#United Nations Conference on Trade and Development

[probablyasocialecologist]

Today, we know from the research of Jason Hickel and his colleagues that in 2021 the Global North was able to extract from the Global South 826 billion hours in net appropriated labor. This represents $18.4 trillion measured in Northern wages. Behind this lies the fact that workers in the Global South receive 87–95 percent lower wages for equivalent work at the same skill levels. The same study concluded that the wage gap between the Global North and the Global South was increasing, with wages in the North rising eleven times more than wages in the South between 1995 and 2021. This research into the contemporary global labor arbitrage is coupled with recent historical work by Utsa Patnaik and Prabhat Patnaik that has now documented the astronomical drain of wealth during the period of British colonialism in India. The estimated value of this drain over the period of 1765–1900, cumulated up to 1947 (in 1947 prices) at 5 percent interest, was $1.925 trillion; cumulated up to 2020, it amounts to $64.82 trillion. It should be emphasized that the Global North’s contemporary drain of economic surplus from the Global South, via the unequal exchange of labor embodied in exports from the latter, is in addition to the normal net flow of capital from developing to developed countries recorded in national accounts. This includes the balance on merchandise trade (import and exports), net payments to foreign investors and banks, payments for freight and insurance, and a wide array of other payments made to foreign capital such as for royalties and patents. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the net financial resource transfers from developing countries to developed countries in 2017 alone amounted to $496 billion. In neoclassical economics, this is known as the paradox of the reverse flow of capital, or of capital flowing uphill, which it ineffectively tries to explain away by various contingent factors, rather than acknowledging the reality of economic imperialism. With respect to the geopolitical dimension of imperialism, the focus this century has been on the continuing decline of U.S. hegemony. Analysis has concentrated on the attempts of Washington, since 1991, backed by London, Berlin, Paris, and Tokyo, to reverse this. The goal is to establish the triad of the United States, Europe, and Japan—with Washington preeminent—as the unipolar global power through a more “naked imperialism.” This counterrevolutionary dynamic eventually led to the present New Cold War. Yet, despite all of the developments in imperialism theory over the last century, it is not the theory of imperialism so much as the actual intensification of the Global North’s exploitation of the Global South, coupled with the resistance of the latter, that has stood out. As Sweezy argued in Modern Capitalism and Other Essays in 1972, the sharp point of proletarian resistance decisively shifted in the twentieth century from the Global North to the Global South. Nearly all revolutions since 1917 have taken place in the periphery of the world capitalist system and have been revolutions against imperialism. The vast majority of these revolutions have occurred under the auspices of Marxism. All have been subjected to counterrevolutionary actions by the great imperial powers. The United States alone has intervened militarily abroad hundreds of times since the Second World War, primarily in the Global South, resulting in the deaths of millions. In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the primary contradictions of capitalism have been those of imperialism and class.

3 November 2024

[androgynealienfemme]

"The main justification for invalidating butch-femme is that its an imitation of heterosexual roles and, therefore, not a genuine lesbian model. One is tempted to react by saying "So what?" but the charge encompasses more than betrayal of an assumed fixed and "true" lesbian culture. Implicit in the accusation is the denial of cultural agency to lesbians, of the ability to shape and reshape symbols into new meanings of identification. Plagiarism, as the adage goes, is basic to all culture.

In the real of cultural identity, that some of the markers of a minority culture's boundaries originate in an oppressing culture is neither unusual nor particularly significant. For instance, in the United States certain kind of bead- and ribbon work are immediately recogniziable as specific to Native American cultures, wherein they serve artistic and ceremonial functions. Yet beads, trinkets, ribbons, and even certain "indian" blanket patterns were brought by Europeans, who traded them as cheap goods for land. No one argues that Indians out to give up beadwork or blanket weaving, thus ridding themselves of the oppressors symbols, because those things took on a radically different cultural meaning in the hands of Native Americans. Or consider Yiddish, one of the jewish languages. Although Yiddish is written in Hebrew characters and has its own idioms and nuances, its vocabulary is predominantly German. Those who speak German can understand Yiddish. Genocidal Germanic anti-Semitism dates back to at least the eleventh century. Yet East European Jews spoke "the oppressors language," developing in it a distinctive literary and theatrical tradition. Why is it so inconceivable that lesbians could take elements of heterosexual sex roles and remake them?

*

It is June 1987, and I am sitting in a workshop on "Lesbians and Gender Roles" at the annual National Women's Studies Conference. It is one of surprisingly few workshops on lesbian issues, particularly since, at a plenary session two mornings later, two thirds of the conference attendees will stand up as lesbians. Meanwhile, in this workshop the first speaker is spending half an hour on what she calls "Feminism 101," a description of heterosexual sex roles. Her point in doing this, she says, is to remind us of the origin of roles, "which are called butch and femme when lesbians engage in them." She tells us the purpose of her talk will be to prove, from her own experience, that "these roles are not fulfilling" for lesbians. She tells us that the second speaker will use lesbian novels from the 1950s to demonstrate the same thesis. And, indeed, the second speaker has a small stack of 1950s "pulp paperbacks" with her, many of them the titles that, when I discovered them in the mind-1970s, resonated for me in a way that the feminist books published by Daughters and Diana Press did not.

