidate with the most impediment in this race. First, many see him as a selfish politician and a man who is concerned only about his personal interest, wondering how he deemed it fit to leave the APC after serving as the SSG for over 7 years.

Another problem he is encountering is the fact that, his political party, the ADP has no National significance or structure, existing only on paper and in OSUN state.

But one thing that may work in his favour which Adeoti has been banking on is the issue of zoning. He is from Osun West, the zone that has been clamoring for the Governorship position.

If that is however enough to win the race remain a question that will be answered in a matter of days.

5. Sen. Ademola Adeleke (PDP)

The Senator representing Osun west Senatorial district at the red chamber emerged the PDP candidate in a controversial way which till date posses a great problem and challenge for his ambition.

The man, popular called ‘The Dancing Senator‘ is not only running under a well structured political party, PDP but also from the richest family in Osun state and a family that is respected by all and sundry.

Sen. Ademola Adeleke is the brother of the late Senator and Former Governor, Isiaka Adeleke as well as the popular Business mogul, Dr. Deji Adeleke.

He is an uncle to the sensational hip-hop artist, Davido and therefore, he is not short of both internal and external contract to pursue his Governorship ambition.

However, one thing that will go a long way against him is his certificate scandal.

The certificate he presented to INEC is a WAEC certificate and the results of the WAEC shows that he has F9 in mathematics and pending in other subjects as a result of being absent.

That he has not deemed it fit to obtain an education degree since 1981 when he sat for WAEC is really a catastrophic situation for him.

The elites, higher institution dons, and students of various higher institution of learning will most likely not vote for a man who has a poor WAEC that remain a subject of litigation.

In addition, PDP has lost many heavyweight politician, which includes but not limited to Sen. Omisore, Rt. Hon. Adejare Bello, Alh. Fatai Akinbade, Prof. Adeolu Durotoye among others and there are strong indications that Dr. Akin Ogunbiyi who lost the PDP primary election in a controversial manner to Sen. Adeleke by 7 votes will as well bow out of the party.

All these are worrisome situation that can dent the chance of the PDP who presented a man with a dented image.

However, the bright side is that, the PDP has a very powerful National Campaign committee led by the popular Jack Bauer of Nigeria politics and the nation number 3 citizen, Sen. Bukola Saraki.

PDP is a threat in every part of the country and they are expected to be a party to look forward to as the September 22nd election in Osun draws nearer.

Over to you guys!

The big question is Who’s Osun Next Governor?

Drop your comments

The post Osun 2018: Who’s Osun State Next Governor? appeared first on Naijaloaded | Nigeria’s Most Visited Music & Entertainment Website.

Go to Source Osun 2018: Who’s Osun State Next Governor? Everything that has a beginning must have an end. The tenure of the State Governor of Osun, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola will be coming to an end in a matter of days after serving for 2 terms and it is a must that another person takes over the state mantle of leadership.