I consider for several minutes. I'm well versed in lesbian literature, particularly in the fifties novels, and don't doubt my ability to adequately argue an opposing view with the second presenter. I am curious to see if she will use the publisher-imposed "unhappy ending" to prove that roles make for misery. I also decide I'm willing to offer my own experience to challenge the first presenters conclusions- though I'd much rather sit with her over coffee and talk. She is in her midforties and, although she claims to have renounced it, still looks butch. Even if she speaks of roles negatively, she has been there and I want to hear her story. Then I look around me. Everyone is under thirty. There are a few vaguely butch-looking women present who'd very likely consider themselves to be as androgynous as everyone else, and not a single, even remotely femme-looking women besides myself. I recall Alice Walker's advice to "never be the only one in the room." Quietly, I get up and walk out. I go to no other lesbian presentations at the conference."

“Recollecting History, Renaming Lives: Femme Stigma and the feminist seventies and eighties" by Lyndall MacCowan, The Persistent Desire, (edited by Joan Nestle) (1992)

[affectionteaming]

Harley makes up for Heiskanen’s absence in Dallas

The defenseman is at the heart of the Stars’ success, which hasn’t slowed despite the loss of their number one defender

Philippe Boucher, March 25

Although the Dallas Stars lost their number one defenseman nearly two months ago, they haven’t slowed down, and one of the reasons for their success is named Thomas Harley. 

Since Miro Heiskanen fell in battle on January 28 and underwent knee surgery, his young 23-year-old teammate has shone. Harley is second among defensemen in the NHL with 22 points (eight goals, 14 assists) in 20 games, only three fewer than a certain Cale Makar (25). The Stars have a record of 13-4-3. 

Harley does absolutely everything on the ice, quarterbacking the first powerplay unit as well as getting time on the penalty kill. His time on ice says a lot: he’s the sixth most used player in the NHL on average (25:30) since Heiskanen has been out. 

The Stars being one of my former teams, I follow them a bit more closely than others, and I am not surprised by Harley’s success. He’s been on my radar since last season when he scored 15 goals and 47 points in 79 games. 

Incidentally, Harley and I have something in common: we are two of the three defensemen in Stars/North Stars history to have scored at least 15 goals in two consecutive seasons. Harley has scored 15 goals this year and last season, while I had 16- and 19-goal seasons in 2005-06 and 2006-07, respectively. The other defenseman to have achieved this is Lou Nanne with the North Stars (21 and 15 in 1971-72 and 1972-73). 

I can’t speak for Harley, but in my case, I must attribute this accomplishment to the players around me, even if scoring 15 goals as a defenseman is no small feat. For me, defenseman Sergei Zubov was instrumental in reaching this plateau. Player depth also made a big difference, crediting Mike Modano, Bill Guerin, and Jason Arnott, just to name a few. 

Harley’s situation is similar to mine at the time. Everyone in Dallas is capable of producing, and that helps a defenseman in terms of offense, because he does not need to work with one line in particular. As soon as he jumps on the ice, he has a chance to make his mark on the scoresheet. 

And there’s also a bit of confidence playing a role in all this. Since the 4 Nations Face-Off, where Harley was an emergency replacement for Shea Theodore, who suffered an upper-body injury in Canada’s first game, he seems to be playing with great confidence.

[Video: PHI@DAL: Harley scores after only nine seconds of overtime]

Harley is one of the Stars’ many home runs at the draft in the past few years, having been selected 18th overall in 2019. 

I love the way General Manager Jim Nill has built his team in Dallas. Even without high draft picks, the Stars have managed to scout rare pearls and develop them well, for example Wyatt Johnston (23rd, 2021), Logan Stankoven (47th, 2021), and Mavrik Bourque (30th, 2020). That’s without counting Jake Oettinger (26th, 2017) and Jason Robertson (39th, 2017), who have played important roles with the team for several years now. 

Nill has also been able to negotiate good trades and attract good free agents to Dallas. His bank of young, well-equipped players has allowed him to sacrifice draft picks and Stankoven to get his hands on Mikko Rantanen on the trade deadline, a luxury that not all teams can afford. 

So it’s not surprising to see the Stars be contenders year after year. They’ve played in the Western Conference Final for the past two seasons, and could go far again this year. 

[...] [T/N: approximately a full page about Vegas? who gaf dude!!! this article used to be about Thomas Harley. we used to be a country]

I tip my hat to those in charge of assembling the leading teams in the West, like the Stars and the Golden Knights. And one can’t forget the Colorado Avalanche and the Winnipeg Jets. It’s difficult to predict what will happen in the playoffs. It’s a shame that one of these powerful teams will fall in the first round, as we head closer and closer to a confrontation between the Stars and the Avalanche. 

[odinsblog]

24JAN2024: On Sunday, Israel approved a plan to send taxes earmarked for Gaza to Norway instead of the Palestinian Authority (PA), which exercises limited self-rule in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

Since November, taxes that would ordinarily be sent to Gaza have been frozen by the Israeli government.

Under the terms of a deal reached in the 1990s, Israel collects tax on behalf of the Palestinians and makes monthly transfers to the PA pending the approval of the Ministry of Finance.

While the PA was ousted from the Gaza Strip in 2007, many of its public sector employees in the enclave kept their jobs and continued to be paid with transferred tax revenues.

Weeks after the Hamas attack on southern Israel on October 7, Israel took the decision to withhold payments earmarked for those employees in the Gaza Strip on the grounds that they could fall into the hands of Hamas.

Now, Israel says it will instead send the frozen funds to Norway. “The frozen funds will not be transferred to the Palestinian Authority, but will remain in the hands of a third country,” the Israeli prime minister’s office said in a statement released on Sunday.

Why does Israel control Palestinian tax revenue?

The system by which taxes and customs duties are collected by Israel on behalf of the PA and transferred to the authority on a monthly basis was agreed in a 1994 accord.

Known as the Paris Protocol, the accord was meant to manage the economic relationship between Israel and the Palestinian territories it occupied until a final peace settlement was reached between the two states.

Approved in the wake of the optimism generated by the Oslo Accords, which were publicly ratified by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat at the White House in September 1993, this protocol was supposed to end within five years.

However, 30 years later, the financial settlement continues to give the Israeli state what the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) has called “a disproportionate influence on the collection of Palestinian fiscal revenue, leading to deficiencies in the structure and collection of customs duties resulting from direct and indirect importing into Palestine”.

How much money is Israel withholding?

The tax revenues collected by Israel on behalf of the PA amount to around $188m each month, and account for 64 percent of the authority’s total revenue.

A large portion of this is used to pay the salaries of the estimated 150,000 PA employees working in the West Bank and Gaza, despite it having no jurisdiction over the Strip.

On November 3, the Israel security cabinet voted to withhold a total of $275m in Palestinian tax revenues, including cash collected for prior months that was still with Tel Aviv.

“The PA is not clear about how much of the tax revenues go to Gaza – it’s a black box,” Rabeh Morrar, director of research at the Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute-MAS, told Al Jazeera. “Sometimes they say 30 percent, sometimes 40, sometimes 50.”

Under terms set by Israel’s cabinet on Sunday, the monthly tax revenue previously allocated to PA staff in Gaza will instead be transferred to a Norwegian-based trust account. However, that money cannot be released by the fund to pay workers in Gaza without permission from Israel.

How does Israel exercise ‘disproportionate influence’ over the PA?

The Israeli state has often used its control of the PA’s tax revenues as a means to blackmail and punish the authority.

In January 2023, for instance, the newly-formed Israeli government – seen as the most far-right coalition government in the country’s history – decided to withhold $39m in tax revenues from the PA following the authority’s decision to ask the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to rule on the legality of Israel’s decades-long occupation.

“Israeli blackmailing of our tax revenues will not stop us from continuing our political and diplomatic struggle,” said Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh at the time after Israel’s security cabinet had earlier described the PA’s ICJ move as a “decision to wage political and legal war against the State of Israel”.

What effect has Israel’s withdrawal of public money had on Palestine?

“The PA owes billions in internal debt to local banks, hospitals, medical companies and the private sector,” said Morrar. “There are also debts [owed], for example, for privately owned buildings rented out by the government. They have not been able to pay those back.”

In 2021, the PA’s financial crisis, exacerbated by Israel’s periodic refusal to pay the PA its total tax revenue share pre-October 7, prompted it to reduce all salaries by 25 percent.

(continue reading)

[allthebrazilianpolitics]

Trump will be a challenge, but Brazil won’t suffer much, former Brazilian ambassador says

Major concern lies in the international far-right alliance, Ricupero argues

After a 2024 marked by achievements, including Brazil’s leadership at the G20 and laying the groundwork for COP30 and the BRICS presidency in 2025, the country will need to navigate the disruptive profile of Donald Trump, who is likely to pose challenges, said Rubens Ricupero, former secretary-general of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and former minister of Finance and Environment.

“[Trump] will create problems. There’s no doubt there will be no rapport between him and Lula, just as there is none between Lula and [Javier] Milei. They are two substances with no affinity, incapable of mixing. So, there will be disagreements, verbal criticisms. But I believe the negative impact will be limited,” Mr. Ricupero told Valor.

“In terms of trade, the U.S. market is important for us—not negligible—but the damage Trump can cause with tariffs has already been done during his first term. (...) What Brazil exports to the U.S. includes Embraer planes, whose components are largely American, or manufactured products made by American companies in Brazil. I believe Brazil is relatively less vulnerable to this shift under Trump, although it is, of course, not ideal for us.”

Mr. Ricupero believes the U.S. president-elect’s threats to impose tariffs on BRICS countries that use alternatives to the dollar in trade transactions will likely remain rhetorical. The real issue, he warns, is the potential strengthening of the international far-right alliance, which could gain momentum under Mr. Trump.

Continue reading.

[amol2208]

Interview Questions for Business Visa of USA — 2025 Guide

The United States remains a top destination for international business meetings, conferences, and trade-related activities. If you're planning a business trip to the U.S. from India or another country, you will likely apply for a B1 Business Visa. A crucial step in the process is attending a visa interview at the U.S. Embassy or Consulate. The interview is conducted to assess your travel intent, financial standing, and eligibility under the U.S. immigration laws. This blog covers the most common interview questions for a U.S. business visa and tips on how to answer them confidently in 2025.

What is a U.S. Business Visa (B1)?

The B1 visa is a non-immigrant visa that allows foreign nationals to enter the United States temporarily for business-related activities such as attending meetings, negotiating contracts, participating in training, or attending trade events. The visa typically allows stays of up to 6 months but can vary depending on individual circumstances.

For more information, visit the official U.S. visa site: https://travel.state.gov

Common Interview Questions for U.S. Business Visa

The visa officer’s goal is to verify your intent to return to your home country after your business trip and ensure that you meet the requirements of a B1 visa. Here are the typical questions you may be asked:

1. What is the purpose of your visit to the United States?

Clearly explain the nature of your business visit. For example, “I am attending a series of business meetings with our partners in New York and will participate in a product seminar in Chicago.”

2. How long will you stay in the U.S.?

Provide a precise duration based on your travel itinerary, such as “I plan to stay for 10 days and return by the end of the month.”

3. Who is sponsoring your trip?

You may be asked whether your company is bearing the expenses. Answer honestly, such as “My employer is sponsoring the entire trip, including airfare, lodging, and meals.”

4. Have you traveled to the United States before?

If yes, share the details. If not, simply say “No, this is my first visit.”

5. Where will you be staying in the U.S.?

Be prepared to mention the hotel name and city, or if you're staying with business associates, provide their names and addresses.

6. What is your current job and how long have you worked with your company?

Explain your position, responsibilities, and employment duration. For instance, “I am the Business Development Manager and have been with the company for 6 years.”

7. Can you show me your invitation letter from the U.S. company?

Always carry a printed and signed invitation letter that outlines the reason for your visit.

8. What kind of business will you conduct during your stay?

Describe your activities, such as attending meetings, site visits, product demos, or market research.

9. Do you have any relatives in the U.S.?

Be honest. If yes, mention their relationship and immigration status. If not, simply state so.

10. Will you return to your home country after your visit?

Answer affirmatively, explaining that you have ongoing professional and personal obligations in your home country.

Tips for a Successful Visa Interview

Dress professionally and arrive early for your interview.

Keep answers concise, honest, and relevant.

Carry all required documents including your passport, invitation letter, employment verification, financial statements, and itinerary.

Be calm and respectful throughout the interaction.

FAQs – Interview Questions for U.S. Business Visa

Q1. Is the B1 visa interview hard? It depends on your case and preparation. Honest answers and complete documentation increase your chances of approval.

Q2. Can I reschedule my U.S. visa interview? Yes, you can reschedule via the official visa appointment system. However, avoid last-minute changes.

Q3. How long does the interview last? Most interviews last between 2 to 5 minutes. Officers make quick decisions based on your documents and answers.

Q4. Do I need to show financial proof during the interview? Yes, you may be asked to show recent bank statements, salary slips, or tax returns to demonstrate financial stability.

Q5. What should I do if my visa is denied? If denied under Section 214(b), it means the officer was not convinced of your intent to return. You can reapply with better documentation or explanation.

Final Thoughts

Preparing for your U.S. business visa interview is critical for a smooth and successful application process. Understanding the kind of questions that may be asked and preparing your answers thoughtfully will boost your confidence. Remember to support your verbal answers with proper documentation, and always refer to the official U.S. State Department website for the latest updates and guidance.Reference: https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/us-visas/business.html

[darkmaga-returns]

A senior United Nations “climate change” official has been secretly filmed discussing negotiations for business deals that profit from fossil fuels.

The official is Azerbaijan’s Elnur Soltanov, one of the leaders of the UN’s Climate Change Conference (COP).

Soltanov has been using his role to secure meetings with potential investors in the country’s oil and gas sectors.

Energy production drives 60% of Azerbaijan’s economy.

According to PJ Media, Soltanov, Azerbaijan’s deputy energy minister and COP29 chief, was covertly recorded discussing investment opportunities in the state-owned SOCAR.

“SOCAR Trading is trading oil and gas all over the world, including in Asia,” he was caught on tape saying.

“To me, these are the possibilities to explore.

“But in any case, this is something that you need to be talking to SOCAR, and I would be happy to create a contact between yourself and them.”

He added: “We have a lot of gas fields that are to be developed.”

[lizzjournal]

Thursday: April 8, 2025

To celebrate the 99th birthday of David Attenborough, they played the film Ocean in Grand Teatret in Copenhagen which I watched with my friends. The focus of the documentary was on the vast destruction caused by bottom trawling. It was kind of upsetting to witness as they destroyed beautiful underwater communities in literally minutes.

So, now, in the UN Ocean Conference 2025, they’re going to push to ban fishing and trawling from 1/3 of the ocean to help it recover. I always knew bottom trawling was bad, but watching the documentary was shocking, and I generally love the work of David Attenborough. Because of this movie, I’m now interested in following the development of this year’s ocean conference.

“The ocean is fundamental to life on our planet and to our future. The ocean is an important source of the planet’s biodiversity and plays a vital role in the climate system and water cycle. The ocean provides a range of ecosystem services, supplies us with oxygen to breathe, contributes to food security, nutrition and decent jobs and livelihoods, acts as a sink and reservoir of greenhouse gases and protects biodiversity, provides a means for maritime transportation, including for global trade, forms an important part of our natural and cultural heritage and plays an essential role in sustainable development, a sustainable ocean-based economy and poverty eradication." - Political Declaration of the 2022 United Nations Ocean Conference

Anyway, before the movies, we went to Pizzeria Luca, and I got to wear my cool cat sweater from Etsy. I waited 2.5 months on it to arrive! It was so hot wearing it because it’s a Winter sweater, lol, but I was eager to wear it, so I had to do it once before putting it back into my closet. Now, I’ll have to wait for the weather to get colder again to pull it out.

[mariacallous]

Is China a part of the global south?

Beijing certainly thinks so. For instance, at the recently concluded Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, a conference held every three years between China and African leaders, Chinese President Xi Jinping spoke of the global south’s “shared path toward modernization.” China has set up a development fund containing the term “South-South.” And Foreign Minister Wang Yi has also explicitly stated more than once that China is and will always be a member of the global south.

Though the terms used have changed over time, China’s rhetorical embrace of the developing world is not exactly new. Its roots go back to the early years of Chinese Communist Party rule. After the revolutionary fervor of the early 1950s subsided somewhat, China participated in the historic 1955 Bandung Conference that brought Asian and African leaders from recently decolonized countries together in a common front against global inequities. In 1964, Premier Zhou Enlai, Mao Zedong’s righthand man, formulated China’s Eight Principles for Economic Aid and Technical Assistance to Other Countries. Mao’s own worldview defined two “intermediate zones” between the United States and the Soviet Union, the latter zone comprising Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

The intermediate zones framing later morphed into the Three Worlds theory in 1974. In a conversation with Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda, Mao defined the “Third World” as including Africa, Latin America, and all of Asia, except Japan. This brief reference was elaborated on at length in a famous speech by Deng Xiaoping to the U.N. General Assembly in the same year, in which he said: “China belongs to the Third World.”

Mao, like many of his contemporaries, defined the Third World in predominantly economic and postcolonial terms. The framing made sense in the 1970s, when China was among the world’s poorer countries. The average Chinese lived no better, and in some cases worse, than the wide swath of recently decolonized countries.

Fast-forward to today, and much has changed. A different understanding of the meta-region stretching from Latin America to Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands is needed—and in turn, China’s place within it must be reconsidered.

In this meta-region, 45 states that the United Nations has dubbed “least developed countries” remain mired in poverty and, in some cases, state failure. But about 80 others have grown substantially. Many, especially in Asia, made globalization and capitalism their own and turbocharged growth with corresponding social investments. They industrialized, integrated with the global economy, and built respectable levels of domestic infrastructure.

China itself is among the biggest beneficiaries of this transformation—from a country that experienced state-induced famines during the disastrous 1958-62 Great Leap Forward to now a highly industrialized, upper-middle-income country.

As economies diverge and the colonial era recedes into the past, the term “global south” has gained currency, especially since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It is best described as a “geopolitical fact,” a vast middle that sits outside the great-power system made up of the three great powers and core U.S. allies in Europe, East Asia, and Australasia. The “rest” have achieved varied levels of economic and social development but remain outside the select club of core alliances and global rulemaking. By definition, therefore, a great power cannot be a part of the global south.

China’s sheer size; high levels of GDP, trade, investment, and increasingly innovation; and successful military modernization mean that it now qualifies as a great power. It has joined Russia and the United States in this select category—though the United States is clearly the most powerful of the three and Russia barely makes the grade.

China is indeed working closely with a few global south states on major issues, for example with Brazil on a Ukraine peace plan, and as a part of the BRICS grouping. But Beijing’s global south rhetoric, while drawing on a real shared history, is today a stratagem, designed to win influence among the developing world and further its aims of influencing the global order.  If anything, China’s emergence as a great power opens the door for a divergence from the global south on three important fronts: trade and investment, climate, and geopolitics.

Divides on trade are already visible. Middle-income global south countries such as Indonesia and Chile have recently slapped tariffs on Chinese imports as China has increasingly shifted into advanced manufacturing. Jakarta has just banned a giant Chinese online retailer, citing threats to local businesses. Mexico wants to reduce Chinese imports in its supply chain. Concerns over local trade have also triggered actions against Chinese imports in Brazil.

Meanwhile, Beijing’s flagship investment program, the Belt and Road Initiative, has become much smaller and more targeted of late, with spending falling off sharply as a slowing China focuses more at home. China is also on the “other side” when it comes to negotiating debt relief with poorer states in the G-20’s Common Framework, an odd position for a nation that claims to still be developing.

China and the global south have historically cooperated closely on climate change in the G-77+China coalition. They routinely push the U.N. principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” (CBDR) and legitimately demand much greater climate finance commitments from wealthy states. The CBDR principle puts the onus on financing the energy transition on the global north, since wealthy countries have been the dominant contributors to destructive climate change due to their much larger cumulative carbon emissions. Unsurprisingly, Washington tends to minimize or ignore CBDR in climate negotiations.

But China’s own emissions have risen to the point that it has itself become a major contributor to not only annual but also historical emissions. With 14.7 percent of the global share, China now ranks third in cumulative emissions since 1750, not far behind the United States and the European Union. (The leading global south emitter, India, comes in much lower at nearly 3.4 percent.) The CBDR principle puts China on the side of wealthy states much more than developing countries.

China could justifiably point to its already significant efforts as a source of climate finance. But it will resist what should be a logical shift in its status and oppose formally taking on climate finance targets.

China and the global south may also yet diverge on the broader geopolitical plane. Highly militarized U.S.-China competition can destabilize the global order and risk major conflict; it is therefore not in the global south’s interests. Any actions by Beijing contributing to regional or global destabilization will not be welcomed in the global south. (The same is true for any such behavior by Washington.)

But China’s relative weakness compared with the United States, and an economic slowdown at home, also creates incentives for a revived G-2 in order to craft updated rules of global governance. Xi seemed to propose exactly this last year.

Washington is currently in no mood to engage in such a conversation with Beijing due to China’s perceived threat to its global primacy, sharp differences over Taiwan, and the Russia-Ukraine war. But as planetary challenges multiply, and as China closes the gap in strategic innovation despite its economic crunch, both sides may be incentivized toward deeper, though sectoral, cooperation—perhaps after a nasty crisis that stops short of war.

Any new, future G-2, even if partial, would sit uneasily with most of the global south, as the latter’s demands might not be factored in a backroom deal between the two most powerful states in the international system. The very act of excluding these states from such a conversation would also rankle. The net effect would be to widen their divide with Beijing.

China could bridge its growing gap with the global south by being more proactive on issues such as debt, climate, and trade and refraining from provocative actions in theaters such as the South China Sea. Continuing U.S. failures that cost the lives of innocents (such as in the Middle East escalation) or U.S. over-militarization in Asia could also ensure China remains attractive in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

While Beijing has traditionally enjoyed a natural convergence with the global south, the future looks a lot more complicated.

[arrogantwerpen]

"It will take Gaza 70 years to restore the GDP levels of 2022" concludes UNCTAD

The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development just published a report on the economic situation in Gaza and the reach of devestation caused by Israeli aggression

Preliminary assessment of the economic impact of the destruction in Gaza and prospects for economic recovery

quoting some bits of the conclusion:

Monetary poverty has widened and deepened engulfing the entire population of Gaza. Multidimensional poverty is even worse because it takes into account deprivation of education, and basic infrastructure services to capture a more realistic picture of poverty. Living conditions in Gaza are at their lowest since occupation began in 1967 and will worsen even more unless the military operation stops. If Gaza is to remerge with a viable economy, the military confrontation should end immediately, and reconstruction should begin in earnest and without delay. The international community needs to act now before it is too late. A lasting ceasefire is needed now to allow sufficient and adequate humanitarian aid to enter Gaza. Reconstruction and recovery need to start now to put Gaza back on a sustainable development path. The future of the Palestinian people will be largely determined by the actions of the Government of Israel, donors and the international community. A new phase of economic rehabilitation predicated on peacebuilding cannot simply take as its goal a return to the pre October 2023 status quo. Only by ending the military confrontation and fully lifting the blockade of Gaza can there be hope to resolve sustainably the political, socioeconomic and humanitarian crisis engulfing Gaza.

...

At the moment, it is difficult to establish the scale of foreign aid required to bring Gaza back to the level of socioeconomic conditions that prevailed prior to the outbreak of the current confrontation, let alone a modicum of normality consistent with achieving the wider development ambitions enshrined in the Sustainable Development Goals, but there is no doubt that it will amount to several tens of billions of dollars by any conservative estimation. However, donors and the international community should realize that the constraints on the Palestinian economy in general, and Gaza in particular, are not just the results of recent confrontation but are rooted in a prolonged 56-year occupation.

[tieflingkisser]

Gaza’s economy could take until 2092 to recover if Israel’s operations cease now: UN

It could take decades to rebuild Palestine’s war-torn Gaza and bring socio-economic conditions back to pre-conflict levels, the UN said, cautioning against the inhabitable conditions in the besieged enclave. The assessment came in a report by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which outlined the severe economic and social destruction in Gaza since the beginning of Israel’s military operation. “An optimistic scenario suggests that even with an immediate end to the fighting, bringing Gaza back to the socioeconomic conditions that prevailed prior to the outbreak of the current confrontation would take decades without a properly funded recovery program fully backed by the international community,” the report said. It would take Gaza until 2092 to restore the GDP levels of 2022 given the 2007-2022 growth trends were to persist with an average growth rate of 0.4 percent, along with substantial international aid and cooperation, according to the report.

[thetruearchmagos]

The Aircraft Carriers Of The UC Civil Defence Service

Hey folks! Felt bad about not releasing any Worldbuilding content recently, wanted to do something nice to get me back into the rhythm of things. Enjoy!

Tagging @lividdreamz @athenswrites @theprissythumbelina @thatndginger @the-stray-storyteller @hessdalen-globe @caxycreations @writeblrsupport

The Warp's Rescuers

For as long as the great Warp between the 12 Worlds has been plied - and that is a longer time than modern history knows - those who have sailed its depthless and endless expenses have faced death, destruction, and simple and utter disappearence as a simple risk of the mariners trade. Even the safety of the Contours is not a complete one, and it can never truly be known just how many ships have gone down with their crews in the ages past.

In the modern day, though, the business of inter-World communication and movement is a much safer one for all involved. Developments in the ships and crews themselves have certainly helped, but the creation of a truly - for the most part - international and wide reaching institution of at-sea search and rescue has saved the lives of thousands of mariners at sea. The United Commonwealth, acting primarily though its Navy and Civil Defence Service, has committed itself to this transnational endeavour with all its usual vigour, and in all its might and wealth hs provided for one capability no other state could dream of; the Rescue Carroer.

What Do You Do With A Fleet Of Spare Ships

The first trans-Warp 'Rescue Carriers' were a relatively recent development, borne out of the helpful confluenbce of two seperate events. Going into the 140s A.S., the Navy had found itself with the unprecedented luxury of having more carrier hulls than it either wanted or needed. Caught in the middle of a mass rearmament initiative on a scale not seen since the Chainbreaker War, and which would similarly find its conclusion in the 1st Great War, the Service had been inclined to retire in large numbers its previous class of 'Fleet' carrier, the Union's, in order to make room on the yards, docks, and crew and squadron rosters for the newer Valorous-class to take over. Many of the newer Union's would remain in naval service as true carriers or converted for work as amphibious vessels, but a sizeable portion of the fleet was "too old to service aircraft that weren't obsolete, too new to scrap without pissing off Parliament, too useful to consider selling to our allies, and present in too large numbers to convert". That would have left the Directorate of the Navy with quite the challenge, if an alternative and interested buyer had not made itself known.

UC-CDS Goes Inter-Global

As part of a more general bonanza towards the expansion of UC foreign policy and influence abroad, a number of schemes had been trickling in that saw the domestically minded Civil Defence Service see its purview expand well beyond Commonwealth soil. The Police Service had been in the business of overseas deployments for a century by then - and in existence for about that much longer than the CDS - but it would pose a massive challenge to the already behemoth institution to grow its reach so far. At home, CDS covered everything from the ambulance service to firefighting, and had indeed already provided assistance in a limited capacity to disaster relief operations beyond Commonwealth border. This new initiative, however, would see a far greater expansion of the CDS's resources and mandate than that, from providing full scale vaccination, medical, and firefighting services to foreign nations which lacked those services, to participating in the training of foreign recruits on UC-pattern exported equipment for their own use. It was quite a tall order, but bar one it would have been manageable.

Treaties

That 'one' was Article XXI of the Conference on Maritime Conduct. A triumph of UC statecraft, among a bevy of other treaties, Article XXI forced an absolute commitment by all signatory states to do all in their power to save a stricken vessel and its crew of any nationality or background in time of need. To meet this commitment, the rest of the government decided to dump the job onto the backs of the CDS, which had a long-running obligation to do the same for vessels nearer to UC waters as a coast guard. This would be different, however, as the treaty and the UC's chosen interpretation of its requirements meant that the CDS would need to provide coverage as much as possible to the waters of foreign states where it had never before operated as well as almost the entirety of the open oceans, and most daunting of all, the the vast and unknowable expanses of the Warp, so large that only the UC Navy itself could come close to being able to claim the ability to project assets and activity across it.

Clearly, CDS would need their help.

Old Ships Learn new Tricks

At sea SAR operations were an intensive, expensive process, and to cover the vast stretches of both the oceans pf the 12 Worlds and the surface of the Warp it was believed that only aircraft would suffice. Able to patrol vast stretches of open waves from high up and move quickly to respond to ships in need, CDS had already retained a sizeable ground-based aviation fleet larger than some state's air forces before its new mission had been shoved onto its lap. While a slight expansion of that terrestrial force could suffice to aid in near-shore overseas missions to provide maritime SAR, in the open ocean and the Warp sea based aviation would be required. Aeroships flying off the decks of CDS cutters were useful, but mostly lacked the range, endurance, or speed needed, though their ability to stay stationary while airborne at low altitudes meant they could be useful. For the issue of long-range patrolling, however, they would have to approach the masters of finding small things in a big sea with aircraft.

Smelling a potential publicity bonanza for the Service, in addition to all the actual strategic benefits behind a partnership when it came to the foreign policy of the UC, the Directorate of the Navy and Directorate-Generale of Defence quickly agreed to the proposal put forwards by the CDS. Two middle-aged Unions were first selected, the former UCS Dynamic and Dauntless who'd already had a fair decade under each of their belts. These would serve as initial training and experimentation ships, meant to allow the CDS to get some experience in the field of non-combat related carrier operations. A suite of demilitarised, and quite obsolete, aircraft was also provided to see which of them would make good patrol birds or which might fill some other useful role, such as aerial tankers or controllers. These initial tests would conclude in 145 A.S., and quite satisfactorily for all involved. It was eventually decided that a total of twenty Unions would be provided, with modification costs to be shouldered by a special Parliamentary allowance, with the ships themselves to be based in adapted civilian ports and serviced in civilian yards to take pressure off the needs of the Fleet. The first ship of this new breed, UCS Umbrage, would conclude these works in early 147, and the last, UCS Marvel, at the turn of the decade.

In addition to the ships themselves, entire new wings of the Civil Defence Academy would be created for the purposes of training the new skills these operations called for, and the Navy itself would have to impart skills and doctrines created over generations and adapted to the CDS's needs to the organisation on a wide scale. From the deadly dance of open-ocean underway refueling to the near-mystical intricacies of Warp navigation, it is a testament to their cooperation and professionalism of both organisations that in the first three years of CDS carrier operations, only fifteen major accidents occured a backdrop of near continuous and frenetic activity, none of them fatal for CDS personnel or those they were rescuing.

Good Service

The fruits of this investment, as great as it was, would quickly make themselves known. Four ships operating on the Warp's 'Layer 5' in 148 A.S., the industry preferred and officially mandated Layer for merchant commerce, would conduct an average of sixteen major missions every month each. Ranging from collisions to the wrath of an errent Warp Storm, such incidents in the past had proven easily fatal, but thanks to the timely arrival of rescue professionals guided by the flying eyes of the CDS's new carrier pilots these sailors more often than not made it out alive. Over a hundred sailors would be rescued directly by aircraft and aeroships flying from the three carriers' decks by years end, and the over two thousand saved across the Warp by the CDS and third-party ships providing assistance owed much of their survival to the crucial air provided by CDS patrol aircraft even if the carriers were not directly taking part.

Diplomatically, the knowledge that thousands of families across the 12 Worlds owed their loved-ones lives to the efforts of the United Commonwealth was quite the boon, and more broadly symbolised the UC's commitment to 'good-faith acting on the international stage' in a manner no other polity could match. The public credibility of the UC more broadly in the period was mostly on the uptick across the decade, with the exception of a few crises, and such visible policies as this were key in maintaining that credibility on the world stage.

In conclusion, it was with good reason that Foreign Commissioner Konrad Krantz, the United Commonwealth's senior diplomat across almost forty years, the architect of almost the entirety of the UC's modern insitution of statecraft, and the victor of three Great Wars, would refer to this particular piece of almost spontaneous policy as "one of the best things the Commonwealth had ever done for itself, and the rest of the 12 Worlds too I'd imagine."

[pheonix1t23]

https://www.thetruthseeker.co.uk/?p=275313

Since the war started, Israel has already awarded a dozen oil and gas exploration licenses in Palestine to six different Big Oil companies, including BP.

We should know by now that when both political parties in the U.S. show bipartisan support, something deeply sinister is happening behind the scenes. We should also know that when a superpower starts using human rights as a justification for their actions, there’s always an ulterior motive. Remember Saddam Hussein’s “weapons of mass destruction”?

Four years ago, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) published a report on “the unrealized potential of Palestinian oil and gas reserves.” The report estimates these reserves could generate “hundreds of billions of dollars” for whoever develops them. It also criticizes Israel for preventing Palestinians from developing those resources as a way to alleviate their massive poverty. You can read it here.

[beardedmrbean]

A Turkish firm has cut power supplies to Guinea-Bissau's capital over an unpaid bill of at least $15m (£12m), plunging the city into darkness.

It has severely disrupted daily life, with hospitals affected and radio stations off-air.

Economy Minister Suleimane Seidi acknowledged the arrears, saying most of the bill would be paid in 15 days.

Karpowership is one of the world's biggest floating power plant operators, supplying several African states.

But it has taken a tough line over non-payment. Last month, it cut power to Sierra Leone's capital, Freetown, over an unpaid bill of $40m.

The Turkish company has also signed a deal to supply power to South Africa, saying it will cover more than 5% of the country's total electricity needs.

South Africa has been hit by a wave of power cuts with people going without electricity for up to 10 hours a day.

Power was cut in Bissau, a city with a population of more than 400,000, in the early hours of Tuesday and has not been restored, a resident told the BBC.

Some public hospitals are now using generators to carry out surgery, local journalist Assana Sambu told the BBC.

But they don't have running water because there is not enough electricity, and hospital directors have appealed for power in order to cook food for their patients.

Another journalist, Alberto Dabo, said he was drinking water from a well because water supplies had been cut amid the sweltering heat which reaches 40C.

"Our houses are very hot. Most families stay outside till 4am before entering their houses to spend the rest of the night. You can't stay indoors because of the heat."

State-run Rádio Nacional is among media outlets that have stopped broadcasting, while the private radio station where Sambu works is only partially operating, he added.

Karpowership says it has been supplying 100% of Guinea-Bissau's electricity since signing a five-year agreement with the state-owned electricity and water utility company in 2019.

The country is one of the poorest in the world and has been beset by instability since independence.

"Unfortunately, following a protracted period of non-payment, our [floating power plant] is now unable to continue operating," a Karpowership spokesperson was quoted by the Reuters news agency as saying.

"We are working around the clock with officials to resolve this issue and we aim to have generation back online as soon as possible," the spokesperson added.

Energy Minister Isuf Baldé said $6m of the $15m bill had been paid.

"In a small and poor country like Guinea-Bissau, carrying out a transfer operation of this level, $10m, takes time," he said.

He added that the contract with Karpowership needed to be renegotiated because costs had almost doubled since it began, to a level Guinea-Bissau could no longer afford.

The company also supplies electricity to six other African countries - Ghana, The Gambia, Ivory Coast, Mozambique, Senegal and Sierra Leone.

The company prides itself as "the owner, operator and builder of the world's only Powership (floating power plant)".

Its involvement in the electricity sector is the latest example of Tukey's growing influence in Africa.

Although access to electricity has increased in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years, it still remains low, with more than 50% of the region's population having no grid connection, according to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (Unctad).

[allthebrazilianpolitics]

Brazil presents new climate target at COP29

Brazil’s vice president and ministers will formalize on Wednesday (13) at COP29 in Azerbaijan its most ambitious NDC target yet: a 59% to 67% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2035.

Brazil’s vice president and minister of Development, Industry, Trade and Services (Mdic, in the Portuguese acronym), Geraldo Alckmin, will formally present on Wednesday (13) the country’s new emissions reduction target for the 29th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP29) currently underway in Baku, Azerbaijan, where Alckmin is representing Brazil’s president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

Brazil has set a more ambitious net greenhouse gas emissions reduction target of between 59% and 67% by 2035. Its previous Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) pledged to slash emissions by 48% up until 2025, and by 53% up until 2030. The new commitment will be made public by the vice president and a delegation of Brazilian ministers attending COP29.

Continue reading.